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THE   LOEB   CLASSICAL   LIBRARY 

FOUNDED    BY    JAMES    LOEB,    LX,.D. 

EDITED    BY 
fT.    E.    PAGE,    C.H.,   LITT.D. 

E.  CAPPS,  PH.D.,  LL.D.  tW.  H.  D.  ROUSE,  litt.d. 

.  A.  POST,  M.A.     E.  H.  WARMINGTON,  m.a.,  f.r.hist.soc. 


LIVY 

XIII 
BOOKS  XLIII— XLV 


m^( 


LIYY 


WITH   AN  ENGLISH   TRANSLATION 
IN   FOURTEEN  VOLUMES 

XIII 
BOOKS   XLIII— XLV 

TRANSLATED    BY 

ALFRED   C.    SCHLESINGER,    Ph.D. 

ASSOCIATE  PROFESSOR  OP  CLASSICS  IN  OBERLIN  COLLEGE 


LONDON 

WILLIAM    HEINEMANN   LTD 

CAMBRIDGE,    MASSACHUSETTS 

HARVARD     UNIVERSITY     PRESS 

MCMLI 


Printed  in  Great  Britain 

V.I3 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE 

A  FULLER  report  of  the  text  is  given  in  this  vohmie 
than  in  the  immediately  preceding  volume.  The 
attempt  has  been  made  to  present  all  emendations 
subsequent  to  the  editio  pri?iceps  ;  but  a  few  repeated 
misspellings  of  proper  names  and  similarly  obvious 
corrections  are  not  reported.  A  few  of  the  emenda- 
tions of  the  princeps  have  been  included  exempli 
gratia.  The  apparatus  of  Giarratano  (Titi  Livi  Ah 
Urhe  Condita  Libri  XLI-XLF,  Rome,  1933)  has  been 
constantly  consulted,  but  not  always  followed. 

The  maps  are  intended  to  show  the  location  of  all 
places  mentioned  in  the  volume,  if  the  location  is 
known.  Kiepert's  Atlas  Antiquus  has  been  used  in 
preparing  these  maps  ;  places  not  located  by  Kiepert 
have  a  question-mark  following  the  name.  Where 
the  name  is  spelled  by  Kiepert  in  a  way  conspicuously 
different  from  the  Livy  text,  the  Kiepert  spelling 
will  be  found  in  parentheses  in  the  Index.  The  map 
of  Rome  is  taken  from  O.  Richter,  Topograpkie  der 
Stadt  Rom,  Miinchen,  Beck,  1901  (Iwan  MuUer, 
Handbuch,  III,  3),  by  kind  permission  of  the  pub- 
lishers. 

Alternative  locations  for  Oaeneum  and  Draudacum 
in    Illyria   are   shown,   to   indicate   the    conjectural 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE 

nature  of  the  locations.     The  following  places  seemed 
impossible  to  locate,  even  by  conjecture  : 


Agravonitae,  Illyria 
Ancyra,  Illyria 
Caravandis,  Illyria 
Carnuns,  Ill}Tia 
Ceremia,  Illyria 
Citium,  Mount,  Epirus 
Dassarenses,  Illyria 
Dierus,     near      Mount 
Olympus 


Durnium,  Illyria 
Horreum,  Epirus 
MarcoHca,  Spain 
Meleon,  Epirus 
Minervium,  Italy 
Papinus,  Mount,  Italy 
Pista,  Illyria 
Selepitani,  Illyria 
Sicimina,  Mount,  Italy 


CONSPECTUS   SIGLORUM 

V      =  Codex  Mndobonensis  Lat.  15,  s.  5  sive  6. 
Fr.     =  editio  Frobeniana  1531,  ed.  Grynaeus. 
Bas.  ■=  editio  Basileensis  1535,  ed.  Beatus  Rhenanus, 
Gelenius. 


Alfred  Cary  Schlesinger 


OherVui  College. 


VI 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

translator's  preface V 

boob:  xliii 1 

summary  of  book  xliii 85 

book  xliv 89 

summary  of  book  xliv 245 

BOOK   XLV 247 

sum:\iary  of  book  xlv 413 

index  of  names 415 

MAPS — 

1.  The  Mediterranean 

2.  Illyria  and  Macedonia 

3.  Northern  Greece 

4.  Southern  Greece  and  Asia  Minor 

5.  Italy 

6.  City  of  Rome 


vu 


LIVY 

FROM   THE   FOUNDING   OF   THE    CITY 

BOOK   XLIII 


VOL.  XIII. 


T.   LIVI 

AB    URBE    CONDITA 
LIBER    XLIII 

I.  Eadem  aestate  qua  in  Thessalia  haec  gesta  sunt  ^ 
.  .  ./^  legatus  in  Illyricuni  a  consule  missus  ^  opulenta 

2  duo  oppida  oppugnavit.  Ceremiam  vi  atque  *  armis 
coegit  in  deditionem ;  omniaque  iis  sua  concessit,  ut 
opinione  clementiae  eos,  qui  Carnuntem,  munitani 

3  urbem,  incolebant,  adliceret.  Postquam  nee  ut  de- 
derent  se  compellere  neque  capere  obsidendo  poterat, 
ne  duabus  oppugnationibus  nequiquam  fatigatus 
miles  esset,  quam  prius  intactam  urbem  reliquerat 
diripuit. 

4  Alter  consul  C.  Cassius  nee  in  Gallia,  quam  sortitus 
erat,  memorabile  quicquam  gessit  et  per  Ill}Ticum 
ducere    legiones    in    Macedoniam   vano    incepto   est 

5  conatus.     Ingressum  hoc  iter  consulem  senatus  ex 

^  haec  gesta  sunt  Kreyssig  :   om.  V. 

2  lacunarti  indicavii  Sigonius. 

3  a  consule  missus  Fr  :   a  cons,  omissus  V. 

*  oppugnavit.     Ceremiam  vi  atque   Weissenborn,  Madvig  : 
oppugnaiuiceremiamiuadque  V. 


^  The  name  is  lost;  perhaps  it  was  the  ex-consul  Gains 
Claudius  (cf.  XLII.  xlix.  9),  since  the  other  ex-consul.  Mucins, 
was  made  a  legatus  (XLII.  Ixvii.  9,  cf.  also  Iviii.  13). 


LIVY 

FROM   THE   FOUNDING   OF   THE   CITY 

BOOK    XLIII 

I.  During  the  same  summer  in  which  this  campaign  b.c.  i] 
was  fought  in  Thessaly,  the  staff-officer  .  .  .,^  sent 
by  the  consul  into  Illyricum,  besieged  two  rich  cities. 
Ceremia  ^  he  compelled  by  force  of  arms  to  surrender ; 
and  he  left  to  its  inhabitants  all  their  possessions,  in 
order  by  his  reputation  for  clemency  ^  to  entice  the 
dwellers  in  the  walled  city  of  Carnuns.  After  he  had 
been  unable  either  to  induce  them  to  surrender  or  to 
capture  them  by  blockade,  in  order  that  his  soldiery 
might  not  be  worn  out  by  two  sieges  and  gain 
nothing,  he  plundered  the  city  which  he  had  pre- 
viously left  untouched. 

Gains  Cassius  the  second  consul  failed  to  accomplish 
anything  of  note  in  Gaul,*  which  had  fallen  to  his  lot, 
and  made  a  vain  attempt  to  lead  his  legions  through 
Illyricum  into  Macedonia.  The  consul's  venture  on 
this  journey  became  known  to  the  senate  through  an 

^  The  name  is  uncertain,  and  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere ; 
the  location  of  the  town  can  only  be  conjectured. 

^  The  usual  practice  was  to  plunder  a  city  which  had  been 
stormed,  and  spare  one  which  surrendered  (XXXVII.  xxxii. 
12). 

*  The  active  sector  of  his  province  of  Italy  (XLII.  xxxii.  4). 


LI\Tf 

Aquileiensium  leo-atis  cognovit,  qui  querentes  coloniam 
suam  novam  et  infirmani  necdum  satis  munitam  inter 

6  infestas  nationes  Histrorum  et  Illyriorum  esse,  cum 
peterent  ut  senatus  curae  haberet  quomodo  ea  colonia 
muniretur,  interrog-ati,  vellentne  earn  rem  C.  Cassio 

7  consuli  mandari,  responderunt  Cassium  Aquileiam 
indicto  exercitu  profectum  per  Illyricum  in  Macedo- 
niam  esse.^  Ea  res  primo  incredibilis  visa,  et  pro  se 
quisque  credere  Carnis  forsitan  aut  Histris  helium 

8  illatum.  Tum  Aquileienses  :  nihil  se  ultra  scire  nee 
audere  adfirmare,  quam  triginta  dierum  frumentum 
militi  datum  et  duces  qui  ex  Italia  itinera  in  Macedo- 

9  niam  nossent  conquisitos  abductosque.  Enimvero 
senatus  indignari  tantum  consulem  ausum,  ut  suam 
provinciam  relinqueret,  in  alienam  transiret,  exer- 
citum  novo  periculoso  itinere  inter  exteras  gentes  ^ 
duceret,    viam  tot  nationibus    in  Italiam  aperiret.^ 

10  Decernunt  frequentes  ut  C.  Sulpicius  praetor  tris  ex 
senatu  nominet  legatos,  qui  eo  die  proficiscantur  ex 
urbe  et,  quantum  adcelerare  possint,"*  Cassium  con- 

11  sulem,  ubicumque  sit,  persequantur ;  nuntient  ne 
bellum  cum  ulla  gente  moveat,  nisi  cum  qua  senatus 

^  esse  Fr  :    se  V. 

2  exteras  gentes  Fr  :    ceterasgetes  F. 

^  duceret  .  .  .  aperiret  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  ducere  .  .  . 
aperire  V. 

*  possint  Madvig  :    possent  V. 

^  It  had  been  founded  ten  years  before,  of.  XL.  xxxiv.  2. 

2  Cassius  would  either  have  had  to  traverse  uninterruptedly 
mountainous  country,  as  he  followed  the  coast,  or  to  go  far 
inland,  approximately  to  the  line  of  the  modern  railway  to 
Saloniki,  as  Philip  planned  for  the  Bastamae;  but  these 
would  have  been  aided  by  friendly  tribes,  whereas  Cassius 
would  have  been  beyond  aid.     The  Romans  had  always  used 


BOOK   XLIII.  I.  5-II 

embassy  from  Aquileia,  which  complained  that  their  b.c.  171 
colony  was  new  ^  and  weak  and  had  been  as  yet  in- 
sufficiently fortified  against  the  surrounding  hostile 
tribes  of  Histrians  and  Illyrians  ;  on  their  requesting 
that  the  senate  should  concern  itself  with  means  for 
fortifying  this  colony,  they  were  asked  if  they  wished 
this  matter  to  be  entrusted  to  Gains  Cassius  the 
consul,  but  replied  that  Cassius,  having  mustered  his 
army  at  Aquileia,  had  set  out  through  Illyricum  for 
Macedonia.  This  report  seemed  unbelievable  at 
first,  and  the  senators  each  thought  to  himself  that 
perhaps  a  campaign  against  the  Carnians  or  Histrians 
had  been  begun.  Then  the  envoys  from  Aquileia 
said  that  they  knew  and  dared  assert  nothing  more 
than  that  thirty  days'  grain  had  been  issued  to  the 
soldiery,  and  that  guides  who  knew  the  roads  from 
Italy  into  Macedonia  had  been  sought  out  and  taken 
along.  Then  indeed  the  senate  was  incensed  that 
the  consul  had  such  effrontery  as  to  leave  his  own 
district,  trespass  upon  his  colleague's,  lead  his  army 
by  a  dangerous,  untried  route  ^  among  foreign  peoples, 
and  leave  open  to  so  many  tribes  the  way  into  Italy .^ 
A  full  senate  decreed  that  the  praetor  Gains  Sulpicius 
should  name  three  envoys  from  among  the  senators, 
who  should  that  very  day  set  out  from  the  city  and 
with  all  possible  speed  overtake  the  consul  Cassius, 
wherever  he  might  be ;  they  were  to  declare  to  him 
that  he  must  not  engage  in  war  with  any  people  unless 

the  short  sea-route  from  Brundisium  to  Illyricum  and  Greece, 
little  as  they  liked  seafaring. 

^  The  most  recent  threat  from  this  direction  had  been  in 
186-183  B.C.,  cf.  XXXIX.  xxii.  6,  xlv.  6-7,  liv,  though  the 
Transalpine  Gauls  who  had  moved  in  near  Aquileia  had  acted 
peaceably  enough.  Cf.  the  plans  of  Philip  for  an  invasion  of 
Italy  by  the  Bastarnae,  XL.  Ivii. 

5 


LIVY 

12  gerendum  censuerit.^  Legati  hi  profecti  M.  Cor- 
nelius Cethegus,  M.  Fulvius,  P.  Marcius  Rex.  Metus 
de  consule  atque  exercitu  distulit  eo  tempore  muni- 
endae  Aquileiae  curam. 

II.  Hispaniae     deinde     utriusque     legati     aliquot 

2  populorum  in  senatum  -  introducti.  li  de  magistra- 
tuum  ^  Romanorum  avaritia  superbiaque  conquesti, 
nixi  genibus  ab  senatu  petierunt  ne  se  socios  foedius 

3  spoliari  vexarique  quam  hostes  *  patiantur.  Cum  et 
alia  indigna  quererentur,  manifestum  autem  esset 
pecunias  captas,  L.  Canuleio  praetori,  qui  Hispaniam 
sortitus  erat,  negotium  datum  est  ut  in  singulos,  a 
quibus  Hispani  pecunias  repeterent,  quinos  recu- 
peratores  ^  ex    ordine   senatorio  daret    patronosque 

4  quos  vellent  sumendi  potestatem  faceret.  Vocatis 
in  curiam  legatis  recitatum  est  senatus  consultum, 

5  iussique  nominare  patronos.     Quattuor  nominaver- 

^  censuerit  /.  Perizonius  :    censuerant  V. 

2  sena.tnm  Sigoni us  :    senatu  V. 

3  li  de  magistratmim  Fr  :    idemmagistratuum  V. 
*  hostes  Fr  :   hostiis  F. 

°  recuperatores  Fr  :    recuperarent  V. 


1  Strictly  speaking,  both  the  senate  and  the  people  had  to 
approve  the  undertaTcing  of  a  war ;  cf .  the  condemnations  of 
similar  unauthorized  foravs  in  XXXVIII.  xlv.  5  and  XLI. 
vii.  7-8. 

6 


BOOK   XLIII.  I.  ii-ii.  5 

the  senate   had  determined  on  war  agamst  them.^  b.c.  171 
The   following    envoys   set   out:     Marcus    Cornelius 
Cethegus,    Marcus    Fulvius,   Publius    Marcius    Rex. 
Fear  for  the  consul  and  his  army  displaced  for  the 
present  any  consideration  of  fortifying  Aquileia. 

11.  Next,  envoys  of  several  peoples  from  each  of 
the  Spains  were  presented  to  the  senate.  After 
complaining  of  the  greed  and  arrogance  of  Roman 
officials,^  they  begged  of  the  senate  on  bended  knees 
that  it  would  not  permit  them,  its  allies,  to  be  more 
wretchedly  despoiled  and  harassed  than  its  enemies. 
Since  they  complained  of  other  acts  of  injustice  also 
and  it  was  in  fact  obvious  that  money  had  been 
extorted,  the  task  was  assigned  to  the  praetor 
Lucius  Canuleius,  to  whom  Spain  ^  had  been  allotted, 
to  assign  for  each  man,  from  whom  the  Spaniards 
were  seeking  to  recover  money,  five  judges  *  of 
senatorial  rank  and  to  permit  the  Spaniards  to  choose 
any  advocates  they  might  wish.  The  decree  of  the 
senate  was  read  to  the  envoys,  who  had  been  sum- 
moned to  the  senate-house,  and  they  were  ordered 
to  name  their  advocates.     They  named  four,  Marcus 

2  On  the  overbearing  attitude  of  Roman  officials  at  this 
time,  cf.  below,  vii-viii. 

3  The  two  provinces  recognized  in  197  b.c.  (XXXII.  xxviii. 
11  and  the  note)  were  combined  during  this  war  in  order  to 
leave  one  praetor  free  to  command  the  fleet  (171  B.C.,  XLII. 
xxxi.  9;  presumably  in  170;  168,  XLIV.  xvii.  9;  in  167,  the 
two  provinces  were  again  separated,  XLV.  xvi.  1). 

^  Sometimes  such  a  board  was  chosen  by  the  parties  to  the 
case,  either  from  their  own  number,  or  from  a  panel  proposed 
by  the  magistrate  in  charge,  but  several  inscriptions  {e.g., 
C.I.L.^  I.  585,  p.  460.  xxxiv)  mention  choice  of  the  arbiters  by 
the  magistrate.  Recifperaiores  (literally  "  recoverers  ")  were 
usually  concerned  with  a  claim  involving  Romans  vs.  foreigners. 
As  foreigners,  the  Spaniards  had  to  be  represented  by  Roman 
advocates. 

7 


unt,    M.    Porcium   Catonem.    P.    Cornelium    Cn.    F. 
Scipionem.  L.  Aemilium  L.  F.  Paulum.^  C.  Sulpicium 

6  Galium.  Cum  M.  Titinio  primum.  qui  praetor  A. 
Manlio  M.  lunio  consulibus  in  citeriore  Hispania 
fuerat,  recuperatores  sumpserunt.     Bis  ^  ampliatus, 

7  tertio  absolutus  est  reus.  Dissensio  inter  duarum 
provinciarum  legates  est  orta  ^  ;  citerioris  Hispaniae 
populi  M.  Catonem  et  P.*  Scipionem,  ulterioris  L. 
Paulum  et  Galium  Sulpicium  patronos  sumpserunt. 

8  Ad  recuperatores  adducti  a  citerioribus  populis  P. 

9  Furius  Philus,  ab  ulterioribus  M.  Matienus ;  ille  Sp. 
Postumio  Q.  Mucio  consulibus  triennio  ante,  hie 
biennio  -^  prius  L.  Postumio  M.^  Popilio  consulibus 

10  praetor  fuerat.  Gravissimis  criminibus  accusati  ambo 
ampliatique ;  cum  dicenda  de  integro  causa  esset, 
excusati  "^  exilii  causa  solum  vertisse.     Furius  Prae- 

11  neste.    Matienus   Tibur   exulatum   abierunt.     Fama 

^  Scipionem,  L.  Aemilium  L.  F.  Paulum  Pighius  :    scipiol. 
aemiliumin.  paulu  T'. 

2  bis  Fr  :    vis  V. 

3  est  orta  Fr  :    estora  V. 

^  P.  add.  H.  J.  Muller  :   om.  V. 
^  hie  biemiio  Fr  :    hincuiennio  I'. 
«  M.  Fr :    C.  V. 
'  excusati  Fr  :   excusatio  T'. 


^  He  had  benefited  the  province  in  195  B.C.  by  establishing 
order  and  developing  mining,  cf.  XXXIV.  xxi.  A  speech 
in  this  case  seems  to  have  been  once  extant  under  the  title 
Pro  Hispanis  de  fruniento  (Charisius  II.  198.  224  Keil)  in  which 
Cato  attacked  Publius  Furius  Philus,  praetor  of  Nearer  Spain 
in  174  B.C.  (XLI.  xxi.  3,  cf.  below,  8)  for  unjust  valuation  of 
grain  received  as  tribute  (Asconius  on  Cicero  Divinatio  in 
M.  Caeciliam  66,  Cato  accusavil  ...  P.  Furium  pro  iisdem 
{Lusitanis)  propter  iniqvAssimam  ae-stimationem  frumenti),  cf. 
below,  12. 

8 


BOOK   XLIII.  II.  5-II 

Porcius  Cato,^  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  son  of  Gnaeus,  b.c.  171 
Lucius .  Aemilius  Paulus  son  of  Lucius,^  and  Gaius 
Sulpicius  Gallus.  The  case  of  Marcus  Titinius,  who 
had  been  praetor  in  Nearer  Spain  during  the  consul- 
ship of  Aulus  Manlius  and  Marcus  Junius,^  was  first 
taken  up  by  a  board  of  judges.*  The  trial  was  twice 
adjourned,  and  at  the  third  session  the  defendant 
was  acquitted.  A  dispute  arose  between  the  envoys 
of  the  two  provinces ;  the  peoples  of  Nearer  Spain 
chose  as  advocates  Marcus  Cato  and  Publius  Scipio, 
those  of  Farther  Spain  took  Lucius  Paulus  and 
Sulpicius  Gallus.  There  were  brought  before  judges 
by  the  peoples  of  the  nearer  province  Publius  Furius 
Philus,  by  those  of  the  farther  province  Marcus 
Matienus  ^ ;  the  former  had  been  praetor  three 
years  before,  in  the  consulship  of  Spurius  Postumius 
and  Quintus  Mucius,  the  latter  had  served  two  years 
before,  when  Lucius  Postumius  and  Marcus  Popilius 
were  consuls.  Both  were  accused  on  most  serious 
charges  and  the  cases  were  adjourned;  when  the 
time  came  for  a  fresh  trial,  the  defence  reported  that 
they  had  left  Roman  territory  to  go  into  exile. 
Furius  went  for  his  exile  to  Praeneste,  Matienus  to 

2  Scipio  had  been  praetor  in  Farther  Spain  in  193  b.c. 
(XXXIV.  xliii.  7  records  his  assignment,  XXXV.  i.  3-12,  his 
exploits),  and  Paulus  had  been  praetor  of  Farther  Spain  in 
190  B.C.  (his  assignment  in  XXXVI.  ii.  6;  his  activities, 
XXXVII.  Ivii.  5-6). 

3  In  178  B.C.;  Titinius  was  also  in  Spain  the  following  two 
years  (XLI.  ix.  3,  xr.  11,  xxvi.  1).  A  namesake  was  City 
Praetor  in  178. 

^  This  is  the  earliest  known  trial  of  an  official  thus  accused 
by  provincials;  previous  complaints  of  like  nature  (cf.  XXIX. 
xvi-xix,  XXXIX.  iii.  1-3,  below,  v)  had  been  adjusted  by  the 
senate  directly,  or  through  the  consuls. 

5  Cf.  XLI.  xxviii.  5,  where  the  first  name  is  given  as  Gaius. 


LIVY 

A-.^-c.  erat  prohiberi  a  patronis  nobiles  ac  potentes  compel- 
lare  ;  auxitque  ^  earn  siispicionem  Canuleius  praetor, 
quod  omissa  ea  re  dilectum  habere  instituit,  dein 
repente  in  provinciam  abiit,.  ne  -  plures  ab  Hispanis 
12  vexarentur.  Ita  praeteritis  silentio  obliteratis  in 
futurum  tamen  consultum  ab  ^  senatu  Hispanis, 
quod  impetrarunt,  ne  frumenti  aestimationem  magi- 
stratus  Romanus  haberet  neve  cogeret  vicensimas 
vendere  Hispanos,  quanti  ipse  vellet,*  et  ne  praefecti 
in  oppida  sua  ad  pecunias  cogendas  imponerentur, 
III.  Et  alia  novi  generis  hominum  ex  Hispania  le- 

2  gatio  venit.  Ex  militibus  Romanis  et  ex  Hispanis 
mulieribus,  cum  quibus  conubium  non  esset,  natos  se 
memorantes,  supra  quattuor  milia  hominum. orabant  ^ 

3  ut  sibi  oppidum  in  quo  habitarent  daretur.  Senatus 
decrevitj  uti  nomina  sua  apud  L.  Canuleium  profi- 
terentur    eorumque,    si    quos    manumisissent,^    eos 

^  auxitque  earn  Fr  :   auxiadque  I'  :  atque  auxit  Hartel. 

2  abiit,  ne  Fr  :  abitiaere  T'. 

3  tamen  consultum  ab  Kreys-ng  :    consultamentumab  V. 

*  Hispanos,  quanti  ipse  vellet  Fr  :  hispancnisquantiipse- 
vellent  I'. 

'"  hominum  orabant  Fr  :    hominumexhispaniaorabant  V. 

^  manumisissent  Madvig  :  manumissent  V  :  manumisisset 
Fr. 

1  Polybius  VI.  xiv.  7  mentions  these  towns  and  Naples  as 
asyla  for  exiles,  and  praises  as  a  form  of  Roman  moderation 
the  institution  of  voluntary  exile.  In  these  private  suits  the 
exile  was  apparently  not  made  official  by  the  "  ban  of  fire  and 
water,"  as  in  cases  jjrosecuted  by  the  state,  cf.  XXVI.  iii.  12. 
Exiles  automatically  surrendered  their  Roman  citizenship  and 
took  up  that  of  the  town  in  which  they  took  refuge. 

2  Roman  officials  are  forbidden  to  demand  an  arbitrary 
money-equivalent  for  grain  furnished  them,  perhaps  for  their 
own  use  and  that  of  their  army ;  nor  are  they  arbitrarily  to 
set  the  price  paid  for  the  grain  which  the  Spaniards  were 
required  to  sell  to  the  Romans,  in  order  to  help  maintain  the 
lO 


BOOK  XLIII.  II.  ii-iii.  3 

Tibur.i  There  was  a  rumour  that  the  advocates 
would  not  allow  accusations  against  men  of  rank  and 
influence  ;  this  suspicion  was  increased  by  Canuleius 
the  praetor,  who  gave  up  this  investigation,  began 
to  hold  a  levy,  and  then  suddenly  left  for  his  province, 
so  that  no  more  men  should  be  assailed  by  the 
Spaniards.  Though  bygones  were  thus  shrouded  in 
silence,  the  senate  voted  for  the  future  what  the 
Spaniards  had  requested — that  a  Roman  official 
should  not  set  the  price  for  grain,  nor  compel  the 
Spaniards  to  sell  their  five-per-cent  quotas  ^  at  the 
price  he  wished,  and  that  no  officers  should  be  placed 
over  their  towns  to  collect  money. 

Ill,  Another  embassy,  also  from  Spain,  of  a  novel 
class  of  people,  arrived.  Stating  that  they  were  the 
children  of  Roman  soldiers  and  of  Spanish  women, 
between  whom  legal  marriage  could  not  exist,^  and 
that  they  numbered  over  four  thousand  souls,  they 
asked  that  a  town  be  given  them  in  which  to  live. 
The  senate  decreed  that  they  should  declare  before 
Lucius  Canuleius  the  praetor  their  own  names  and 
the  names  of  any  slaves  they  might  have  set  free, 

flow  of  grain  to  Italy.  Whereas  in  Sicily  tithes  of  grain  con- 
stituted a  tax  traditional  in  the  region  and  continued  by  the 
Romans,  in  Spain  the  tax  {stipendium)  paid  to  the  Romans  as 
overlords  seems  to  have  been  in  money,  or  perhaps  in  precious 
metals ;  the  twentieths  here  mentioned  were  not  a  tax,  but  a 
compulsory  sale,  like  the  second  tithe  which  might  on  occasion 
be  required  of  Sicily.  The  size  of  the  quota  perhaps  reflects 
the  lesser  fertility  of  Spain.  Special  levies  of  money  and  grain 
from  Spain  are  mentioned  in  XXIX.  iii.  5  (a  punitive  levy), 
XXX.  iii.  2  (a  war-levy  for  the  army  in  Africa)  and  XXX. 
xxvi.  6  (perhaps  the  regular  tax). 

^  Children  of  such  unrecognized  marriages  were  not  illegiti- 
mate in  the  modern  sense,  but  had  the  mother's  status,  so  that 
these  people  were  legally  Spaniards. 

II 


A.u.c.  4  Carteiam  ad  Oceanum  deduci  placere  ;  qui  Cartei- 
ensium  domi  manere  vellent,  potestatem  fieri,  uti 
numero  colonorum  essent,  agro  adsignato.  Latinam 
earn  coloniam  esse  ^  libertinorumque  appellari, 

5  Eodem  tempore  ex  Africa  et  Gulussa  regulus,  Ma- 
sinissae    filius,^    legatus    patris,    et    Carthaginienses 

6  venerunt.  Gulussa  prior  in  senatum  introductus  et 
quae  missa  erant  ad  bellum  Macedonicum  a  patre 
suo  exposuit :  et  si  qua  praeterea  vellent  imperare  ^ 
praestaturum  merito  populi  Romani  est  pollicitus, 
et  monuit  patres  conscriptos  ut  a  fraude  Cartha^i- 

7  niensium  caverent :  classis  eos  magnae  parandae 
consilium  cepisse,*  specie  pro  Romanis  et  adversus 
Macedonas ;  ubi  ea  ^  parata  instructaque  esset,  ip- 
sorum  fore  potestatis,  quem  hostem  aut  socium 
habeant.     Hanc  iniec  .  .  .^ 

^  esse  J.  F.  Gronoviu-s  :   fuisse  T^. 

^  Gulussa    regulus,    ]\Iasinis.sae    filius    Kreyssig :     gulussa- 
maisinissaeregulusfilius  V  :   G.,  M.  regis  filius  Fr. 
^  imperare  Fr  :   imperarent  V. 

*  cepisse  Fr  :   coepisse  1\ 

°  Macedonas;   ubi  ea  i'r  :   macedoniasubea  F. 
®  ^^  fortas.se  supflendum  Hanc  iniectam  patribus  curam  '' — 
Weissenhorn-Muller;   desunt  4  quaterniones. 

^  Carteia  was  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Algeciras,  just  west 
of  Gibraltar. 

2  I.e.,  they  might  not  keep  their  former  land,  but  must  take 
a  share  along  with  the  newcomers. 

^  This  was  the  first  colony  outside  of  the  Italian  peninsula 
to  be  given  Latin  rights ;  it  was,  in  legal  theory,  an  autonomous 
alh'  of  Eome,  whose  citizens  had  the  rights  of  trade  and  inter- 
marriage with  Romans. 

*  The  pre\-ious  story  of  the  boundary  dispute  between  these 
parties  is  told  in  XLII.  xxiii-xxiv. 

5  As  related  in  XLII.  Ixii.  2,  Ixv.  12-14,  Ixvii.  8. 
®  The  Carthaginians  had  been  left  with  only  ten  triremes 
(the  cruisers  of  this  period)  at  the  end  of  the  Second  Punic 

12 


BOOK  XLIIL  HI.  3-7 

and  that  it  was  the  pleasure  of  the  senate  that  these  b.c.  I7i 
people  should  be  settled  at  Carteia  near  the  Ocean  ;  ^ 
any  present  inhabitants  of  Carteia  who  wished  to 
remain  at  home  would  have  the  opportunity  to  be 
members  of  the  colony,  but  on  assigned  land.^  This 
colony  was  to  have  Latin  rights  ^  and  to  be  called 
the  freedmen's  colony. 

At  the  same  time  there  came  from  Africa  both 
Prince  Gulussa,  the  son  of  Masinissa,  as  ambassador 
for  his  father,  and  Carthaginian  envoys.*  Gulussa 
was  presented  to  the  senate  first,  and  set  forth  what 
supplies  had  been  sent  by  his  father  for  the  Macedo- 
nian campaign  ^ ;  he  also  promised  that  if  they 
wished  to  order  anything  further,  his  father  would 
furnish  it,  as  due  return  to  the  Roman  people,  and  he 
warned  the  senators  to  beware  of  treachery  from 
the  Carthaginians ;  they  had  adopted  the  plan,  he 
added,  of  preparing  a  large  fleet, ^  ostensibly  for  the 
Romans  and  against  the  Macedonians ;  when  this 
fleet  should  be  ready  and  equipped,  the  Carthaginians 
would  be  free  to  decide  for  themselves  who  should 
be  considered  an  enemy  or  who  an  ally.  The  in- 
stilling of  this  [suspicion  caused  the  senate]  .  .  .'' 

War  (XXX.  xxxvii.  3);  the  treaty  did  not  expressly  forbid 
the  rebuilding  of  the  fleet,  but  the  Romans  would  no  doubt 
have  prevented  such  action,  except  for  the  reason  here  alleged 
by  the  Carthaginians ;  on  naval  help  to  Rome  by  the  Cartha- 
ginians, cf.  XXXVI.  xlii.  2  and  XLII.  Ivi.  6. 

^  Four  quaternions  are  lost  from  the  MS.  at  this  point.  The 
following  matters  were  treated  :  the  outcome  of  the  dispute 
between  Masinissa  and  Carthage;  the  choice  of  magistrates 
and  their  provinces  for  170  B.C. — the  consuls  were  Aulus 
Hostilius  Mancinus  for  Macedonia  and  Aulus  Atilius  Serranus 
for  Italy  (cf.  below),  while  the  praetor  Lucius  Hortensius 
received  the  fleet ;  the  mistreatment  of  Coronea  by  Licinius 
(cf.  below,  iv.  5  and  11,  and  the  Summary);  the  defeat  of  the 

13 


LR-Y 

A.r.c.  IV.  .  .  .  tis    tantum    exinde    pavorem  ^    ingressi 

'^^^  castra,  ostentantes  capita,  fecerunt,  ut,  si  admotus 

extemplo    exercitus    foret,    capi    castra    potuerint. 

2  Turn  quoque  fuga  ingens  facta  est :  et  erant  qui 
legates  mittendos  ad  pacem  precibus  petendam  cen- 
serent ;    civitatesque  complures  eo  nuntio  audito  in 

3  deditionem  venerunt.  Quibus  purgantibus  sese 
culpamque  in  duorum  amentiam  conferentibus,  qui 

4  se  ultro  ad  poenam  ipsi  obtulissent,  cum  veniani 
dedisset  praetor,  profectus  extemplo  ad  alias  civitates 
omnibus  imperata  facientibus  quieto  exercitu  paca- 
tum  agrum,  qui  paulo  ante  ingenti  tumultu  arserat, 

5  peragravit.  Haec  lenitas  praetoris,  qua  sine  san- 
guine ferocissimam  gentem  domuerat,  eo  gratior 
plebi  patribusque  fuit,  quo  crudelius  avariusque  in 
Graecia  bellatum  et  ab  consule  Licinio  et  ab  Lucretio 

6  praetore  erat.  Lucretium  tribuni  plebis  absentem 
contionibus  adsiduis  lacerabant,  cum  rei  publicae 
causa  abesse  excusaretur  ;  sed  tum  adeo  vicina  etiam 
inexplorata  erant  ut  is  eo  tempore  in  agro  suo  Antiati 
esset  aquamque  ^  ex  manubiis  Antium  ex  flumxine 

^  exinde  Kreyssig,  pavorem  Fr:  extitit  pavor  F;  ex 
fiducia  pavorem  M.  MiiUer;  coniectarara  Kreyssigii  non 
recipiunt  edd. 

^  aquamque  Fr  :    quamque  V. 

praetor  Lucretius  at  Oreiis  (Plutarch,  Aemilius  Paullus  ix); 
the  secession  of  the  Epirotes  and  Hostilius'  narrow  escape 
from  them  (cf.  below,  xxi.  4,  Polybius  XXVII.  13-14,  Diodorus 
XXX.  5);  Hostilius'  unsuccessful  campaign  (cf.  XLIV.  ii.  6 
and  xxxvi.  10) ;  Macedonian  successes  against  the  Dardani  and 
IlhTians  (cf.  below,  xix.  14,  the  Summary,  and  Orosius  iv. 
20) ;  and  the  flare-up  in  Spain  (cf.  the  Summary),  the  account 
of  which  comes  to  a  conclusion  as  the  text  resumes. 

14 


BOOK  XLIII.  IV.  1-6 

IV.  .  .  .  they  thereafter  ^  caused  such  terror  as  b. 
they  entered  the  camp,  displaying  the  heads,  that 
if  the  army  had  been  brought  up  at  once,  the  camp 
might  have  been  taken.  Even  as  it  was,  a  great 
panic  took  place,  and  there  were  those  who  advised 
sending  envoys  to  beg  for  peace;  many  cities,  too, 
on  hearing  this  news,  offered  themselves  in  surrender. 
These  cities  cleared  themselves  and  placed  the  blame 
on  the  folly  of  two  men  ^  who  had  of  their  own  accord 
gone  to  meet  their  punishment,  and  the  praetor, 
having  accepted  these  excuses,  set  out  at  once  for 
the  other  cities  and,  since  everybody  obeyed  his 
commands,  passed  without  using  his  army  through  a 
region,  now  peaceful,  which  shortly  before  had  been 
aflame  with  a  huge  uprising.  This  clemency  of  the 
praetor,  whereby  without  bloodshed  he  had  tamed 
a  very  war-like  people,  was  the  more  pleasing  to  the 
Roman  commons  and  the  Fathers  because  the  cam- 
paign in  Greece  had  been  conducted  with  too  much 
cruelty  and  greed  by  both  the  consul  Licinius  and 
Lucretius  the  praetor.  Lucretius  was  assailed  in  his 
absence  by  the  tribunes  of  the  people  in  meeting 
after  meeting,  although  it  was  stated  in  his  behalf 
that  he  was  absent  in  the  service  of  the  state ;  but 
in  that  day  even  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city  was 
such  unknown  territory  that  he  was  at  that  time 
on  his  estate  at  Antium  ^  and  was  engaged  in  bring- 
ing water  to  Antium  from  the  River  Loracina  *  at  the 

1  "  thereafter  "  is  a  conjecture  not  usually  accepted  by 
editors.  The  "  heads  "  evidently  belonged  to  two  leaders  of 
the  revolt ;  those  who  brought  them  to  the  Spanish  camp  may 
have  been  released  prisoners. 

^  Olonicus  was  the  chief  rebel,  according  to  the  Summary. 

^  Less  than  35  miles  from  Rome. 

*  A  small  stream  east  of  the  city. 

15 


LIVY 

7  Loracinae  duceret.  Id  opus  centum  triginta  milibus 
aeris  locasse  dicitur ;  tabulis  quoque  pictis  ex  praeda 

8  fanum  Aesculapi  exornavit.  Invidiam  infamiamque 
ab  Lucretio  averterunt  ^  in  Hortensium,  successorem 
eius,  Abderitae  legati  flentes  ante  curiam  queren- 
tesque  oppidum  suum  ab  Hortensio  expugnatum  ac 

9  direptum  esse  :  causum  excidii  fuisse  urbi,  quod,  cum 
centum  milia  denarium  et  tritici  quinquaginta  miUa 
modium  imperaret,^  spatium  petierint,  quo  de  ea  re 
et    ad    Hostilium    consulem    et    Romam    mitterent 

10  legatos.  Mxdum  ad  consulem  se  pervenisse  et 
audisse  oppidum  expugnatum,  principes  securi  per- 
il cussos,  sub  corona  ceteros  venisse.^  Indigna  res 
senatui  ^  visa,  decreveruntque  eadem  de  Abderitis, 
quae  de  Coronaeis  ^  decreverant  priore  anno,  ea- 
demque  pro  contione  edicere  Q.  Maenium  praetorem 

12  iusserunt.  Et  legati  duo,  C.  Sempronius  Blaesus 
Sex.     lulius  Caesar,  ad  restituendos   in  libertatem 

13  Abderitas  missi.  lisdem  mandatum,  ut  et  Hostilio 
consuli  et  Hortensio  praetori  nuntiarent,  senatum  ^ 
Abderitis  iniustum  bellum  illatum  conquirique  omnes, 

^  averterunt  Fr  :   averterent  V. 
2  imperaret  Fr  :   impetraret  V. 

^  sub  corona  ceteros  venisse.  Fr :  coronasubceteros- 
venisseetaudisse  V. 

^  Indigna  res  senatui  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    indignesenatui  V. 

5  quae  de  Coronaeis  Fr  :    quecoroneis  V. 

^  nuntiarent,  senatum  Fr  :   nuntiarentsenatununtiarent  V. 

1  According  to  Valerius  Maximus  I.  viii.  2  this  temple  was 
earlier  than  that  of  Aesculapius  at  Rome. 

2  Abdera  was  apparently  a  free  ally  of  Rome. 

3  This  city  of  Boeotia,  an  opponent  of  Rome,  cf.  XLII. 
xliv.  4,  Ixiii.  3,  had  been  severely  handled  by  the  consul 
Licinius,  cf.  above,  sec.  5,  and  the  Summary,  also  Zonaras 
9.  22.  Liv^-'s  account  of  the  event  has  been  lost,  cf.  above, 
p.  13,  n.  7. ' 

l6 


BOOK  XLIII.  IV.  6-13 

cost  of  his  spoils.  He  is  said  to  have  let  the  contract  i 
for  this  work  at  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
asses;  he  also  decorated  with  paintings  from  the 
booty  the  temple  of  Aesculapius.^  Disapprobation 
and  disgrace  were  diverted  from  Lucretius  to  Hor- 
tensius,  his  successor,  by  envoys  from  Abdera,^  who 
wept  before  the  senate-house  and  complained  that 
their  city  had  been  stormed  and  plundered  by  Hor- 
tensius ;  the  reason  for  the  destruction  of  the  city 
had  been,  they  said,  that  when  the  praetor  had 
ordered  a  hundred  thousand  denarii  and  fifty  thousand 
pecks  of  wheat,  they  had  asked  for  a  stay,  during 
which  they  might  send  envoys  about  the  matter  to 
the  consul  Hostilius  and  to  Rome.  Hardly  had  they 
come  to  the  consul  when  they  heard  that  their  town 
had  been  stormed,  their  leading  men  beheaded 
with  the  axe,  and  the  rest  sold  at  auction.  This 
seemed  to  the  senate  a  disgraceful  occurrence,  and 
they  issued  the  same  decree  about  the  people  of 
Abdera  which  they  had  issued  the  preceding  year 
about  the  people  of  Coronea,^  and  instructed  Quintus 
Maenius  the  praetor  *  to  make  a  similar  proclamation 
before  an  assembly.  Furthermore,  two  envoys, 
Gaius  Sempronius  Blaesus  and  Sextus  Julius  Caesar, 
were  sent  to  restore  the  people  of  Abdera  to  freedom. 
To  these  same  envoys  instructions  were  given  to 
inform  both  Hostilius  the  consul  and  Hortensius  the 
praetor  that  the  senate  had  resolved  that  an  im- 
proper war  had  been  undertaken  against  the  people 
of  Abdera,  and  that  it  was  just  that  all  who  were 

*  Apparently  the  praetor  in  charge  of  aliens  (peregrinus), 
since  in  ch.  vi.  10  he  receives  the  Lampsacenes  as  allies ;  the 
city  praetor,  Marcus  Raecius,  was  absent,  cf.  below,  ix.  6  and 
the  note. 

17 


LRT 

qui  in  servitute  sint,  et  restitui  in  libertatem  aequum 
censere, 

V.  Eodem  tempore  de  C.  Cassio.  qui  consul  priore 
anno  fuerat,  turn  tribunus  militum  ^  in  Macedonia 
cum  A.  Hostilio  erat,  querellae  ad  senatum  delatae 
sunt,   et  legati  regis   Gallorum  Cincibili   venerunt.^ 

2  Frater  eius  verba  in  senatu  fecit  questus  Alpinorum 
populorum  agros,  sociorum  suorum,  depopulatum  C. 
Cassium  ^    esse    et   inde    multa   milia   hominum   in 

3  servitutem  abripuisse.  Sub  idem  *  tempus  Camorum 
Histrorumque  et  lapydum  ^  legati  venerunt  :  duces 
sibi  ab  consule  Cassio  primum  imperatos,  qui  in 
Macedonian!   ducenti    exercitum   iter   monstrarent ; 

4  pacatum  ab  se  tamquam  ad  aliud  bellum  ^  gerendum 
abisse.  Inde  ex  medio  regressum  itinere  hostiliter 
peragrasse  '  fines  suos ;  caedes  ^  passim  rapinasque 
et  incendia  facta  ;  nee  se  ad  id  locorum  scire,  propter 
quam    causam    consuli    pro    hostibus    fuerint.     Et 

5  regulo  Gallorum  absenti  et  his  populis  responsum 
est  senatum  ea  quae  facta  querantur,  neque  scisse 
futura,  neque,  si  sint  facta,  probare.  Sed  indicta 
causa  damnari  absentem  consularem  virum  iniurium 

6  esse,  cum  is  rei  publicae  causa  absit ;  ubi  ex  Mace- 
donia redisset  C.  Cassius,  turn,  si  coram  eum  arguere 

1  turn  tribunus  militum  Fr  :   cumtribunismilitibus  V. 

2  venerunt  Fr  :   tenuerunt  V. 

3  depopulatum  C.  Cassium  Fr  :   depopulorumc.  cassius  V. 
■*  idem  Kjeys-sig  :   id  T. 

^  et  lapydum  Fr  :   pydum  V. 

^  aliud  bellum  I  r  :    aliudidbellum  V. 

'  ex  medio  regressum  itinere  hostiliter  peragrasse  Fr : 
exmediocregressumhostiliteritinereperagrasse  V. 

8  caedes  Kreyssig  :   duces  V. 
i8 


BOOK  XLIII.  IV.  13-V.  6 

enslaved    should    be    sought    out    and    restored    to  b.c.  17c 
freedom. 

V.  At  this  same  time  complaints  were  made  to  the 
senate  about  Gains  Cassius,  who  had  been  consul  the 
year  before  and  was  then  a  tribune  of  the  soldiers  ^ 
in  Macedonia  with  Aulus  Hostilius,  and  envoys  of 
Cincibilus,  a  king  of  the  Gauls,  arrived.  The  king's 
brother  spoke  before  the  senate,  complaining  that 
Gains  Cassius  had  ravaged  the  land  of  the  Alpine 
tribes,  their  allies,  and  had  dragged  thence  into 
slavery  many  thousand  persons.  About  the  same 
time  envoys  of  the  Carnians,  Histrians,  and  lapydes 
arrived ;  they  said,  first,  that  guides  had  been 
demanded  of  them  by  the  consul  Cassius,  to  show  him 
the  way  as  he  was  leading  his  army  to  Macedonia ; 
he  had  left  them  peaceably  as  if  to  wage  a  war 
elsewhere.  Next,  that  returning  from  the  middle  of 
his  journey,  he  had  traversed  their  territory  as  an 
enemy ;  slaughter,  pillage  and  burning  had  taken 
place  everywhere  ;  nor  did  they  know  to  that  very 
minute  why  they  had  been  treated  as  enemies  by 
the  consul.  Both  to  the  absent  prince  of  the  Gauls 
and  to  these  peoples  the  answer  was  given  that  the 
senate  neither  had  known  that  these  occurrences 
of  which  they  complained  would  take  place  nor,  if 
they  had  taken  place,  did  the  senate  approve.  But 
to  condemn  an  ex-consul  in  his  absence  without  a 
trial  would  be  an  injustice,  since  he  was  absent  in 
the  service  of  the  state ;  when  Gaius  Cassius  should 
have  returned  from  Macedonia,  then,  if  they  wished 

^  Cassius  seems  to  have  obtained  this  position  directly  after 
his  consulship,  to  avoid  returning  to  Rome  and  giving  an 
account  of  his  hare-brained  attempt  to  reach  Macedonia  from 
north  Italy  (above,  ch.  i.  4-12). 

19 


vellent.    cognita    re    senatum    daturum    operam    uti 

7  satisliat.  Nee  responderi  tantum  iis  gentibus,  sed 
legates  mitti.  duos  ad  regulum  trans  Alpis,  tres  circa 
eos    populos   placuit,    qui   indicarent,    quae    patrum 

8  sententia  esset.^  Munera  mitti  legatis  ex  binis 
milibus  aeris  censuerunt ;  duobus  fratribus  regulis  ^ 
haec  praecipua.  torques  duo  ex  quinque  pondo  auri 
facti  et  vasa  argentea  quinque  ex  viginti  pondo  et 
duo  equi  phalerati  cum  agasonibus  et  equestria 
arma   ac   sagula,^    et   comitibus    eorum   vestimenta, 

9  liberis  servisque.  Haec  missa  ;  ilia  petentibus  data, 
ut  denorum  equorum  iis  commercium  esset  educendi- 

10  que  ex  Italia  potestas  fieret.  Legati  cum  Gallis 
missi  trans  Alpis  C.  Laelius,  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus, 
ad  ceteros  populos  C.  Sicinius,  P.  Cornelius  Blasio, 
T.  Memmius. 

VI.   Multarum  simul  Graeciae  Asiaeque  civitatium 

2  legati  Romam  convenerunt.  Primi  Athenienses 
introducti ;  ii  se,*  quod  navium  habuerint  militumque 

3  P.  Licinio  consuli  et  C.  Lucretio  praetori  misisse 
exposuerunt ;  quibus  eos  non  usos  frumenti  sibi 
centum  milia  imperasse ;  quod,  quamquam  sterilem 
terram   ararent,^  ipsosque  etiam  agrestis  peregrine 

^  esset  Fr  :   esse  T'. 

2  duobus  fratribus  regulis  Fr  :  duofratresregulis  T'  : 
fratri  reguli  Madvig,  recipiunt  edd.  :  erant  duo  fratres  reguli 
Ha  rani. 

3  arma  ac  sagula  Fr  :  armatautsagula  T'  :  arma  et  sagula 
Madvig. 

*  introducti ;    ii  se  i^r  :    introductiipse  T'. 
^  ararent  Sipperdey  :    arent  V. 

1  Lepidus  was  chief  of  the  Senate  for  the  second  time,  and 
poniifex  rnaxirnas,  cf.  XL.  11.  1,  and  below,  ch.  xv.  6;  Laelius 
was  probably  the  noted  friend  of  Scipio  Africanus;  this 
embassy  seems  then  to  have  been  regarded  as  very  important ; 


BOOK  XLIII.  V.  6-vi.  3 

to  accuse  him  to  his  face,  on  hearing  the  case  the  : 
senate  would  see  to  it  that  amends  were  made.  It 
was  voted  not  only  to  make  a  reply  to  these  peoples, 
but  to  send  envoys,  two  to  the  prince  beyond  the 
Alps  and  three  to  the  several  other  peoples ;  the 
envoys  were  to  announce  what  the  opinion  pronounced 
by  the  Fathers  was.  They  determined  to  send  to  the 
envoys  gifts  of  two  thousand  asses  apiece  and  to  the 
two  princely  brothers  the  following  special  gifts,  two 
twisted  necklaces  made  of  five  pounds  of  gold  and 
five  silver  vessels  of  twenty  pounds,  and  two  horses 
with  trappings  for  head  and  chest,  along  with  their 
grooms,  and  cavalry  weapons  and  military  cloaks, 
and  to  the  princes'  attendants,  both  free  and  slave, 
garments.  These  things  M'ere  sent ;  the  following 
was  granted  at  their  request — that  they  should  have 
the  privilege  of  buying  ten  horses  apiece  and  of 
exporting  them  from  Italy.  As  envoys  there  were 
sent  with  the  Gauls  across  the  Alps  Gains  Laelius 
and  Marcus  Aemilius  Lepidus,^  and  to  the  other 
peoples,  Gains  Sicinius,  Publius  Cornelius  Blasio, 
and  Titus  Memmius. 

VI.  At  the  same  time  envoys  from  a  large  number 
of  the  states  of  Greece  and  Asia  gathered  in  Rome. 
The  Athenians  were  presented  first ;  they  pointed 
out  that  they  had  sent  their  whole  fleet  and  army  to 
Publius  Licinius  the  consul  and  Gains  Lucretius  the 
praetor  ;  these  officers  had  not  employed  their  forces, 
but  had  ordered  a  hundred  thousand  pecks  of  grain ; 
although  they  tilled  a  barren  soil  and  supported  even 
their    farmers    on    imported    grain,    yet    they    had 

the  members  of  the  other  embassy  are  not  otherwise  known, 
unless  Sicinius  was  not  Gaius,  but  the  Gnaeus  Sicinius  men- 
tioned in  XLII.  ix.  8  and  elsewhere. 


frumento   alerent,  tamen,  ne   deessent  officio,   con- 
fecisse ;   et  alia  quae  imperarentur  praestare  paratos 

4  esse.  Milesii  nihil,  quod  ^  praestitissent,  memor- 
antes,   si    quid   imperare   ad  bellum   senatus   vellet 

5  praestare  se  paratos  esse  polliciti  sunt.  Alaban- 
denses  templum  Urbis  Romae  se  fecisse  coniniemo- 
ravere  ^  ludosque  anniversarios  ei  divae  instituisse ; 

6  et  coronani  auream  quinquaginta  pondo,  quam  in 
Capitolio  ponerent  donum  Io\'i  optimo  maximo,  attu- 
lisse  et  scuta  equestria  trecenta ;  ea,  cui  iussissent, 
tradituros.     Donum  ut  in  Capitolio  ponere  et  sacri- 

7  ficare     liceret,     petebant.     Hoc     et  ^     Lampsaceni, 

8  octoginta  pondo  coronani  afFerentes,  petebant, 
commemorantes  discessisse  se  a  Perseo,*  postquam 
Romanus  exercitus  ^  in  Macedonian!  venisset,  cum 

9  sub  dicione  Persei  et  ante  Philippi  fuissent.  Pro 
eo  et  quod  imperatoribus  Romanis  omnia  praesti- 
tissent, id  se  tantum  orare,  ut  in  amicitiam  populi 

^  quod  add.  Madvig  :    om.  V. 

2  commemoravere  Hertz  :  commemoraTe  V  :  commemor- 
averunt  Fr. 

^  et  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  om.  V  :  etiam  add.  Weissen- 
horn. 

^  discessisse  se  a  Perseo  Fr  :    discessisseeaperseo  V. 

°  Romanus  exercitus  Fr  :   romanoexercitu  I'. 

^  Such  a  temple  had  been  built  by  Sm^Tna  in  195  B.C., 
Tacitus,  Annals  IV.  56.  The  conception  of  Rome  as  a 
goddess  was  quite  un-Roman;  it  was  invented  by  Greeks, 
adopted  by  Roman  poets  {e.g.  Vergil,  Aeneid  VI.  781-7,  Lucan, 
Pharsalia'!.  186-192),  but  not  officially  adopted  as  part  of 
Roman  religion  till  the  reign  of  Hadrian  (Cassius  Dio  LXIX. 
4.  3).  The  divinity  of  cities,  either  personified  or  represented 
by  their  "  Fortune,"  seems  like  a  last  freakish  form  of  the 

22 


BOOK  XLIII.  VI.  3-9 

gathered  this  amount  so  as  not  to  fail  in  their  duty ;  b.c.  170 
and  they  were  ready  to  furnish  other  things  too  which 
might  be  ordered.  The  Milesians,  without  men- 
tioning anything  which  they  had  furnished,  promised 
that  if  the  senate  wished  to  order  anything  for  the 
war  they  were  ready  to  furnish  it.  The  envoys  of 
Alabanda  announced  that  they  had  built  a  temple  to 
the  City  of  Rome,^  and  had  established  annual 
games  in  honour  of  that  divinity ;  they  had  also 
brought  with  them  a  golden  crown  of  fifty  pounds' 
weight  to  place  in  the  Capitol  as  a  gift  to  Jupiter 
Greatest  and  Best,  besides  three  hundred  cavalry 
shields ;  these  they  would  deliver  to  whomever  the 
senate  ordered.  They  asked  permission  to  place 
their  gift  in  the  Capitol  and  to  offer  sacrifice.  The 
same  request  was  also  made  by  the  people  of  Lamp- 
sacus,  who  brought  a  crown  of  eighty  pounds' 
weight,^  and  called  to  mind  that  they  had  abandoned 
Perseus,  after  a  Roman  army  had  come  into  Mace- 
donia, although  they  had  been  subject  to  Perseus 
and  previously  to  Philip. ^  In  return  for  this  and  for 
their  action  in  furnishing  the  Roman  generals  with 
everything,   they   asked   only   that   they   might   be 

glorification  of  the  "  polls  "  found  in  Aristotle  {Politics  I.  i. 
11  :  "  Thus  also  the  city-state  is  prior  in  nature  to  the  house- 
hold and  to  each  of  us  individually.  For  the  whole  must 
necessarily  be  prior  to  the  part.  .  .  ."  tr.  Rackham,  L.C.L.). 

2  Perhaps  a  gift  to  the  goddess  Roma,  like  the  similar  but 
more  lavish  gift  of  Rhodes  when  in  the  bad  graces  of  the 
Romans  (Polybius  XXX.  5.  4). 

^  This  statement  may  be  inaccurate ;  Lampsacus  declared 
itself  independent  of  Antiochus  in  196  B.C.  (XXXIII.  xxxviii. 
3)  and  when  last  heard  of  (XXXVII.  xxxv.  2,  190  B.C.)  was 
apparently  recognized  as  independent;  perhaps  Livy  or  his 
source  has  assumed  that  Lampsacus  had  abandoned  Perseus 
at  the  time  when  it  came  forward  as  an  ally  of  Rome. 

23 


Romani  reciperentur,  et,  si  pax  cum  Perseo  fieret, 
exciperentur,  ne  in  regiam  potestatem  reciderent. 

10  Ceteris  legatis  comiter  responsum ;  Lampsacenos  ^ 
in  sociorum  formulam  referre  Q.  Maenius  praetor 
iussus.  Munera  omnibus  in  singulos  binum  milium 
aeris  data.  Alabandenses  scuta  reportare  ad  A. 
Hostilium  consulem  in  Macedonian!  iussi. 

11  Et  ex  Africa  legati  simul  Carthaginiensium  et 
Masinissae  venerunt  :  legati  Carthaginiensium  ^ 
tritici  deciens  centum  milia  et  hordei  quingenta  ^ 
indicantes  se  ad  mare  devecta  habere,  ut,  quo  senatus 

12  censuisset,  deportarent ;  id  munus  officiumque  suum 
scire  minus  esse  quam  pro  meritis  populi  Romani  et 
voluntate  sua ;  sed  saepe  alias  bonis  in  rebus  utrius- 
que  populi  se  gratorum  fideliumque  socium  *  muneri- 

13  bus  functos  esse.  Item  Masinissae  legati  tritici 
eandem  summam  polliciti  et  mille  et  ducentos 
equites,  duodecim  elephantos  ;  et  si  quid  aliud  opus 
esset,  uti  imperaret  senatus  :  aeque  propenso  animo 
et  ea  ^  et,  quae  ipse  ultro  pollicitus  sit,  praestaturum 

^  comiter  responsum ;  Lampsacenos  Fr  :  committere- 
possumlamsacenos  V. 

2  et  ]\Iasinissae  venerunt ;  legati  Carthaginiensium  add. 
H.  J.  MuUer;  eadem,  legati  omisso,  Crevier  :  om.  V. 

^  quingenta  Sigonius  :    quinquaginta  T'. 

*  populi  se  gratorum  fideliumque  socium  Fr  :  populise- 
grecatorumfideliumq.  sociumque  T'. 

5  et  ea  add.  H.  J.  Midler  :   om.  V. 

1  Apparently  they  wanted  an  entente  with  Rome,  without 
the  precise  and  formal  undertakings  of  an  alliance  (societas). 
Usually,  "  friendship  "  and  "  alliance  "  go  hand  in  hand 
{e.g.,  XXXVI.  iii.  8,  XLV.  xx.  8),  but  Ehodes  maintained  a 
state  of  "  friendship  "  without  alliance  for  140  years  (cf. 
below,  XLV.  XXV.  7-9)  because,  in  the  words  of  Polybius 
{XXX.  5.  8,  tr.  White,  L.C.L.),  "  As  they  wished  none  of  the 

24 


BOOK  XLIII.  VI.  9-13 

admitted  to  friendship  ^  with  the  Roman  people,  and  b.c.  170 
that  if  peace  should  be  made  with  Perseus,  provision 
should  be  made  for  them,  to  prevent  their  reverting 
to  the  control  of  the  king.  A  kindly  answer  was  given 
the  other  envoys ;  as  for  the  Lampsacenes,  the 
praetor  Quintus  Maenius  was  ordered  to  enroll  them 
as  allies.  Gifts  of  two  thousand  asses  apiece  were 
given  to  all  the  envoys.  Those  from  Alabanda  were 
ordered  to  carry  the  shields  back  to  Aulus  Hostilius, 
the  consul  in  Macedonia. 

Envoys  from  Africa  also  arrived,  both  Carthaginians 
and  those  of  Masinissa  together.  The  Carthaginian 
envoys  reported  that  they  had  conveyed  to  the  sea  a 
million  pecks  of  wheat  and  five  hundred  thousand  of 
barley,  in  order  that  they  might  deliver  it  wherever 
the  senate  should  determine ;  they  said  that  this 
gift  and  act  of  duty  of  theirs  was,  they  knew,  less 
than  a  return  for  the  favours  of  the  Roman  people 
and  less  than  they  would  wish ;  but  they  had  often, 
on  other  occasions  when  both  peoples  had  been 
prospering,  fulfilled  the  duties  of  grateful  and  faithful 
allies.  Likewise  the  envoys  of  Masinissa  promised 
the  same  total  of  wheat  as  w^ell  as  twelve  hundred 
cavalry  and  twelve  elephants ;  ^  they  requested  the 
senate  to  order  anything  else  which  might  be  needed, 
for  the  king  would  furnish  such  things  with  as  good 
a  will  as  he  gave  what  he,  of  his  own  accord,  had 

kings  and  princes  to  despair  of  gaining  their  help  and  alliance, 
they  did  not  desire  to  run  in  harness  with  Rome  and  engage 
themselves  by  oaths  and  treaties,  but  preferred  to  remain 
unembarrassed  and  able  to  reap  profit  from  any  quarter  " ; 
they  sought  alliance  only  when  threatened  with  possible 
conquest  as  the  alternative. 

2  He  had  previously  sent  a  thousand  cavalry,  a  thousand 
infantry,  and  twenty-two  elephants  (XLII.  Ixii.  2). 

25 


14  esse.  Gratiae  et  Carthaginiensibus  et  regi  actae, 
rogatique  ut  ea  quae  pollicerentur  ^  ad  Hostilium 
consulem  in  Macedoniam  deportarent.  Legatis  in 
singulos  binum  milium  aeris  munera  missa. 

VII.  Cretensium  legatis  commemorantibus  se 
quantum  sibi  imperatum  a  P.  Licinio  consule  esset 

2  sagittariorum  in  ^Slacedoniam  misisse,  cum  interrogati 
non  infitiarentur  ^  apud  Persea  maiorem  numerum 
sagittariorum  suorum  ^  quam  apud  Romanos  militare, 

3  responsum  est,  si  Cretenses  bene  ac  naviter  desti- 
narent  potiorem  populi  Romani  quam  regis  Persei 

4  amicitiam  habere,  senatum  quoque  Romanum  iis 
tamquam  certis  sociis  responsum  daturum  esse. 
Interea  nuntiarent  suis  placere  senatui  dare  operam 
Cretenses,  ut  quos  milites  intra  praesidia  regis 
Persei  haberent  eos  primo  quoque  tempore  domum 
revocarent. 

5  Cretensibus  cum  hoc  response  dimissis  Chalci- 
denses  vocati,  quorum  legatio  ipso  introitu  movit,* 
quod    Micvthion,^  princeps    eorum.   pedibus    captus 

6  lectica  est  introlatus ;  ultimae  necessitatis  extemplo 
visa  res,  in  qua  ita  affecto  excusatio  valetudinis  aut 
ne  ipsi  quidem  petenda  visa  foret  aut  data  petenti 

7  non  esset.     Cum  sibi  nihil  vivi  reliquum  praeterquam 

^  rogatique  ut  ea  quae  pollicerentur  Fr  :  rogatiquaeutea- 
quaeuteaquaepollieerentur  V. 

2  in  Macedoniam  misisse,  cum  interrogati  non  infitiarentur 
Fr  :   inmacedoniasemisisseticuminfitiatinoninterrogarentur  V. 

2  suorum  add.  Harant  :   om.  V. 

^  introitu  movit  H.  J.  Mulhr  :  iatroituobit  V  :  introitu, 
ob  id  Fr. 

^  Mic5i;hion  Bekker  :   micion  T'. 

1  A  force  of  nearly  three  thousand  is  mentioned  in  XLII. 

li.  7;    they  participated  in  at  least  one  battle  (XLII.  Iviii,  6). 

26 


BOOK  XLIII.  VI.  13-V11.  7 

promised.     Thanks  both  to  the  Carthaginians  and  to  b.c.  170 
the  king  were  expressed  and  they  were  asked  to 
dehver   what   they   had  promised  to   HostiUus   the 
consul  in  Macedonia.     To  each  of  the  envoys  a  gift 
of  two  thousand  asses  was  sent. 

VII.  The  Cretan  envoys  reported  that  they  had 
sent  to  Macedonia  as  large  a  force  of  archers  as  the 
consul  Publius  Licinius  had  stipulated,  but  when  they 
did  not  deny,  on  being  questioned,  that  a  larger 
number  of  their  archers  were  serving  with  Perseus  ^ 
than  with  the  Romans,  they  were  told  in  reply  that 
if  the  people  of  Crete  intended  truly  and  zealously  to  . 
prize  the  friendship  of  the  Roman  People  above  that 
of  King  Perseus,  the  Roman  senate  would  also 
respond  to  them  as  it  did  to  indubitable  allies. 
Meanwhile,  let  them  report  to  their  people  that  it 
was  the  pleasure  of  the  senate  that  the  people  of 
Crete  should  make  a  point  of  recalling  home  at  the 
first  possible  moment  those  soldiers  whom  they  might 
have  within  the  lines  of  King  Perseus. 

After  the  Cretans  had  been  dismissed  with  this 
reply,  the  envoys  of  Chalcis  were  summoned ;  their 
embassy  stirred  sympathy  by  its  very  entrance, 
because  Micythion,^  their  chief,  having  an  affliction 
of  the  feet,  was  borne  in  on  a  litter ;  at  once  the 
occasion  seemed  one  of  direst  necessity,  in  which  an 
excuse  on  grounds  of  health  for  one  so  afflicted  either 
had  seemed  to  the  victim  himself  something  for 
which  he  should  not  ask,  or  had  not  been  granted  at 
his  request.  After  he  had  begun  by  saying  that  no 
part  of  him  was  still  living  except  the  tongue  where- 

2  The  name  is  given  in  the  MS.  as  Micion;  but  it  seems 
probable  that  the  Romanophile  mentioned  in  XXXV. 
xxxviii.  1  and  1-li  is  meant. 

27 


oS4 


A.r.c.  linguam    ad    deplorandas    patriae    suae    calamitates 

praefatus     esset,     exposuit    civitatis    primum    suae 
benefacta  et  Vetera  et  ea,  quae  Persei  bello  praesti- 

8  tissent  ducibus  exercitibusque  Romanis ;  turn  quae 
primo  C.  Lucretius  in  populares  suos  praetor  Romanus 
superbe,  avare,  crudeliter  fecisset,^  deinde  quae  turn 

9  cum  maxime  L.  Hortensius  faceret.  Quem  ad 
modum  omnia  sibi.  etiam  iis..  quae  patiantur,  tristiora, 
patienda  esse  ducant  potius  quam  fide  decedant,^ 
sicj  quod  ad  Lucretium  Hortensiumque  attineret, 
scire  tutius  fuisse  claudere  portas  quam  in  urbem  eos 

10  accipere.  Qui  exclusissent  eos,  Emathiam,  Amphi- 
polira,  Maroneam,  Aenum  incolumes  esse.  Apud  se 
templa  omnibus  ornamentis  spoliata;  compilataque 
sacrilegiis  ^  C.  Lucretium  navibus  Antium  devexisse  ; 
libera  corpora  in  *  ser\-itutem  abrepta ;  fortunas 
sociorum    populi    Romani    direptas    esse    et    cotidie 

11  diripi.  Nam  ex  institute  C.  Lucreti  Hortensium 
quoque  in  tectis  hieme  pariter  atque  aestate  navalis 
socios  habere,  et  domos  suas  plenas  turba  nautica 
esse ;  versari  inter  se.  coniuges  liberosque  suos, 
quibus  nihil  neque  dicere  pensi  sit  neque  facere.^ 

^  superbe,  avare,  crudeliter  fecisset  Fr :  superavere- 
cnideliterfecisse  V. 

2  quam  fide  decedant  Kreytsig  :  quamsinedecedatur  V  : 
quam  fide  decedatur  Weissenborn. 

3  spoliata;  compilataque  sacrilegiis  Weisseyihorn  :  con- 
pilataspoliataquesacrilegiis  V  :  conpilata  spoliaque  sacrilegis 
Gitlbauer,  rec.  Giarratano;  spoliata  conpilataque ;  spolia 
sacrilegis  Zingerle ;  alia  alii. 

*  libera  corpora  in  Fr  :    liberacorporaliberatain  V. 
^  sit  neque  facere  Sigonius  :   sinequefacere  V. 

28 


BOOK  XLIII.  VII.  7-II 

with  to  bewail  the  disasters  of  his  fatherland,  he  set  b.c.  170 
forth,  first,  the  good  services  of  his  state,  both  in 
earlier  times  and  those  which,  during  the  war  with 
Perseus,  they  had  performed  for  the  Roman  com- 
manders and  armies,  and  next  the  acts  of  arrogance, 
greed,  and  cruelty  which  in  the  first  instance  had 
been  committed  against  Micythion's  fellow-country- 
men by  Gains  Lucretius  the  Roman  praetor,  and, 
furthermore,  were  being  committed  more  than  ever 
at  that  time  by  Lucius  Hortensius.  Just  as  they 
considered  that,  rather  than  depart  from  their 
loyalty,  they  should  suifer  everything,  even  more 
grievous  injuries  than  those  which  they  were  now 
suffering,  so  also,  as  far  as  Lucretius  and  Hortensius 
were  concerned,  they  were  aware  that  it  would  have 
been  safer  to  bar  their  gates  than  to  receive  those 
Romans  into  their  city.  Those  cities  which  had  shut 
them  out — Emathia,  Amphipolis,  Maronea,  Aenus  ^ 
— were  unharmed.  In  Chalcis,  temples  had  been 
stripped  of  all  their  adornments  and  the  loot  of  these 
profanations  Gains  Lucretius  had  transported  in  his 
ships  to  Antium  ;  free  persons  had  been  rushed  away 
to  slavery ;  the  possessions  of  allies  of  the  Roman 
people  had  been  plundered  and  daily  were  being 
plundered.  For,  according  to  the  precedent  set  by 
Gaius  Lucretius,  Hortensius  too  was  quartering  his 
sailors,  in  summer  no  less  than  in  winter,  in  private 
houses,  and  the  homes  of  Chalcis  were  full  of  the  mob 
from  the  fleet ;  at  large  among  the  Chalcideans  and 
their  wives  and  their  children  there  were  men 
utterly  reckless  in  word  and  deed. 

^  The  approach  to  these  cities  seems  to  have  been  during  a 
naval  raid  like  that  of  Marcius,  XLIV.  x. 

29 


LIVY 

A.r.c.  VIII.  Accersere  in  senatum  Lucretium  placuit,  ut 

2  disceptaret  coram  purgaretque  sese.  Ceterum  multo 
plura  praesens  audivit.  quam  in  absentem  iacta 
erant ;  et  graviores  potentioresque  accessere  accusa- 
tores  duo  tribuni  plebis,  M'.^  luventius  Talna  et  Cn. 

3  Aufidius.  li  non  in  senatu  modo  eum  lacerarunt, 
sed   in   contionem    etiam   pertracto   multis    obiectis 

4  probis  diem  dixerunt.  Senatus  iussu  Chalcidensibus 
Q.  Maenius  praetor  respondit,  quae  bene  meritos 
sese  et  ante  et  in  eo  bello  quod  geratur  de  populo 
Romano  dicant.  ea  et  scire  vera  eos  referre  senatum 

5  et  perinde  ac  debeant  grata  ^  esse.  Quae  facta  a  ^ 
C.  Lucretio  fierique  ab  L.  ^  Hortensio  praetoribus 
Romanis    querantur.    ea    neque    facta    neque    fieri 

6  voluntate  ^  senatus  quern  non  posse  existimare,  qui 
sciat  bellum  Persei  et  ante  Philippo,  patri  ^  eius, 
intulisse  populum  Romanum  pro  libertate  Graeciae, 
non  ut   ea  a  magistratibus  suis  socii  atque  amici  ' 

7  paterentur  ?  Litteras  se  ad  L.  Hortensium  prae- 
torem  daturos  esse,  quae  Chalcidenses  querantur 
acta,  ea  senatui  non  placere ;  si  qui  in  servitutem 
liberi  venissent,  ut  eos  conquirendos  ^  primo  quoque 

1  tribuni  plebis,  W  Sigonius  :   tr.  pi.  m.  I'. 

2  grata  Fr  :   gratia  T'. 

3  a  add.  Fr  :   ojn.  V. 

*  L.  Fr  :   lucretio  V. 

5  fieri  voluntate  Fr  :   fievoluntatates  T'. 

^  patri  Fr  :   patria  V. 

'  magistratibus  suis  socii  atque  amici  J.  F.  Gronovius  et 
Duker,  qui  suis  addidit,  et  ponens  :  magistratibusutsociat- 
queamici  V  :  a  magistratibus  sociis  et  amicis  Fr. 

*  eos  conquirendos  primo  quoque  tempore  Fr  :  eoscon- 
primoquoquetempore  I'. 

30 


BOOK  XLIIL  VIII.  1-7 

VIII.  It  was  voted  to  summon  Lucretius  before  b.c.  170 
the  senate  in  order  that  he  might  plead  in  person  and 
attempt  to  clear  himself.  However,  when  he 
appeared  he  heard  many  more  reproaches  than  had 
been  hurled  at  him  in  his  absence  ;  and  more  influen- 
tial and  powerful  accusers  joined  in,  namely,  two 
tribunes  of  the  people,  Manius  luventius  Talna  and 
Gnaeus  Aufidius.  These  not  only  assailed  him  in  the 
senate,  but  also  dragged  him  before  an  assembly, 
and  after  casting  many  reproaches  at  him,  then  set  a 
day  for  his  trial.  By  order  of  the  senate  Quintus 
Maenius  the  praetor  replied  to  the  envoys  of  Chalcis 
that,  as  to  the  services  to  the  Roman  People,  both 
previously  and  in  the  war  now  being  waged,  which 
the  envoys  mentioned,  the  senate  knew  that  they 
had  spoken  truly  and,  also,  these  services  were 
appreciated  exactly  as  they  should  be.  As  to  their 
complaints  about  what  the  Roman  praetor  Gaius 
Lucretius  had  done,  and  what  Lucius  Hortensius  the 
Roman  praetor  was  doing,  no  one  could  be  unaware 
that  these  things  had  been  done  and  were  being  done 
without  the  consent  of  the  senate, — no  one,  that  is, 
who  knew  that  the  Roman  People  had  declared  war 
on  Perseus  and  previously  on  Philip,  his  father,  to 
preserve  the  freedom  of  Greece,^  and  not  to  inflict  on 
allies  and  friends  such  injuries  from  Roman  oflScers. 
His  fellow-senators,  said  Maenius,  would  send  a 
letter  to  the  praetor  Lucius  Hortensius,  saying  that 
the  senate  was  displeased  w  ith  those  actions  of  which 
the  people  of  Chalcis  complained ;  that  if  any  free 
persons  had  been  sold  into  slavery,  he  should  take 
steps  at  the  first  possible  moment  to  search  them  out 

^  The   slogan   for   Roman    intervention   to   the   eastward, 
cf.  XXXIV.  Iviii.  11-12,  XXXVII.  liv.  17. 

31 


LR^Y 

A.u.c.  tempore     restituendosque     in     libertatem     curaret ; 

^^^  sociorum    navalium    neminem   praeter  magistros   in 

8  hospitia  deduci  aequum  censere.  Haec  Hortensio 
iussu  senatus  scripta.  Munera  binum  milium  aeris 
legatis  missa  et  vehicula  Micythioni  ^  publice  locata, 

9  quae  eum  Brundisium  commode  perveherent.  C. 
Lucretium,  ubi  dies  quae  dicta  erat  venit,  tribuni  ad 
populum    accusarunt    multamque    deciens    centum 

10  milium     aeris     dixerunt.     Comitiis     habitis     omnes 
quinque  et  triginta  tribus  eum  condemnarunt. 

IX.  In    Liguribus    eo    anno  ^    nihil    memorabile 
gestum.     Nam   nee  hostes   moverunt   arma,   neque 

2  consul  in  agrum  eorum  legiones  induxit ;  et  satis 
explorata  pace  eius  anni  milites  duarum  legionum 
Romanarum  intra  dies  sexaginta,   quam  in  provin- 

3  ciam  venit,  dimisit.  Sociorum  nominis  Latini 
exercitu  mature  in  hiberna  Lunam  et  Pisas  deducto 
ipse  cum  equitibus  Galliae  provinciae  pleraque 
oppida  adiit. 

4  Nusquam  alibi  quam  in  Macedonia  bellum  erat. 
Suspectum    tamen  ^    Gentium,    Illp'iorum    regem, 

5  habebant.  Itaque  et  octo  navis  ornatas  a  Brundisio 
senatus   censuit   mittendas   ad   C.    Furium  legatum 

^  ]\Iicythioni  Bekker  :    micioni  V. 

2  anno  add.  Fr  :    orn.  V. 

3  tamen  Harfel  :  t5  et  V  :   tamen  et  Fr. 


1  In  the  comitia  trihuta;  a  few  more  details  in  the  account 
of  the  similar  trial,  below,  xvi.  11-16. 

2  Probably  on  furlough,  subject  to  further  call;  the  consul 
would  not  have  formally  discharged  the  army  without  action 
by  the  senate. 

'3  Gentius  had  been  suspected  of  piracy  in  180  B.C.  (XL. 
xlii.  2-5,  XLII.  xxix.  11).    Efforts  to  attach  him  to  the  Roman 


BOOK  XLIII.  VIII.  7-ix.  5 

and  restore  them  to  freedom ;  that  the  senate  b.c.  170 
deemed  it  just  that  none  of  the  sailors,  except  the 
captains,  should  be  quartered  in  private  houses. 
These  instructions  were  by  order  of  the  senate 
written  to  Hortensius.  Gifts  of  two  thousand  asses 
apiece  were  sent  to  the  envoys,  and  carriages  were 
hired  at  public  expense  for  Micythion,  to  convey 
him  comfortably  to  Brundisium.  As  for  Gains 
Lucretius,  on  the  day  set  for  his  trial,  the  tribunes 
accused  him  before  the  people  ^  and  proposed  a  fine 
of  one  million  asses.  When  the  vote  was  taken,  all 
the  thirty-five  tribes  approved  his  condemnation. 

IX.  Among  the  Ligurians  nothing  noteworthy  was 
accomplished  that  year.  For  neither  did  the  enemy 
take  up  arms,  nor  did  the  consul  lead  his  legions  into 
enemy  territory ;  and  having  sufficiently  assured 
himself  of  peace  for  that  year,  he  sent  home  ^  the 
soldiers  of  the  two  Roman  legions  within  sixty  days 
after  arriving  in  his  province.  After  having  at  an 
early  time  led  the  force  of  allies  of  the  Latin  Name 
into  winter-quarters  at  Luna  and  Pisa,  he  himself 
visited  with  the  cavalry  several  towns  of  the  province 
of  Gaul. 

Nowhere  else  was  there  war  except  in  Macedonia. 
However,  they  still  regarded  Gentius,  the  king  of 
the  Illyrians,^  with  suspicion.  And  so,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  senate  decided  that  eight  fully-equipped 
ships  should  be  sent  from  Brundisium  to  Gains 
Furius,*  the  staff-officer  at  Issa,  who  was  in  charge  of 

cause  had  been  misconducted  and  were  valueless  (XLII. 
xxxvii.  2,  and  xlv.  8).  On  Perseus'  overtures  to  Gentius,  see 
below,  xix.  13-xx.  3,  and  xxiii.  8. 

^  Very  likely  the  naval  duumvir  mentioned  in  XLI.  i.  2-3, 
who  had  been  in  charge  of  the  north-eastern  coast  of  Italv  in 
178  B.C. 

VOL.  XIII.  C 


Issam,  qui  cum  praesidio  duarum  Issensiuni  navium 

6  insulae  praeerat — duo  milia  ^  militum  in  eas  naves 
sunt  imposita,  quae  M.  Raecius  praetor  ex  senatus 
consulto  "^  in  ea  parte  Italiae,  quae  obiecta  Illvrico 
est,  conscripsit  — ,  et  consul  Hostilius  Ap.  Claudium 
in  Illyricum  cum  ^  quattuor  mJlibus  peditum  misit,  ut 

7  accolas  Illyrici  tutaretur.^  Qui  non  contentus  iis 
quas  adduxerat  copiis  auxilia  ab  sociis  conrogando 
ad  octo  milia  hominum  ex  ^  vario  genere  armavit 
peragrataque  omni  ea  regione  ad  Lychnidum  ^ 
Dassaretiorum  consedit. 

X.  Haud  procul  inde  Uscana  oppidum  finium  im- 
periique  "  Persei  erat.  Decem  milia  civium  habebat 
et  modicum  custodiae  causa  Cretensium  praesidium. 

2  Inde  nuntii  ad  Claudium  occulti  veniebant,  si  propius 
copias  admovisset,  paratos  fore,  qui  proderent  urbem. 
Et  operae  pretium  esse  :    non  se  amicosque  tantum, 

3  sed  etiam  milites  praeda  expleturum.  Spes  cupi- 
ditati  ^  admota  ita  occaecavit   animum,   ut  nee   ex 

^  praeerat — duo  milia  Fr :  praeerantmiseruntduomilia 
V  :   post  praeerat  lacunam  statuit  Weissenhorn. 

2  imposita,  quae  M.  Raecius  praetor  ex  senatus  consulto 
Kreyssig  :    inpositaq.  imreciuspf.  exsc  I'. 

^  cum  add.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

^  Illyrici  tutaretur  /.  Perizonius  :    inl\Ticitutarentur  T'. 

^  ex  add.  Madvig  :    om.  V. 

^  Lychnidum  Sigonius  :   lycidinum  T'. 

"  finium  imperiique  Harant  :  finium  plerique  V  :  finitimum 
imperio  Weisserihoryi :   finium  plerumque  Fr. 

^  Spes  cupiditati  Fr  :   specupiditatis  V. 

^  The  number  of  soldiers  to  be  transported  on  the  ships, 
which  had  their  own  crews,  seems  too  large  (cf.  XXXVII.  ii. 
10 — a  force  of  three  thousand  transported  in  twenty  ships 
(cf.  XXII.  xxii.  1),  XXI.  1.  5 — 1700  soldiers  and  sailors  in  7 
ships)  and  the  number  of  ships  should  perhaps  be  larger 
(eighteen  ?). 

34 


BOOK  XLIII.  IX.  5-x.  3 

the  island  with  a  force  of  two  Issaean  ships — two  b.c.  170 
thousand  soldiers  were  put  aboard  the  eight  ^  ships, 
a  force  raised,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the 
senate,  by  Marcus  Raecius  ^  the  praetor,  in  that  part 
of  Italy  which  faced  Illyricum — and,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  consul  Hostilius  sent  Appius  Claudius  into 
Illyricum  with  four  thousand  infantry,  to  protect  the 
peoples  bordering  on  Illyricum.  Claudius,  being 
unsatisfied  with  the  force  that  he  had  brought,  by 
collecting  auxiliaries  from  the  allies  brought  under 
arms  about  eight  thousand  men  of  various  sorts,  and 
after  traversing  all  that  region  took  up  his  position 
at  Lychnidus  of  the  Dassaretii.^ 

X.  Not  far  from  there  lay  Uscana,  a  town  belonging 
to  the  lands  and  realm  of  Perseus.*  It  had  ten 
thousand  inhabitants  and  a  moderate  garrison  of 
Cretans  to  protect  it.  From  there,  secret  messengers 
kept  coming  to  Claudius,  declaring  that  if  he  would 
bring  his  troops  up  closer,  there  were  those  who  were 
ready  to  betray  the  city.  And  it  would  be  worth 
his  while,  they  added,  for  he  would  not  only  satisfy 
himself  and  his  friends,  but  also  his  soldiers  with  the 
booty.     Hope  joined  to  greed  so  blinded  his  mind 

2  The  city  praetor,  cf.  below,  xi.  4 ;  he  was  evidently  absent 
from  Rome  on  coast-defence  duty,  hence  the  appearance  of 
Maenius  (above,  iv.  11,  and  viii.  4)  as  presiding  officer  of  the 
senate. 

^  Garrisons  had  been  placed  in  their  territory  the  preceding 
year,  XLII.  xxxvi.  9. 

*  But  below,  xviii.  5-xxi.  1,  Livy  relates,  presumably  after 
Polybius,  that  Uscana  was  held  by  a  Roman  garrison  until 
captured  by  Perseus,  and  that  Lucius  Coelius  led  an  abortive 
attempt  to  recover  it.  There  seems  to  be  a  duplication  of  the 
story  here,  of  which  Livy  is  unaware ;  the  account  here  given 
presumably  comes  from  a  Roman  source. 

35 


Ax.c.  lis  qui  ^  venerant  -  quemquam  retineret  nee  obsides, 

pignus  futures  afore  fraudem  ^  ao;endae  rei,  posceret 
nee  mitteret  exploratum  nee  fidem  acciperet.  Die 
tantum  statuta  profectus  a  Lvehnido  duodecim  milia 

4  ab  urbe  ad  quam  tendebat  posuit  castra.  Quarta 
inde  vigilia  signa  movit  mille  ferme  ad  praesidium 
castrorum  relictus.  Incompositi,  longo  agroine  effusi, 
infrequentes,    cum     nocturnus    error    dissiparet,    ad 

5  urbem  pervenerunt.  Crevit  neglegentia  postquam 
neniinem  armatum  in  muris  viderunt.  Ceterum,  ubi 
primum  sub  ictu  *  teli  fuerunt,  duabus  simul  portis 
erumpitur ;  et  ad  claniorem  erumpentium  ingens 
strepitus  c  muris  ^  ortus  ululantium  mulierum  cum 
crepitu  undique  aeris,  et  incondita  multitude  turba 

6  inmixta  servili  variis  vocibus  personabat.  Hie  tam 
multiplex  undique  obiectus  terror  effecit,  ne 
sustinere  primam  procellam  eruptionis  Romani 
possent.  Itaque  fugientes  plures  quam  pugnantes 
interempti  sunt ;    vix  duo  milia  hominum  cum  ipso 

7  legato  in  castra  perfugerunt.  Quo  longius  iter  in 
castra  erat,  eo  pluris  fessos  consectandi  hostibus  copia 

8  fuit.  Ne  moratus  quidem  in  castris  Appius,  ut  suos 
dissipates  fuga  colligeret,  quae  res  palatis  per  agros 
saluti  fuisset,  ad  Lychnidum  protinus  reliquias 
cladis  reduxit. 

^  ut  nee  ex  lis  qui  Fr  :  necutisqui  V. 
2  venerant  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   venerunt  V. 
^  afore  fraudem  Bekker  :   aforoetfraudem  V. 
*  ictu  Drakenhorch  :   iectu  V  :   iactu  Fr. 
^  strepitus  e  muris  Fr  :    strepitusqueemuris  V  :    strepitus 
tumultusque  e  muris  H.  J .  MulUr. 

36 


BOOK  XLIII.  X.  3-8 

that  neither  did  he  keep  with  him  any  of  the  messen-  b.o.  170 
gers  who  had  come,  nor  did  he  demand  hostages  as 
security  that  there  w^ould  be  no  treachery  in  the 
carrying  out  of  the  plan,  nor  did  he  send  men  to 
reconnoitre,  nor  did  he  receive  any  solemn  promise. 
Having  merely  agreed  upon  a  day,  he  set  out  from 
Lychnidus  and  pitched  camp  twelve  miles  from  the 
city  to  which  he  w^as  marching.  Thence  in  the 
fourth  watch  he  began  to  advance,  leaving  about  a 
thousand  to  garrison  the  camp.  The  soldiers 
arrived  near  the  city  in  disorder,  scattered  in  a  long 
column,  and  straggling,  since  wandering  by  night 
had  dispersed  them.  Their  carelessness  increased 
after  they  saw  no  armed  man  on  the  walls.  How- 
ever, as  soon  as  they  were  within  range  of  missiles,  a 
sally  was  made  from  two  gates  at  once  ;  and  together  « 
with  the  battle-cry  of  the  sallying  parties,  there 
arose  from  the  walls  a  great  uproar  of  women  howling 
and  of  bronze  clashing  everywhere,  while  an  un- 
organized crowd,  with  disorderly  bands  of  slaves 
amongst  them,  clamoured  with  various  outcries. 
This  appalling  surprise,  presented  from  all  directions 
in  so  many  forms,  brought  it  about  that  the  Romans 
could  not  withstand  the  first  storm-blast  of  the  sally. 
And  so  more  were  slaughtered  in  the  flight  than  in 
the  combat;  hardly  two  thousand  men,  together 
with  the  commander  himself,  escaped  to  the  camp. 
Since  the  way  to  the  camp  was  long,  the  enemy  had 
the  opportunity  to  overtake  more  of  the  weary  men. 
Appius,  not  even  lingering  in  camp  to  gather  his 
men  scattered  in  flight — an  action  which  would  have 
been  the  means  of  saving  those  who  were  wandering 
through  the  countryside — at  once  led  back  to 
Lychnidus  the  remnants  of  the  disaster. 

37 


)84 


LR-Y 

A.r.c.  XI.  Haec  et  alia  haud  prospere  in  Macedonia  gesta 

ex    Sex.     Digitio    tribune    militum,    qui    sacrificii  ^ 

2  causa  Romam  venerat,  sunt  audita.  Propter  quae 
veriti  patres  ne  qua  maior  ^  ignominia  acciperetur 
legatos  in  Macedoniam  M.  Fulvium  ^  Flaccum  et 
M.  Caninium  Rebilum  miserunt,  qui  comperta  *  quae 

3  agerentur  referrent ;  et  ut  A.  Atilius  consul  comitia 
consulibus  rogandis  ita  ediceret,  uti  mense  lanuario 
confici  ^   possent,   et   ut   primo   quoque   tempore   in 

4  urbem  rediret.  Interim  M.  Raecio  praetori  man- 
datum,  ut  edicto  senatores  omnes  ex  tota  Italia,  nisi 
qui  rei  publicae  causa  abessent,  Romam  revocaret  : 

5  qui  Romae  essent.  ne  quis  ultra  mille  passuum  ab 
Roma  abesset.     Ea.  uti  senatus  censuit,  sunt  facta. 

6  Comitia  consularia  ante  diem  quintum  ^  kal.  Febr.'' 
fuere.     Creati  consules   sunt  Q.    Marcius   Philippus 

7  iterum  et  Cn.^  Servilius  Caepio.  Post  diem  tertium 
praetores  sunt  facti  C.^  Decimius,  M.  Claudius 
Marcellus,  C.  Sulpicius  Gallus,  C.  Marcius  Figulus, 

8  Ser.^"^  Cornelius  Lentulus.  P.  Fonteius  Capito.  Desig- 
natis    praetoribus    praeter    duas    urbanas    quattuor 

'^  ex  Sex.  Digitio  tribune  militum  qui  sacrificii  Fr :  exdigi- 
tiosextopf.  miliaquisacrificiis  T'. 

2  ne  qua  maior  .4.  Perizonius  :  nequemaior  T'  :  ne  quae 
maior  Fr. 

2  Fulvium  Fr^  :   Furium  V. 

*  qui  comperta /'r  :   quaecumconperta  I'. 

°  confici  Madvig  :    comitia  V  :    comitia  haberi  Fr. 

^  ante  diem  quintum  Sigonius  :   ad.  u  V. 

'  Febr.  Pighius  :   sep.  V.  ^  Cn.  Sigonius  :   q.  V. 

®  C.  Sigonius  :   m.  V.  ^°  Ser.  Fr^  :   serg.  V. 

^  A  similar,  but  even  stricter,  emergency  measure  is  recorded 
in  XXXVI.  iii.  3  (191  B.C.),  just  before  the  campaigns  against 
Antiochus. 

2  His  previous  consulship  was  in  186  B.C.,  cf.  XXXIX.  viii 

38 


BOOK  XLIII.  XI.  1-8 

XL  This  and  other  affairs  in  Macedonia  conducted  b.c.  ito 
with  no  success  were  reported  by  Sextus  Digitius,  a 
tribune  of  the  soldiers,  who  had  come  to  Rome  to 
offer  a  sacrifice.  The  result  was  that  the  Fathers, 
solicitous  lest  some  greater  disgrace  might  befall, 
sent  as  commissioners  to  Macedonia  Marcus  Fulvius 
Flaccus  and  Marcus  Caninius  Rebilus,  who  were  to 
report  after  investigation  on  what  was  taking  place ; 
the  Fathers  also  decided  that  Aulus  Atilius  the 
consul  should  proclaim  the  assembly  for  the  election 
of  consuls  for  such  a  time  that  it  might  be  completed 
during  the  month  of  January,  and  that  he  should 
return  to  the  city  at  the  first  possible  moment. 
Meanwhile  Marcus  Raecius  the  praetor  was  charged 
with  recalling  to  Rome  by  proclamation  all  senators 
from  the  whole  of  Italy,  except  those  who  were 
absent  on  public  business,  while  those  who  were  in 
Rome  were  not  to  go  more  than  a  mile  away  from 
Rome.^  These  matters  were  carried  out  as  the 
senate  voted.  The  consular  elections  were  held  on 
the  twenty-sixth  of  January.  The  consuls  elected 
were  Quintus  Marcius  Philippus  for  the  second  time  ^ 
and  Gnaeus  Servilius  Caepio.  Two  days  later  there 
were  elected  as  praetors  Gains  Decimius,  Marcus 
Claudius  Marcellus.^  Gains  Sulpicius  Gallus,  Gains 
Marcius  Figulus,  Servius  Cornelius  Lentulus,  Publius 
Fonteius  Capito.     For  the  praetors-elect  four  assign- 

ff. ;    he  had  been  envoy  to  Greece  and  to  Perseus  just  before 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  XLII.  xxxviii-xlvii. 

3  He  was  tribune  in  171  B.C.  (XLII.  xxxii.  7),  going  out  of 
office  on  December  9th  of  that  year ;  the  interval  of  a  year 
and  three  months  was  apparently  regularly  regarded  as 
fulfilling  the  requirement  of  two  years  which,  according  to 
the  Lex  Villia  Annalis  (XL.  x\iv.  1),  cf.  Cicero,  Philippics  5,  17, 
de  Legibus  3,  3,  had  to  elapse  between  two  terms  in  office. 

39 


LIVY 

A.r.c.  provinciae  sunt  decretae  :    Hispania  et  Sardinia  et 

^  Sicilia  et  classis. 

9  Legati  ex  Macedonia  exacto  admodum  mense 
Februario  redierunt.  Hi  quas  res  ea  aestate  prospere 
gessisset  rex  Perseus  referebant,  quantusque  timor 
socios  populi  Romani  cepisset  tot  urbibus  in  potes- 

10  tatem  regis  redactis.  Exercitum  consulis  infre- 
quentem  commeatibus  vulgo  datis  per  ambitionem 
esse ;   culpam.  eius  rei  consulem  in  tribunes  militum, 

11  contra  illos  in  consulem  ^  conferre.  Ignominiam 
Claudi  temeritate  acceptam  elevare  eos  patres 
acceperunt,^  qui  perpaucos  Italici  generis  et  magna 
ex  parte  ^  tumultuario  dilectu  conscriptos  ibi  milites 

12  amissos  referebant.  Consules  designati  ubi  primum 
magistratum  inissent,  de  Macedonia  referre  ad 
senatum  iussi ;  destinataeque  provinciae  iis  sunt 
Italia  et  Macedonia. 

13  Hoc  anno  intercalatum  est  :  tertio  die  post  Ter- 
minalia  kalendae  intercalariae  *  fuere.  Sacerdotes 
intra  eum  annum  mortui  sunt  ^  L.  Flamininus  .  .  .^ 
pontifices   duo  decesserunt,  L.  Furius  Philus  et  C. 

^  intribunosmilitumcontraillosinconsulem  his  V. 

2  Displicet  acceperunt  editorihus;  itaque  perceperunt  pro- 
posuit  Brahnan,  accusaverunt,  quia,  Hartel  :  laeti  acceperunt 
quippe,  Weisseriborn:  elevare  eo  patres  acceperunt,  quod 
Madvig. 

^  ex  parte  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

■*  intercalariae  W eissenborn  :  intercalaria  I'  :  intercalares 
Fr. 

^  mortui  sunt  Hertz  et  We-senherg  :  mortuus  est  V  :  mortui 
Fr:    inter  sacerdotes  eo  anno  mortuus  est  X.  T.  Gronovius. 

^  Flamininus  Sigonius,  augur  ex  XXV.  ii.  2  addens  :  Fla- 
minius  T' :  Crevier  et  Duker  etiam  nomeu  successoris  excidisse 
putaverunt. 

^  The  text  is  uncertain  here ;  other  interpretations  proposed 
by  scholars  include,  "The  Fathers  accused  the  commissioners 
40 


BOOK  XLIII.  XI.  8-13 

ments  besides  the  two  in  the  city  were  decreed  :  b.c.  170 
Spain,  Sardinia,  Sicily,  and  the  fleet. 

The  commissioners  from  Macedonia  returned  when 
the  month  of  February  was  just  ended.  These 
reported  the  successes  achieved  by  King  Perseus 
during  that  summer,  and  how  great  a  panic  had 
seized  the  alUes  of  the  Roman  people  when  so  many 
cities  were  brought  under  the  control  of  the  king. 
The  army  of  the  consul,  said  the  commissioners, 
was  reduced  in  numbers  because  leaves  of  absence 
had  been  lavishly  granted  as  a  means  of  currying 
political  favour ;  blame  for  this  situation  was  placed 
by  the  consul  on  the  tribunes  of  the  soldiers,  but  by 
them,  on  the  other  hand,  on  the  consul.  The  Fathers 
took  it  that  ^  the  commissioners  were  minimizing 
the  disgrace  inflicted  by  the  rashness  of  Claudius, 
since  they  reported  that  very  few  soldiers  of  Italian 
stock,  but  chiefly  those  enrolled  on  the  spot  in  an 
irregular  levy,  had  been  lost.  The  consuls-elect 
Mere  ordered  to  present  to  the  senate,  as  soon  as  they 
entered  upon  their  office,  the  problem  of  Macedonia  ; 
and  Italy  and  Macedonia  were  designated  as  their 
provinces. 

In  this  year  there  was  an  intercalation ;  the 
additional  month  began  on  the  third  day  after  the 
Terminalia,2  There  died  of  the  priests  in  that  year 
Lucius  Flamininus  .  .  .^  two  pontiffs  passed  away, 
Lucius    Furius   Philus    and   Gaius    Livius   Salinator. 

of  minimizing  .  .  .  because  they  reported,"  and,  "  The 
Fathers  were  glad  to  hear  the  commissioners  minimize  .  .  ." 
(see  critical  note). 

2  See  appendix  following  this  Book,  pp.  87-88. 

3  The  priesthood  held  by  Flamininus  and  the  name  of  his 
successor  are  missing;  he  was  probably  the  augur  elected  in 
213  B.C.,  XXV.  u.  2. 

41 


585 


A.r.c.  Livius    Salinator.      In     locum     Furii    T.     Manlium 

■^^■*  Torqiiatum.  in  Livi  M.  Servilium  pontifices  legerunt. 

A.rx.  XII.  Principio  insequentis  anni  cum  consules  novi 

Q.  Marcius  et  Cn.^  Servilius  de  provinciis  rettulissent, 
primo  quoque  tempore  aut  comparare  eos  inter  se 

2  Italiam  et  Macedonian!  aut  sortiri  placuit ;  priusquam 
id  sors  cerneret,^  in  incertum,  ne  quid  gratia  momenti 
faceretj  in  utramque  pro\-inciam  quod  res  desideraret 

3  supplementi  decerni  ^  —  in  Macedoniam  peditum 
Romanorum  sex  milia,  sociorum  nominis  Latini  sex 
milia.  equites  Romanos  ducentos  quinquaginta,  socios 

4  trecentos  —  veteres  milites  dimitti,  ita  ut  in  singulas 
Romanas    legiones    ne    plus    sena    milia    peditum, 

5  treceni  equites  essent.  Alteri  consuli  nuUus  *  certus  ^ 
finitus  numerus  civium  Romanorum  quem  in  supple- 
mentum  legeret.  Id  modo  finitum,  ut  duas  legiones 
scriberet,    quae    quina   milia   peditum    et   ducenos  ^ 

6  haberent,  equites  trecenos.  Latinorum  maior  quam 
collegae  decretus  numerus,  peditum  '^  decem  milia 
et  sescenti  equites.  Quattuor  praeterea  legiones 
scribi  iussae,  quae  si  quo   opus   esset   educerentur. 

7  Tribunos  iis  non  permissum  ut  consules  facerent  : 
populus  creavit.     Sociis  nominis  Latini  sedecim  milia 

^  Cn.  Sigonius:  q.  T'. 

2  cemeret  Fr  :   cemens  V. 

^  post  decerni — decreverunt  add.  Madvig,  decernunt  H.  J. 
Mulkr. 

■*  nullus  Fr  :   nulli  V. 

^  certus  ut  glossema  delete  vult  Warmington,  homoeofeleuta 
spernens. 

®  ducenos  Fr  :    ducentenos  T^. 

'  peditum  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    peditum  Latinorum  V. 

^  Probably  a  praetor  of  this  year. 

2  Below,  XLIV.  i.  1,  the  figure  of  5000  (perhaps  incomplete) 
is  given,  presumably  following  Polybius.     The  figures  here 

42 


BOOK  XLIII.  XIII.  8-xiv.  5 

principal  temples  and  that  the  people  should  wear  b.c.  169 
wreaths. 1      Everything    was     carried     out     as     the 
Board  of  Ten  prescribed. 

XIV.  Thereupon  the  assembly  for  electing  censors 
was  announced.  The  leading  men  of  the  state 
sought  the  censorship,  Gaius  Valerius  Laevinus, 
Lucius  Postumius  Albinus,  Publius  Mucius  Scaevola, 
Marcus  Junius  Brutus,  Gaius  Claudius  Pulcher, 
Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus.  The  last  two  were 
elected  censors  by  the  Roman  people.  Since  con- 
cern over  holding  the  levy  was  greater,  because  of 
the  Macedonian  war,  than  at  other  times,  the  consuls 
blamed  the  commons  before  the  senate  because 
even  ^  the  men  of  military  age  were  not  presenting 
themselves.  Retorting  to  them  Gaius  Sulpicius  and 
Marcus  Claudius  the  praetors  pleaded  the  cause  of 
the  commons ;  the  levy,  they  said,  was  difficult,  not 
for  consuls,  but  for  politically -minded  consuls ;  they 
never  enrolled  a  soldier  against  his  will.  That  the 
Conscript  Fathers  might  also  be  sure  that  this  was  so, 
they  themselves,  though  praetors,  whose  powers  of 
office  and  importance  were  less,  would,  if  it  seemed 
best  to  the  senate,  complete  the  levy.^  This  task 
was  entrusted  to  the  praetors  with  great  enthusiasm 
on  the  part  of  the  Fathers,  not  without  jeers  at  the 
consuls.  The  censors,  to  further  the  business,  made 
the  following  proclamation  before  a  meeting ;  that 
they  were  going  to  lay  down  a  rule  for  taking  the 

the  Macedonian  campaign,  older  men  (the  seniores,  47-60 
years  old)  also  were  drafted  or  volunteered,  cf.  XLII.  xxxi.  4 
and  xxxii.  6. 

^  Conduct  of  a  levy  by  praetors  when  the  consuls  were 
otherwise  occupied  was  not  without  precedent,  cf.  XXXIX. 
XX.  4,  xxxviii.  10;  XLII.  xviii.  6;  but  the  supplanting  of  the 
consuls  was  peculiar  to  this  occasion. 

49 


LR'Y 

dicturos  esse,  ut  praeter  commune  omnimn  civium 
<j  ius  iurandum  haec  adiurarent  :  "  tu  minor  annis  sex 
et  quadraginta  es  tuque  ^  ex  edicto  C.  Claudi  Ti. 
Semproni  censorum  ad  dilectum  prodisti  "^  et  quoti- 
enscumque  dilectus  erit  quoad  ^  hi  censores  magis- 
tratum  habebunt,  si  miles  factus  non  eris,  in  dilec- 

7  tum  ■^  prodibis  ^:  "  item,  quia  fama  erat  multos  ex 
Macedonicis  legionibus  incertis  commeatibus  per 
ambitionem  imperatorum  ab  exercitu  abesse,  edix- 
erunt  de  militibus  P.  Aelio  C.  Popilio  ^  consulibus 

8  postve  eos  consules  in  Macedonian!  scriptis,  ut  qui 
eorum  in '  Italia  essent  intra  dies  triginta,  censi  ^ 
prius  apud  sese,  in  provinciam  redirent ;  qui  in  patris 
aut  avi  potestate  essent,  eorum  nomina  ad  se  ederen- 

9  tur.^  5>Iissorum  quoque  causas  sese  cognituros 
esse ;     et    quorum    ante    emerita   stipendia   gratiosa 

10  missio  sibi  visa  esset,  eos  milites  fieri  iussuros.  Hoc 
edicto  litterisque  censorum  per  fora  et  conciliabula 
dimissis  tanta  multitudo  iuniorum  Romam  convenit, 
ut  gravis  urbi  turba  insolita  esset. 

1  es  tuque  Fr  :   estusque  T'. 

2  prodisti  Madvig :  proditi  T  :  prodito  Fr :  prodibis 
D  ulcer. 

2  quoad  Harant  :    quae   T:    quamdiu   Weissenhorn:    cum 
Madvig  post  Lrsinum  :    quando  Goldbacher. 
*  delectum  (sic)  Sigonius  :   dilectu  V. 
^  prodibis  Fr  :   providebis  V. 
®  C.  Popilio  add.  Fr  :  om.  V. 
^  eorum  in  Fr  :  eorumquiin  T'. 
^  censi  Fr  :    cons.  V. 
^  nomina  ad  se  ederentur  Fr  :    nomine  adsederentur  V. 

1  Either  for  a  year  and  a  half,  during  which  the  censors 
were  allowed  to  be  active,  by  the  Aemilian  law  (434  B.C.,  IV. 
xxiv.  5,  cf.  IX.  xxxiii.  3  ff.),  or  for  three  years,  as  the  censors' 
authority  over  construction  and  repairs  was,  according  to 
XLV.  XV.  9,  customarily  continued  for  a  second  period  of 

50 


BOOK  XLIII.  XIV.  5-IO 

census  that,  besides  the  general  oath  for  all  citizens,  b.c.  ica 
they  would  require  assent  on  oath  to  the  following  : 
"  Are  you  less  than  forty-six  years  of  age,  and  have 
you,  in  accordance  with  the  proclamation  of  Gains 
Claudius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  the  censors,  come 
forward  for  the  levy,  and  as  often  as  there  shall  be  a 
levy,  as  long  as  these  censors  shall  hold  office, ^  if  you 
have  not  entered  the  army,  will  you  come  forward 
for  the  levy?  ";  again,  since  it  was  rumoured  that 
many  were  absent  on  leave  from  the  legions  in 
Macedonia  without  specific  reason  because  of  the 
popularity-hunting  of  the  generals,  they  proclaimed 
concerning  the  soldiers  enrolled  for  Macedonia  in 
the  consulship  of  Publius  Aelius  and  Gains  Popilius  ^ 
or  after  that  consulship,  that  whoever  of  them  were 
in  Italy  should  within  thirty  days,  having  first 
appeared  before  the  censors,  return  to  their  province, 
and  that  the  names  of  those  who  were  subject  to 
the  authority  of  father  or  grandfather  ^  should  be 
reported  to  the  censors.  They  would  also  review, 
they  said,  the  reasons  for  discharges,  and  those  whose 
discharge  before  completion  of  their  military  service 
seemed  to  the  censors  to  result  from  indulgence 
they  would  order  to  be  enrolled  as  soldiers.  Through 
this  proclamation  of  the  censors,  and  through  their 
letters    sent    about    throughout    the    markets    and  I 

hamlets,  so  large  a  crowd  of  men  of  military  age 
assembled  at  Rome  that  the  unusual  throng  was 
burdensome  to  the  city. 

equal  length ;  hardly  for  the  full  five  years  till  other  censors 
were  chosen. 

2  172  B.C.;  a  small  force  crossed  over  to  the  towns  of  the 
west  coast  in  that  year,  cf.  XLII.  xxvii. 

^  Such  men  would  not  appear  before  the  censors,  as  their 
property  belonged  to  the  estate  of  their  controlling  relative. 

51 


LIVY 

X\\  Praeter  dilectum  eorum  quos  in  supple- 
mentum  mitti  oportebat  quattuor  a  C.  Sulpicio 
praetore   scriptae   legiones   sunt,   intraque   undecim 

2  dies  dilectus  est  perfectus.  Consules  deinde  sortiti 
provincias    sunt.     Nam    praetores    propter    iurisdic- 

3  tionem  maturius  sortiti  erant.  Urbana  C.  Sulpicio, 
peregrina  C.  Decimio  obtigerat ;  Hispaniam  M. 
Claudius  Marcellus,  Siciliam  Ser.  Cornelius  Lentulus, 
Sardiniani  P.  Fonteius  Capito,  classem  C.  Marcius 
Figulus  erat  sortitus.  Consulum  Cn.  Servilio  Italia, 
Q.     Marcio    Macedonia    obvenit ;    Latinisque    actis 

4  Marcius  extemplo  est  profectus.  Caepione  deinde 
referente  ad  senatum,  quas  ex  no  vis  legionibus  duas 
legiones  secum  in  Galliam  duceret,  decrevere  patres 
ut  C.  Sulpicius  M.  Claudius  praetores  ex  iis  quas 
scripsissent  legionibus  quas  \'ideretur  consuli  darent. 

5  Indigne  patiens  ^  praetorum  arbitrio  consulem 
subiectum,  dimisso  senatu  ^  ad  tribunal  praetorum 
stans  postulavit,  ex  senatus  consulto  destinarent  sibi 
duas  legiones.  Praetores  consulis  in  eligendo  ^ 
arbitrium  fecerunt. 

6  Senatum  deinde  censores  legerunt  :  M.  Aemilius 
Lepidus  princeps   ab   tertiis  iam  censoribus  lectus. 

7  Septem  de  senatu  eiecti  sunt.^  In  censu  accipiendo 
populi  milites  ex  Macedonico  exercitu,  qui  quam 
multi  abessent  ab  signis  census  docuit,  in  provinciam 

^  patiens  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   patiente  F. 

2  subiectum,  dimisso  senatu  Fr  :  subdectumdemissosenon 
V. 

^  consulis  in  eligendo  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  consulinelegando  V. 

*  lectus.  Septem  de  senatu  eiecti  sunt  Novak  :  lectusep-. 
temensenatuelectisunt  V  :   e  senatu  Fr. 

^  His  previous  elections  are  recorded  in  XL.  li.  1  and  XLI. 
xxvii.  1. 

52 


BOOK  XLIIL  XV.  1-7 

XV.  Besides  the  levy  of  those  who  were  needed  b.o.  169 
to  be  sent  as  reinforcements  four  legions  were 
enrolled  by  Gaius  Sulpicius  the  praetor,  and  within 
eleven  days  the  levy  was  completed.  The  consuls 
then  drew  lots  for  their  provinces.  For  the  praetors 
had  drawn  lots  more  promptly  to  secure  the 
administration  of  justice.  The  city  praetorship  fell 
to  Gaius  Sulpicius,  the  jurisdiction  over  aliens  to 
Gaius  Decimius ;  Spain  was  drawn  by  Marcus 
Claudius  Marcellus,  Sicily  by  Servius  Cornelius 
Lentulus,  Sardinia  by  Publius  Fonteius  Capito,  the 
fleet  by  Gaius  Marcius  Figulus.  Of  the  consuls, 
Italy  fell  to  Gnaeus  Servilius,  and  Macedonia  to 
Quintus  Marcius  ;  when  the  Latin  Festival  had  been 
held,  Marcius  at  once  set  out.  When  Caepio  then 
consulted  the  senate  as  to  which  two  of  the  new 
legions  he  should  take  with  him  to  Gaul,  the  Fathers 
voted  that  Gaius  Sulpicius  and  Marcus  Claudius  the 
praetors  should  give  the  consul  what  legions  they 
chose  from  those  they  had  enrolled.  Feeling 
insulted  that  a  consul  should  be  subject  to  the 
decision  of  praetors,  Servilius  dismissed  the  senate 
and,  taking  his  stand  at  the  judgment-seat  of  the 
praetors,  demanded  that,  in  accordance  with  the 
decree  of  the  senate,  they  assign  him  two  legions. 
The  praetors  gave  the  consul  his  choice  in  the 
selection. 

Thereupon  the  censors  chose  the  senate ;  Marcus 
Aemilius  Lepidus  was  chosen  chief.  This  was  the 
third  time  the  censors  had  chosen  him.^  Seven 
were  expelled  from  the  senate.  In  receiving  the 
census  of  the  people  they  forced  the  soldiers  from 
the  army  in  Macedonia — the  census  showed  how 
numerous  were  these  absentees  from  the  ranks — to 

53 


8  redire  ^  cocrebant ;  causas  de  ^  stipendiis  missorum 
cognoscebant,  et  cuius  nondum  iusta  missio  visa  esset, 
ita  iusiurandum  adigebant  :  "  ex  tui  animi  sententia, 
tu  ex  edicto  C.  Claudi  Ti.  Semproni  censorum  ^  in 
provinciam  Macedoniam  redibis.  quod  sine  dolo  malo 
facere  poteris  : 

X\'I.   In    equitibus    recensendis    tristis    admodum 
eorum    atque    aspera    censura    fuit  :     multis    equos 

2  ademerunt.  In  ea  re  cum  equestrem  ordinem 
offendissent.  flammam  invidiae  adiecere  edicto,  quo 
edixerunt,  ne  quis  eorum  qui  Q.  Fulvio  A.  Postumio 
censoribus  publica  vectigalia  aut  ultro  tributa  con- 
duxissent   ad  hastam  suam  accederet   sociusve    aut 

3  adfinis  eius  conditionis  esset.  Saepe  id  querendo 
veteres  publicani  cum  impetrare  nequissent  ab  senatu 
ut  modum  potestati  censoriae  imponerent,  tandem 
tribunum  plebis  P.  Rutilium,*  ex  rei  privatae  con- 
tentione  iratum  censoribus.  patronum  causae  nancti 

4  sunt.  Clientem  eius  ^  libertinum  parietem  in  Sacra 
via  adversus  aedes  publicas  demoliri  iusserant.  quod 

5  publico  inaedificatus  esset.  Appellati  a  private  tri- 
buni.     Cum    praeter    Rutilium    nemo    intercederet, 

^  redire  add.  Kreyssig  :   orn.  V. 

2  de  add.  Hartel :   om.  V. 

3  censorum  Fr  :    cesoriam  T'. 

^  tribunum  plebis  P.  Rutilium  Sigonius  :   tr.  pi.  utilium  T. 
5  eius  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  oni.  V. 

1  The  previous  censors,  XLI.  xxvii. 

2  Literally,  "  to  their  spear,"  since  a  spear  was  the  sign  of 
an  auction;   at  the  censors'  auction  contracts  for  public  works 

54 


BOOK  XLIII.  XV.  7-xvi.  5 

return  to  their  province ;  they  reviewed  the  excuses  b.c.  leo 
of  those  discharged  from  service,  and  in  the  case  of 
any  whose  discharge  seemed  premature  they  com- 
pelled assent  on  oath  to  the  following  :  "  With  your 
whole  heart  will  you,  in  accordance  with  the  decree 
of  Gains  Claudius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  the 
censors,  return  to  the  province  of  Macedonia,  as  you 
are  able,  in  all  sincerity,  to  do  this  ? 

XVI.  In  reviewing  the  knights,  the  censorship  of 
these  officials  was  rather  stern  and  harsh ;  they 
deprived  many  of  their  horses.  When  in  this  matter 
they  had  offended  the  order  of  knights,  they  added 
fire  to  the  grudge  by  a  proclamation,  in  which  they 
proclaimed  that  none  of  those  who  in  the  censorship 
of  Quintus  Fulvius  and  Aulus  Postumius  ^  had  farmed 
the  public  revenues  or  the  public  works  should 
appear  at  the  auction  of  Claudius  and  Sempronius,- 
or  should  be  a  partner  or  sharer  in  the  contracting. 
When,  after  many  complaints  about  this  decree,  the 
veteran  tax-gatherers  were  unable  to  induce  the 
senate  to  set  a  limit  to  the  censors'  power, ^  at  last  in 
a  tribune  of  the  people,  Publius  Rutilius,  who  was 
angry  \\dth  the  censors  over  a  dispute  concerning  a 
private  matter,  they  found  an  advocate  for  their 
cause.  A  freedman  client  of  Rutilius  had  been 
ordered  by  the  censors  to  pull  down  a  house-wall  on 
the  Sacred  Way  opposite  the  public  temples,  because 
the  wall  was  built  on  state  land.  An  appeal  was 
made  by  the  citizen  to  the  tribunes.  When  no  one 
but  Rutilius  intervened  in  his  behalf,  the  censors 

and  for  collecting  the  revenues  were  to  be  made,  cf.  XXXIX. 
xliv.  8  and  the  note. 

3  Compare  the  Pyrrhic  victory  of  the  contractors  in  184 
B.C.,  XXXIX.  xUv.  8. 

55 


A.r.c 


LR'Y 

censores  ad  pi^nera  capienda  miserunt  multamque 

^^^        6  pro  contione  privato  dixerunt.     Hinc  ^  contentione 

orta  cum  veteres  publicani  se  ad  tribunum  contu- 

lissent,   rogatio   repente   sub   unius   tribuni   nomine 

7  promulgatur,  quae  publica  vectigalia  aut  ^  ultro 
tributa  C.  Claudius  et  Ti.  Sempronius  locassent,  ea 
rata  locatio  ne  asset  :  ab  integro  locarentur  et  ut 
omnibus    redimendi    et    conducendi    promiscue    ius 

8  esset.  Diem  ad  eius  rogationem  ^  concilio  tribunus 
plebis  dixit.  Qui  postquam  venit  ^  ut  censores 
ad  dissuadendum  processerunt,  Graccho  dicente  ^ 
silentium  fuit ;    cum  ^  Claudio   obstreperetur,  audi- 

9  entiam  facere  praeconem  iussit.  Eo  facto  avocatam  '^ 
a  se  contionem  tribunus  questus  et  in  ordinem  se 
coactum    ex    Capitolio,    ubi    erat    concilium,    abiit. 

10  Postero  die  ingentis  tumultus  ciere.  Ti.  Gracchi 
primum  bona  consecravit  quod  in  multa  pignori- 
busque  eius  qui  tribunum  appellasset,^  intercessioni 

1  Hinc  Fr  :   hie  V. 

2  aut  add.  Wakh  :   om.  V. 

3  ita  V  ;  non  accipiunt  edd.,  aut  eius  delentes,  aut  legis 
addenfes. 

*  dixit.     Qui  postquam  venit  Fr  :   dixitq.  postvenit  V. 
5  dicente  Fr  :  dicendo  V. 

^  cum  add.  Fr  :  om.  V. 

'  avocatam  Fr  :   avocato  V. 

*  qui  tribunum  appellasset  Fr  :  quitribuniquitribununm- 
appellassent  I'. 

1  Such  bonds,  designed  to  secure  the  appearance  for  trial 
of  a  person  charged  with  a  crime,  were  secured,  not  directly 
from  the  defendant,  but  from  bondsmen  from  among  his 
friends.  For  this  practice,  cf  III.  xiii.  8,  XXV.  iv.  8-10, 
XXXIX.  xli.  7,  and  Summary  XLVIII.  Aulus  Gellius, 
XVI.  X.  8,  mentions  bondsmen  as  one  of  the  obsolete  legal 
forms  abolished  by  the  hz  Aebuiia  (exact  date  unknown). 
After  this  time,  bonds  were  posted  by  the  defendant. 

56 


BOOK  XLIII.  x\i.  5-10 

sent  agents  to  secure  bonds  ^  and  announced  before  b.c.  169 
a  meeting  a  fine  for  the  citizen.-  A  dispute  having 
arisen  from  this  cause,  when  the  veteran  tax- 
gatherers  had  resorted  to  the  tribune,  a  proposed 
law  was  suddenly  published  under  the  name  of  the 
one  tribune,  stating  that  whereas  Gains  Claudius 
and  Tiberius  Sempronius  had  let  certain  public 
revenues  and  public  works,  the  letting  of  these 
should  be  void ;  they  should  be  let  anew,  and  every- 
one without  restriction  should  have  the  right  of 
farming  and  contracting.  The  tribune  of  the  people 
announced  for  the  assembly  ^  a  day  for  voting  on 
this  proposal.*  When  this  day  came,  as  the  censors 
came  forward  to  advise  against  the  law,^  while 
Gracchus  was  speaking  there  was  silence ;  when 
heckling  greeted  Claudius,  he  ordered  the  herald  to 
bring  the  meeting  to  order.  When  this  was  done, 
the  tribune,  complaining  that  the  meeting  had  been 
taken  out  of  his  hands  and  that  he  had  been  deprived 
of  his  authority,  left  the  Capitol,  where  the  assembly 
was.  Next  day  he  raised  a  great  uproar.  He  first 
dedicated  to  the  gods  the  property  of  Tiberius 
Gracchus  because  in  the  matter  of  the  fine  and  the 
bonds  imposed  on  one  who  had  appealed  to  a  tribune, 

2  The  veto  of  one  tribune  sufficed  to  debar  an  action,  but 
the  censors  apparently  expected  the  other  tribunes  to  suppress 
RutiUus,  as  had  been  done  on  various  other  occasions,  cf.  II. 
xliii.  4,  IV.  xlix.  6  and  liii.  7,  IX.  xxxiv.  26,  XXIV.  xliii.  3, 
or  that  the  senate  would  support  them,  cf.  XXIX.  xxxvii.  17. 

^  An  Assembly  of  the  Commons  {concilium  plehis). 

*  An  attempt  is  made  here  to  translate  the  MS.  text, 
without  the  usual  alterations  (see  critical  note).  I  accept 
the  suggestion  of  Duker  that  the  phrase,  if  completed,  would 
be  ad  eins  rogationis  rogationem,  rogatio  meaning  (a)  a  bill  or 
proposed  law,  (6)  the  process  of  putting  it  to  a  vote. 

^  In  a  meeting  (contio)  held  before  the  voting  assembly. 

57 


11  non  parendo  se  in  ordinem  coegisset ;  C.  Claudio 
diem  dixit,  quod  contionem  ab  se  avocasset ;  et 
utrique  censori  perduellionem  se  iudicare  pronun- 
tiavit  diemque  comitiis  a  C.  Sulpicio  praetore  urbano 

12  petit.  Non  recusantibus  censoribus,  quoniinus  ^ 
primo  quoque  tempore  iudicium  de  se  populus 
faceret,   in   ante    diem    octavum    et    septimum   kal. 

13  Octobres  comitiis  perduellionis  dicta  dies.  Censores 
extemplo  in  atrium  Libertatis  escenderunt  ^  et  ibi 
obsignatis  ^  tabellis  publicis  clausoque  tabulario  et 
dimissis  servis  publicis  negarunt  se  prius  quidquam 
publici  negotii  gestures,  quam  iudicium  populi  de  se 

14  factum  esset.  Prior  Claudius  causam  dixit ;  et  cum 
ex  duodecim  centuriis  equitum  octo  censorem  con- 
demnassent  multaeque  aliae  primae  classis,  extemplo 
principes  civitatis  in  conspectu  populi  anulis  aureis 

^  quominus  J .  F.  Gronovius  :    qui i minus  V. 

2  Libertatis  escenderunt  Kreyssig  :  libertatescenderunt  V. 

3  obsignatis  Hertz  :   signatis  V. 

1  Eutilius  proceeds  under  the  law  mentioned  in  III.  Iv.  7, 
that  one  who  injured  a  tribune  should  forfeit  his  head  to 
Jupiter,  and  that  his  property  should  be  sold  at  the  temple 
of  Ceres,  Liber  and  Libera ;  the  ceremony  of  dedicating  the 
man  and  his  property  to  the  gods  might  be  performed  by  a 
tribune,  cf.  Cicero,  De  Domo  Sua  47  (123-5),  but  apparently 
had  to  be  confirmed  by  action  of  the  people.  Livj-'s  phrasing 
seems  to  make  Rutilius  arrange  for  two  trials  for  Claudius, 
but  we  hear  of  only  one  (below,  14-16)  and  it  seems  probable 
that  the  trial  for  treason,  based  on  the  chargas  mentioned, 
was  the  one  action  which  was  to  confirm  the  sentence  already 
pronounced  by  the  tribune ;  also  this  sentence  was  probably 
directed   equally   against   both,   though   Gracchus   is   named 

S8 


BOOK  XLIII.  XVI.  10-14 

Gracchus  had,  by  not  obeying  the  tribune's  inter-  b.c.  169 
position,  deprived  him  of  his  authority  ;  he  set  a  day 
for  the  trial  of  Gaius  Claudius  on  the  charge  of  taking 
the  meeting  away  from  him ;  and  he  announced 
that  he  judged  each  censor  guilty  of  treason,  and 
asked  of  Gaius  Sulpicius  the  city  praetor  a  day  for  an 
assembly.^  Since  the  censors  did  not  object  to 
having  the  people  pass  judgment  on  them  at  the  first 
possible  moment,  the  day  for  the  assembly-trial  for 
treason  was  set  for  the  twenty-third  and  twenty- 
fourth  of  September. 2  The  censors  innnediately 
mounted  to  the  Hall  of  Liberty  ^  and,  having  there 
sealed  the  public  accounts  and  closed  the  account- 
room  and  sent  away  the  public  slaves,  declared  that 
they  would  transact  no  public  business  until  the 
judgment  of  the  people  upon  them  had  been  passed. 
Claudius  pleaded  his  cause  first ;  and  when  of  the 
twelve  centuries  of  knights  eight  had  condemned  the 
censor,  along  with  many  other  centuries  of  the  first 
class,  at  once  the  leading  men  of  the  state,  in  the 
sight  of  the  people,  laid  aside  their  gold  rings  and 

alone.  For  a  trial  of  treason,  the  comitia  centuriata  was  called, 
since  a  death-sentence  was  involved,  not  the  comitia  tributa, 
as  above,  viii.  9,  cf.  the  note,  nor  the  concilium  plebis. 

2  A  day  for  each  defendant,  see  XXV.  iv.  10. 

^  This  appears  to  have  been  next  to  the  Senate-house,  and 
perhaps  a  sort  of  annex  to  it.  A  rebuilding  of  the  atrium  in 
194  B.C.  is  mentioned  in  XXXIV.  xliv.  5;  hostages  were  kept 
there,  according  to  XXV.  vii.  12;  archives  for  laws  were 
maintained  there  (Festus  241) ;  and  the  enrolment  of  freedmen 
in  the  city  tribes  took  place  there  (XLV.  xv.  5).  The  anni- 
versary day  of  the  sanctuary  of  Freedom  was  April  thirteenth 
(Ovid,  Fa.^ti  IV.  623).  In  the  first  century  B.C.,  slaves  were 
imprisoned  there  (Cicero,  Pro  Milone  59),  and,  following  a 
plan  of  Julius  Caesar's,  Asinius  Pollio  founded  there  the  first 
public  library  in  Rome,  with  rich  sculptural  adornment  (Ovid, 
Tristia  III.  1.  71-2,  Suetonius,  Augustus  29). 

59 


LIVY 

positis     vestem     mutarunt,     ut     supplices     plebem 

15  circumirent.     Maxime    tamen    sententiam    vertisse 

dicitur   Ti.    Gracchus,    quod,    cum   clamor    undique 

plebis  esset  periculum  Graccho  non  esse,  conceptis 

verbis   iuravit,   si  collega   damnatus   esset,  non  ex- 

pectato  de  se  iudicio  comitem  exilii  eius  futurum. 

16  Adeo  tamen  ad  extremum  spei  venit  ^  reus,  ut  octo 

centuriae     ad     damnationem     defuerint.     Absolute 

Claudio  tribunus  plebis  negavit  se  Gracchum  ^  morari. 

X\^II.  Eo  anno  postulantibus  Aquileiensium  legatis, 

ut    numerus   colonoruni   augeretur,^  mille    et    quin- 

gentae  familiae  ex  senatus  consult©  scriptae  triumvi- 

rique,   qui   eas  deducerent,  missi  sunt  "*   T.   Annius 

Luscus,  P.  Decius  Subulo,  M.  Cornelius  Cethegus. 

2  Eodem  anno  C.  Popilius  et  Cn.  Octavius  legati, 
qui  in  Graeciam  missi  erant,  senatus  consultum 
Thebis  primum  recitatum  per  omnes  Peloponnesi 
urbes  ^  circumtulerunt  ne  quis  ullam  rem  in  bellum 
magistratibus  Romanis  conferret  praeterquam  quod 

3  senatus     censuisset.     Hoc     fiduciam     in     posterum 

^  venit  Fr  :   veniret  V. 

2  Gracchum  Fr  :   Graccho  V. 

2  ut  numerus  colonorum  augeretur  J.  F.  Gronovius : 
utnumerumcolonorumaugeret  V :  ut  numerum  colonorum 
augerent  /.  Perizonins. 

*  post  missi  sunt  vacat  -spatio  9  litferarum  (Giarratano). 

°  Peloponnesi  urbes  Fr  :    Peloponnensesuiurbes  V. 

^  I.e.,  a  dark  toga;  with  it  jewellery  was  not  worn,  and 
senators  and  magistrates  did  not  wear  the  purple  stripe  on 
their  togas  of  mourning. 

2  Except  for  the  knights,  among  whom  were  the  hostile 
tax-gatherers,  the  danger  to  Claudius  obviously  arose  from 
his  harsh  and  arbitrary  behaviour ;  of.  his  actions  during  his 
consulate  in  177  B.C.,  XLI.  x.  5-13. 

3  The  later  activities  of  these  censors  are  told  below,  XLIV. 
xvi.  and  XLV.  xv. 

6o 


BOOK  XLIII.  XVI.  14-XV11.  3 

put  on  mourning,^  in  order  to  go  about  entreating  b.c.  169 
the  commons.  Chiefly,  however,  Tiberius  Gracchus 
is  said  to  have  changed  men's  minds,  because, 
although  there  was  everywhere  shouting  from  the 
commons  that  Gracchus  was  in  no  danger,  he  swore 
in  formal  terms  that  if  his  colleague  were  condemned 
he  would  not  await  the  outcome  of  his  own  trial,  but 
would  accompany  Claudius  into  exile. ^  None  the 
less,  so  near  did  the  defendant  come  to  the  last  ray 
of  hope  that  only  eight  centuries  were  lacking  for 
condemnation.  When  Claudius  had  been  acquitted, 
the  tribune  of  the  people  said  that  he  did  not  care 
about  the  case  of  Gracchus. ^ 

XVII.  In  that  year,  at  the  request  of  envoys  from 
Aquileia  that  the  number  of  colonists  be  increased, 
fifteen  hundred  households  were  enrolled  in  accor- 
dance with  a  decree  of  the  senate,  and  a  board  of 
three,  Titus  Annius  Luscus,  Publius  Decius  Subulo, 
and  Marcus  Cornelius  Cethegus,  were  sent  to  lead 
the  settlement.'* 

In  the  same  year  ^  Gains  Popilius  and  Gnaeus 
Octavius,  the  envoys  who  had  been  sent  into  Greece, 
first  caused  to  be  read  at  Thebes  and  then  to  be 
carried  about  to  all  the  cities  of  the  Peloponnese  the 
decree  of  the  senate  that  no  one  should  contribute 
anything  to  Roman  oflicers  for  the  war  except  what 
the  senate  should  have  voted.     This  resolution  had 


^  The  reinforcement  was  sent  two  years  after  it  was  re- 
quested, cf.  above,  i.  5-12.  The  sending  of  settlers  may  have 
been  easier  during  the  censors'  activity,  cf.  XXXIX.  xliv.  10. 

^  At  this  point  Livy  begins  to  draw  on  Polybius  XXVIII. 
3 ;  but  Polybius  says  that  the  envoys  urged  the  Thebans  to 
loyalty,  and  read  the  senate's  resolution  only  in  the  Pelopon- 
nese. 

61 


quoqiie     praebuerat     levatos    se    oneribusque  ^     im- 
pensisque  quibus,  alia  aliis  imperantibus,  exhaurie- 

4  bantur.  Achaico  concilio  Aegii  iis  dato  ^  benigne 
locuti  auditique,  egregia  spe  futuri  status  ^  fidissima 

5  gente  relicta,  in  Aetoliam  traiecerunt.  Ibi  nonduni 
quideni  seditio  erat,  sed  omnia  suspecta  criminunique 

6  inter  ipsos  plena ;  ob  quae  ^  obsidibus  postulatis 
neque  exitu  rei  imposito  in  Acarnaniam  inde  profecti 

7  legati  sunt,  Thvrrei  ^  concilium  legatis  Acarnanes 
dederunt.  Ibi  quoque  inter  factiones  ^  erat  certa- 
men  :  quidam  principum  postulare  ut  praesidia  in 
urbes  suas  inducerentur  adversus  amentiam  eorum 

8  qui  ad  Macedonas  gentem  '  trahebant ;  pars  recusare 
ne  quod  bello  captis  et  hostibus  mos  esset,  id  pacatae 

9  et  sociae  civitates  ignominiae  acciperent.  lusta 
deprecatio  haec  ^isa.  Larisam  ad  Hostilium  procon- 
sulem  —  ab  eo  enim  missi  erant  —  legati  rediei-unt. 

10  Octavium  retinuit  secum,  Popilium  cum  mille  ferme 
militibus  in  hiberna  Ambraciam  misit. 

XVIII.  Perseus  principio  hiemis  egredi  Mace- 
doniae  finibus  non  ausus.^  ne  qua  in  regnum  vacuum 
inrumperent    Romani,    sub    tempus    brumae,    cum 

^   -que  del.  Madcig. 

-  Aegii  iis  dato  Ursinus  et  Weissenhorn,  cf.  Polyh.  XXVIII. 
3.  10  :   argisagitato  T'. 

^  status  Fr  :    statuis  T'. 

■*  inter  ipsos  plena;  ob  quae  Fr:  interipsospleuaque- 
interipsospleuaobquae  V. 

^  Th\Trei  Sigonias  :   typri  I'. 

^  inter  factiones  Fr  :  interfectiones  V. 

'  Macedonas  gentem  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  macedonicamgentem 
T' :  Macedonas  Acarnanicam  gentem  Weissenboryi :  Maee- 
donicam  sectam  gentem  Goldbacher. 

8  non  ausus  Fr  :   ne  ausus  V. 

1  Cf.  Polybius  XXVIII.  3.  7-10. 
62 


BOOK  XLIII.  XVII.  3-xviii.  i 

produced  confidence  for  the  future,  too,  that  they  b.c.  169 
had  been  reUeved  of  both  burdens  and  outlays,  by 
which,  as  one  and  another  ordered  various  things, 
they  were  being  drained  dry.  Before  an  Achaean 
council  held  for  them  at  Aegium  the  Roman  envoys 
both  spoke  and  were  heard  with  cordiality ,i  and 
leaving  this  most  loyal  people  with  extraordinary 
hope  for  their  future  position,  they  crossed  to 
Aetolia.  There  no  revolt  indeed  had  as  yet  broken 
out,  but  every  move  was  suspected  and  replete  with 
the  mutual  recriminations  of  the  Aetolians  ;  having, 
because  of  these,  called  for  the  giving  of  hostages, 
but  without  bringing  the  trouble  to  an  end,^  the 
envoys  set  out  thence  for  Acarnania.  At  Thyrreum 
the  Acarnanians  held  a  council  for  the  envoys.  There 
too  a  contest  between  factions  was  under  way ; 
some  of  the  chief  men  demanded  that  garrisons  be 
brought  into  their  cities  to  guard  against  the  madness 
of  those  who  were  dragging  the  tribe  toward  the 
Macedonians;  some  objected  to  this,  on  the  ground 
that  the  disgrace  which  was  customary  for  those 
captured  in  war  and  hostile  should  not  be  inflicted 
on  peaceful  and  allied  cities.  This  plea  in  opposition 
seemed  sound. ^  The  envoys  returned  to  Hostilius 
the  proconsul  at  Larisa — for  they  had  been  sent  by 
him.  Octavius  he  kept  with  him,  Popilius  he  sent 
with  about  a  thousand  soldiers  into  winter  quarters 
at  Ambracia. 

XVm.  Perseus  did  not  dare  to  leave  the  limits  of 
Macedonia  at  the  outset  of  winter,  for  fear  that  at 
some  point  the  Romans  might  raid  his  undefended 
realm.     About  the  winter  solstice,  however,  when 

2  Cf.  Polvbius  XXVIII.  4. 

3  Cf.  Pofybius  XXVIII.  5. 

63 


LIVY 

A^u.c.  inexsuperabilis  ^  ab  Thessalia  montes  nivis  altitude 

^  ^  2  facit,  occasionem  esse  ratus  frangendi  finitimorum 
spes  animosque,  ne  quid  averse  se  ^  in  Romanum 
helium  periculi  ab  iis  esset  ^  cum  a  Thracia  pacem 
Cotys,  ab  Epiro  Cephalus  repentina  defectione  ab 
Romanis    praestarent,    Dardanos    recens    domuisset 

3  bellum."*  solum  infestum  esse  Macedoniae  latus 
quod  ab  Illyrico  pateret  cernens,  neque  ipsis  quietis 
Ulyriis  et  aditum  praebentibus  Romano  ^  si  domuisset 
proximos  Illyriorum  Gentium  quoque  regem  iam 
diu  dubium  in  societatem  perlici  posse,  cum  decem 

4  milibus  peditum,  quorum  pars  phalangitae  erant,  et 
duobus    milibus     levium    armorum  ^    et    quingentis 

5  equitibus  profectus  Stuberram  venit.  Inde  frumento 
complurium  dierum  sumpto  iussoque  apparatu 
oppugnandarum  urbium  sequi,  tertio  die  ad  Usca- 
nam  "  —  Penestianae  terrae  ea  maxima  ^  urbs  est  — 

6  posuit  castra,^  prius  tamen  quam  vim  admoveret, 
missis  qui  temptarent  nunc  praefectorum  praesidii, 
nunc    oppidanorum    animos.     Erat    autem    ibi    cum 

7  iuventute  Illyriorum  Romanum  praesidium.^^     Post- 

^  inexsuperabilis  Fr  :   exsuperabilis  T'. 
-  averso  se  Fr  :   inadversose  V. 
^  ab  iis  esset  Forchliammer  :    abisset  V. 
•*   bellum  Kreys&ig  :    sedbellumi  V  :    bello  Fr. 
^  Romano  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   Romanis  T'. 
^  armorum  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    armatorum  V. 
'  Useanam  Sigonius  :    Uscana   V,  et  Graece  neutrum  est; 
at  cf.  infra  xix.  1,  etc. 

^  maxima  Sigonius  :   maxime  T'. 

^  castra  Fr  :   causa  V.  ^"^  praesidium  Fr  :   t  V. 

1  That  is,  the  western  passes,  cf,  XLII.  liii.  6 ;  Tempe  was 
held  by  the  Macedonian  garrison  at  Gonnus,  XLII.  liv.  8; 
and  cf.  XLIV.  ii. 

2  Livj^'s  account  of  affairs  in  Epirus  and  the  campaign 
against  the  Dardani  is  lost,  cf.  above,  iii.  7  and  the  note.     Con- 

64 


BOOK  XLIII.  XVIII.  1-7 

the  depth  of  snow  makes  the  mountains  ^  impassable  b.c.  169 
from  Thessaly,  he  thought  that  here  was  an  oppor- 
tunity to  shatter  the  hopes  and  spirits  of  his  neigh- 
bours, so  that  no  danger  might  arise  from  them  while 
his  attention  was  turned  toward  the  campaign  against 
the  Romans.  On  the  side  of  Thrace  Cotys  assured 
peace,  as  did  Cephalus  on  the  side  of  Epirus  ^  by  his 
sudden  desertion  of  the  Romans,  while  the  recent 
campaign  had  subdued  the  Dardani.  Perceiving 
then  that  the  only  quarter  hostile  to  Macedonia  was 
that  which  allowed  access  from  Illyricum,  where  the 
Illyrians  themselves  were  restless  and  were  providing 
the  Romans  with  an  approach,  and  that  if  he  con- 
quered the  nearest  Illyrians,  he  might  also  entice 
King  Gentius,  who  had  long  been  wavering,  into  an 
alliance,  Perseus  set  out  with  ten  thousand  infantry, 
some  of  whom  were  phalanx-men,^  two  thousand 
light  troops,  and  five  hundred  cavalry,  and  reached 
Stuberra.  Thence,  taking  grain  for  a  number  of 
days  and  ordering  equipment  for  besieging  cities  to 
follow,  on  the  third  day  he  pitched  camp  by  Uscana  * 
— which  is  the  largest  city  of  the  Penestian  region — 
but  sent,  before  bringing  an  attack  to  bear,  men  to  • 
test  the  mood,  now  of  the  commanders  of  the  garri- 
son, now  of  the  townspeople.  For  there  was  in  the 
city,  along  with  the  young  men  of  the  Illyrians,  a 
Roman   garrison.     After   the   messengers    reported 

cerning  the  latter,  Plutarch,  Aemilius  Paullus  IX.  3,  says 
that  Perseus  killed  10,000  Dardanians  and  acquired  much  booty. 

3  The  rest  were  peltasts,  cf.  Perseus'  muster-roll  in  XLTT. 
li.  3-11. 

*  Cf.  above,  x.  and  the  note,  for  a  Roman  counter-attack 
on  this  town,  the  account  of  which  Livy  has  not  harmonized 
with  Polybius'  account  reproduced  here. 


65 


VOL.  XIII. 


585 


Ax.c.  quam  nihil  pacati  referebant  oppugnare  est  adortus 
et  corona  earn  capere  conatus  est.^  Cum  sine  inter- 
missione  ^  interdiu  noctuque  alii  aliis  succedentes, 
pars  scalas  muris,.  pars  ^  ignem  portis  inferrent, 
sustinebant  tamen  earn  tempestatem  propugnatores 

8  urbis,  quia  spes  erat  neque  hiemis  ^-im  diutius  pati 
Macedonas  in  aperto  posse,  nee  ab  Romano  bello 
tantum     re^i     laxamenti     fore     ut     posset     morari. 

9  Ceterum  postquam  vineas  agi  turresque  excitari 
vident,^  victa  pertinacia  est.  Nam  praeterquam 
quod  adversus  vim  pares  non  erant,  ne  frumenti 
quidem  aut  ullius  alterius  rei  copia  intus  erat,  ut  in 

10  necopinata  obsidione.  Itaque  cum  spei  nihil  ad 
resistendum  esset,  C.  Carvilius  Spoletinus  et  C. 
Afranius  a  praesidio  Romano  missi  qui  a  Perseo 
peterent  primo  ut  armatos  suaque  secum  ferentis 
abire  sineret.  dein,  si  id  minus  impetrarent,  vitae 

11  tantum  libertatisque  fidem  acciperent.  Promissum 
id  benignius  est  ab  rege  quam  praestitum ;  exire 
enim  sua  secum  efFerentibus  iussis  primum  arma, 
dein  libertatem  ^  ademit.  His  urbe  ^  egressis  et 
Illvriorum  cohors  —  quingenti  erant  —  et  Usca- 
nenses  '  se  urbemque  dediderunt. 

XIX.  Perseus  praesidio  Uscanae  imposito  multi- 

1  corona  earn  capere  conatus  est  Fr :  coroneamcapere- 
conatumest  V. 

-  intermissione  Fr  :   interestmissione  F. 

"  pars  add.  Krei/ssig  :   07n.  V. 

•*  vident  Madvig  :   videntur  T' :   viderunt  Fr. 

^  dein  libertatem  add.  Hartel :  dein  omnia  alia  H.  J.  Muller : 
om.  V. 

66 


BOOK  XLIII.  XVIII.  7-xix.  i 

nothing  in  the  way  of  terms,  Perseus  began  to  press  b.c.  169 
the  siege  and  tried  to  capture  the  city  with  a  sur- 
rounding attack.  Although  without  interruption 
through  day  and  night  relay  of  men  after  relay  here 
brought  ladders  against  the  walls,  and  there  fire 
against  the  gates,  nevertheless,  the  defenders  of  the 
city  withstood  this  tempest,  because  they  had  hopes 
that  the  Macedonians  could  not  longer  endure  the 
violence  of  winter  in  the  open,  and  that  the  lull  in  the 
Roman  campaign  would  not  long  permit  the  king  to 
linger.  However,  after  they  saw  sheds  being  brought 
up  and  towers  raised,  their  determination  was  over- 
come. For  apart  from  the  fact  that  they  were  not 
equally  matched  against  the  assault,  there  was  no 
supply  even  of  grain  or  of  anything  else  in  the  city, 
as  was  natural  when  the  siege  was  unexpected.  And 
so,  since  there  was  no  hope  of  holding  out,  Gaius 
Carvilius  of  Spoletium  and  Gaius  Afranius  were  sent 
from  the  Roman  garrison  to  request  of  Perseus,  first, 
that  he  should  permit  them  to  depart  under  arms 
and  carrying  their  possessions  with  them,  and  next, 
if  they  failed  to  obtain  this,  that  they  should  at 
least  receive  assurances  of  life  and  freedom.  The 
king's  generosity  was  greater  in  promise  than  in 
performance ;  for  after  bidding  them  to  depart 
carrying  their  possessions  with  them,  he  deprived 
them  first  of  their  arms,  then  of  their  freedom. 
After  the  Romans  had  left  the  city,  both  the  force  of 
Illyrians — there  were  five  hundred  of  them — and 
the  people  of  Uscana  surrendered  themselves  and 
their  city. 

XIX.  After  placing  a  garrison  in  Uscana,  Perseus 

^  His  urbe  Fr  :   hisenimurbe  V. 

^  Uscanenses  Sigonius  :    Escanienses  V. 

67 


A.TT.c.  tudinem    omnem    deditorum,    quae    prope    numero 

2  exercitum  aequabat,  Stuberram  abducit.  Ibi 
Romanis  —  quattuor  milia  autem  hominum  erant  — ■ 
praeter  principes  in  custodiam  chitatum  ^  di\isis, 
Uscanensibus  Illyriisque  venditis,  in  Penestas  ^ 
exercitum     reducit     ad     Oaeneum  ^     oppidum     in 

3  potestatem  redigendum,  et  alioqui  opportune  situm 
et  transitus  ea  est  in  Labeates,  ubi  Gentius  regnabat. 

4  Praetereunti  frequens  castellum,  Draudacum  nomine, 
peritorum  quidam  regionis  eius  nihil  Oaeneo  ^ 
capto  opus  esse  ait,  nisi  in  potestate  et  Draudacum 

5  sit ;  opportunius  etiam  ad  omnia  positum  esse. 
Admoto  exercitu  omnes  ^  extemplo  dediderunt  sese. 

Ad  ®  quam  spe  celeriorem  deditionem  '^  erectus, 
postquam  animadvertit  quantus  agminis  sui  terror 
esset,  undecim  alia  castella  eodem  metu  in  potesta- 

6  tem  redigit.  Ad  perpauca  vi  opus  fuit,  cetera 
voluntate  dedita  ;   et  in  his  recepti  mille  et  quingenti 

7  dispositi  per  praesidia  miUtes  Romani.  Magno  usui 
Carvilius  Spoletinus  erat  in  colloquiis  dicendo  nihil 
in  ipsos  sae\itum.  Deinde  ^  Oaeneum  perventum 
est,  quod  sine  iusta  oppugnatione  capi  non  poterat. 

^  civitatum  Fr :  civitatem  V :  civitatium  Giarratano 
"  post  alios  ez  iisu  Liviano."" 

2  in  Penestas  Heraeus  :    inpeneinpesiam   T' :    in  Penestiam 


Fr. 


2  Oaeneum  Fr  :   eoeneum  V. 

*  Oaeneo  Fr  :   oaeneon  V. 

5  omnes  Fr  :   omne  V. 

^  ad  add.  Ha  rant  :    orn.  V. 

'  deditionem  Fr  :  deditiore  V. 

8  Deinde  H.  J.  Mailer  :  aeide  V  :  ad  Fr. :  Inde  ad  Duker. 


68 


BOOK  XLIIL  XIX.  1-7 

took  the  whole  mass  of  prisoners,  which  almost  b.o.  169 
equalled  his  army  in  numbers,^  to  Stuberra.  There, 
after  assigning  the  Romans — of  whom  there  were 
four  thousand  ^ — ,  except  the  chief  officers,  to 
various  cities  to  guard,  and  selling  the  people  of 
Uscana  and  the  Illyrians,  he  led  the  army  back  among 
the  Penestae  in  order  to  bring  under  his  control  the 
town  of  Oaeneum,  which  was  in  many  ways  strategi- 
cally situated,  particularly  in  that  the  route  to  the 
Labeates,  where  Gentius  was  king,  passes  this  way. 
As  he  was  passing  a  populous  fort,  Draudacum  by 
name,  one  who  knew  this  region  said  that  there  was 
no  use  of  capturing  Oaeneum  unless  Draudacum  too 
was  under  his  control ;  for  it  was  even  more  strategi- 
cally situated  for  all  purposes.  On  his  bringing  up 
his  army,  all  at  once  surrendered. 

Encouraged  by  this  surrender,  more  prompt  than 
he  had  hoped,  after  he  noticed  how  great  was  the 
fear  caused  by  his  column,  he  brought  under  his 
control  eleven  other  forts  because  of  this  same  dread. 
At  only  a  very  few  was  there  need  of  force  ;  the  rest 
were  voluntarily  surrendered ;  and  in  these  there 
were  taken  prisoner  fifteen  hundred  ^  Roman  soldiers 
who  had  been  distributed  among  the  garrisons. 
Carvilius  of  Spoletium  was  most  useful  in  the  parleys, 
in  saying  that  no  harshness  had  been  used  against 
him  and  his  comrades.  Next,  Perseus  arrived  at 
Oaeneum,  which  could  not  be  taken  without  a  regular 

^  According  to  ch.  x.  above,  the  population  of  Uscana  was 
10,000. 

2  In  yie^  Qf  the  numbers  given  elsewhere  for  garrison 
details  (XLII.  xxxvi.  9,  forts  of  Dassaretii  and  Illyrians, 
2000  Romans;  Ixvii.  9,  Ambracia,  2000  men;  XLIII.  ix.  6, 
force  of  Claudius,  4000  Romans,  4000  local  levies,  to  protect 
Illyricum  in  general),  this  number  seems  exaggerated. 

69 


l.U.C. 
585 


LIVY 

Et    maiore    aliquanto    quam    cetera    iuventute    at 

8  validum  oppidum  moenibus  erat.  et  hinc  amnis 
Artatus    nomine,    hinc    mons    praealtus     et     aditu 

9  difficilis  cingebat.  Haec  spem  ad  resistendum 
oppidanis  dabant.  Perseus  circumvallato  oppido 
aggerem   a   parte   superiore   ducere   instituit,   cuius 

10  altitudine  muros  superaret.  Quod  opus  dum  per- 
ficitur,  crebris  interim  proeliis,  quibus  per  excur- 
siones  et  moenia  sua  oppidani  tutabantur  et  opera 
hostium  impediebant,  magna  eorum  multitude 
variis  casibus  absumpta  est,  et  qui  supererant  labore 
diurno    nocturnoque    et  ^   volneribus   inutiles    erant. 

11  Ubi  primum  agger  iniunctus  muro  est,  et  cohors 
regia,  quos  Nicatoras  appellant,  transcendit  et  scalis 
multis  simul  partibus  impetus  in  urbem  est  factus. 

12  Puberes  omnes  interfecti  sunt;  coniuges  liberosque 
eorum    in    custodiam    dedit  i     praedae    alia   militum 

13  cessere.  Stuberram  inde  victor  revertens  ad  Gen- 
tium -  legates  Pleuratum  IlhTium,  exulantem  apud 

14  se,  et  Adaeum  ^  Macedonem  a  Beroea  *  mittit ;  iis 
mandat,  ut  exponerent  aestatis  eius  hiemisque  acta 

^  et  add.  Fr :  om.  V. 

2  ad  Gentium  Fr  :  augentium  V. 
^  Adaeum  Valenus  :   aputeum  T. 
^  a  Beroea  Fr  :    abeuroea  T'. 

^  It  is  not  clear  to  what  sort  of  unit  Livy  is  referring ;  one 
would  suppose  a  corps  d'elife,  and  the  reference,  in  XXVIII. 
V.  15,  to  a  royal  company  kept  by  Philip  as  a  mobile  reserve 
imder  his  personal  command,  would  seem  to  confirm  this; 
so  also  the  royal  company  of  Antiochus,  called  the  Silver- 
Shields,  in  XX'XVII.  xl.  7 ;  but  the  royal  company  mentioned 
in  XL.  vi.  3,  at  a  review  of  the  Macedonian  army,  would  seem 

70 


BOOK  XLIII.  XIX.  7-14 

siege.  The  city  was  strong  both  because  of  a  some-  b.c.  169 
what  larger  force  of  young  men  than  the  others  had 
had  and  because  of  its  walls ;  moreover,  on  the  one 
side  a  river,  Artatus  by  name,  on  the  other  a  very 
high  mountain,  difficult  to  ascend,  girt  the  city  about. 
These  defences  gave  the  people  of  the  city  hope  of 
holding  out.  Perseus,  after  encircling  the  town 
with  earthworks,  began  to  build  up  a  mound  on  the 
higher  side,  high  enough  to  bring  him  above  the  wall. 
While  this  work  was  in  progress,  the  frequent  battles 
which  meanwhile  took  place,  as  the  townspeople 
resorted  to  sallies  to  protect  their  walls  and  to  hinder 
the  siege-works  of  the  enemy,  caused  a  great  wastage 
in  casualties  of  one  kind  or  another,  while  those 
townspeople  who  survived  were  incapacitated  by 
daily  and  nightly  toil  and  by  wounds.  As  soon  as 
the  mound  was  joined  to  the  wall,  the  royal  company, 
whom  they  call  the  Conquerors,^  passed  over  it,  and 
also  at  the  same  time  an  attack  was  made  with 
ladders  against  many  parts  of  the  city.  All  the  adult 
males  were  killed ;  their  wives  and  children  Perseus 
put  under  guard ;  the  other  items  of  booty  fell  to  the 
soldiers.  Returning  thence  victoriously  to  Stuberra, 
he  sent  as  envoys  to  Gentius,  Pleuratus  the  lUyrian, 
who  was  in  exile  at  his  court,  and  Adaeus,  a  Mace- 
donian from  Beroea ;  ^  he  instructed  them  to  relate 
his  achievements  of  that  summer  and  winter  against 

to  be  the  group  of  young  nobles  described  in  XLV.  vi.  7, 
as  serving  as  royal  pages  or  squires,  of.  Arrian  IV.  xiii.  1, 
Diodorus  XVII.  65,  Curtius  Rufus  VIII.  vi.  2-7,  and  X. 
vii.  16.  The  only  other  reference  to  the  name  "  Con- 
querors "  is  Hesychius'  definition  :  "  the  most  excellent  in 
the  units  "  (vtK-ar-^pe?  ol  aKfxaioTaroL  eV  ralg  ra^eai). 

2  Taken  from  Polybius  XXVIII.  8 ;   who  adds  the  Epirotes 
to  the  list  of  Perseus'  opponents,  cf.  above,  xviii.  2. 

71 


sua  adversus  Romanos  Dardanosque ;  adicerent  ^ 
recentia  in  Illyrico  hibernae  expeditionis  opera; 
hortarentur  Gentium  in  amicitiam  secum  et  cum 
Macedonibus  iungendam. 

XX.  Hi  transgressi  iugum  Scordi  mentis,  per 
Illyrici  solitudines,^  quas  de  ^  industria  populando 
Macedones  fecerant  ne  transitus  faciles  Dardanis  in 
Illyricum  aut  Macedoniam  essent,  Scodram  *  labore 
ingenti    tandem    pervenerunt.     Lissi    rex    Gentius 

2  erat,  Eo  acciti  legati,  qui  mandata  exponentes 
benigne  auditi  sunt ;  responsum  ^  sine  effectu  tule- 
runt,  voluntatem  sibi  non  deesse  ad  bellandum  cum 
Romanis;     ceterum    ad    conandum    id    quod    velit 

3  pecuniam  maxime  deesse.  Haec  Stuberram  rettu- 
lere  regi  tum  maxime  captivos  ex  Illyrico  vendenti. 
Extemplo  iidem  legati,  addito  Glaucia  ex  numero 
custodum  corporis,  remittuntur  sine  mentione  pecu- 
niae,  qua    una   barbarus   inops   impelli    ad   bellum 

4  poterat.^  Ancyram  inde  populatus  Perseus  in 
Penestas    rursus "     exercitum    reducit     firmatisque 

1  hiemisque  acta  sua  adversus  Romanos  Dardanosque; 
adicerent  Fr :  hiemisquaesuaeac  tasuaaduersusromano- 
suardanos  queactasuaaduersusadicerent  V. 

2  solitudines  Fr  :   soUicitudines  V. 

3  de  Fr  :   per  V. 

*  Scodram  Fr  :   iscoram  T. 

^  qui  hie  posuit  Madvig  :    auditi  sunt,  qui  responsum  V. 

6  qua  una  barbarus  inops  impelli  ad  bellum  poterat  Fr  : 
qua  imdabarbarosinopsinepelliadebellumnonpoterat  V  :  qua 
non  data  b.i.i.a.b.  non  poterat  Weissenborn  :  itaque  barbarus 
i.i.a.b.n.p.  Brahman:  qua  nudatus  b.i.i.a.b.n.p.  Goldbacher: 
qua  non  abunde  data,  etc.,  Walter:  post  bellum,  Romanum 
add.  Zingerle. 

^  rursus  Wesenherg  :   rursum  T'. 

72 


BOOK  XLIII.  XIX.  14-XX.  4 

the  Romans  and  Dardanians ;   they  were  to  add  the  b.c.  169 
recent  operations  of  his  winter  march  into  Illyricum  ; 
and  they  were  to  urge  Gentius  to  join  in  friendship 
with  Perseus  and  the  Macedonians. 

XX.  After  crossing  the  ridge  of  Mount  Scordus, 
and  passing  through  the  desert  regions  of  Illyricum, 
which  the  Macedonians  had  purposely  made  desert 
by  ravaging,  so  that  there  might  be  no  easy  passage 
for  the  Dardanians  to  Illyricum  or  Macedonia,  these 
envoys  came  at  last  with  great  toil  to  Scodra.  King 
Gentius  was  at  Lissus.  Thither  the  envoys  were 
summoned,  and  their  message  was  given  a  favourable 
hearing  ;  but  the  reply  which  they  took  away  accom- 
plished nothing ;  it  was  to  the  effect  that  Gentius 
did  not  lack  the  will  to  fight  the  Romans,  but  to  try 
to  effect  his  will  he  did  especially  lack  money.  These 
words  the  envoys  reported  at  Stuberra  to  the  king, 
who  was  at  that  moment  engaged  in  selling  the 
prisoners  from  Illyricum.  At  once  the  same  envoys, 
with  the  addition  of  Glaucias  from  among  the  king's 
bodyguard,  were  sent  back  with  no  word  about 
money,  by  which  alone  the  poverty-stricken  barbarian 
could  be  urged  into  war.^  Thence,  after  ravaging 
Ancyra,2  Perseus  led  his  army  back  again  among  the 

^  On  Perseus'  stinginess,  of.  XLII.  Ixvii.  5  and  the  note, 
XLIV.  xxvi.  1,  Polybius  XXVIII.  9;  Plutarch,  Aemilius 
xii.  4-xLii.  2  mentions  the  Bastarnae  as  also  victims  of  Perseus' 
greed,  and  points  out  the  contrast  to  Alexander  the  Great 
and  Philip,  his  father,  who  disregarded  money  for  the  sake  of 
conquest. 

2  The  situation  of  Ancyra  is  unknown ;  we  cannot  be  sure 
whether  it  is  a  town,  a  district,  or  a  mistake.  In  Polybius 
XXVIII.  8.  11,  in  place  of  a  corrupt  word  (eVa/cvaJvav),  Ufsinus 
proposed  reading  evr'  "AyKvpav,  on  the  basis  of  this  reference  in 
Livy ;  but  modern  editors  prefer  the  emendation  e(f>'  "ToKava. 

73 


Uscanae    et    circa    earn    per    omnia    castella    quae 
receperat  praesidiis  in  Macedonian!  sese  recipit. 

XXI.  L.  Coelius,  legatus  Romanus,  praeerat  Illy- 
rico ;  qui  mbveri  non  ausus  cum  in  iis  locis  rex  esset,^ 
post  profectionem  demum  eius  conatus  in  Penestis 
Uscanam  recipere,  a  praesidio  quod  ibi  Macedonum 
erat  cum   multis    vulneribus   repulsus    Lychnidum  ^ 

2  copias  reduxit.  Inde  post  dies  paucos  M.  Trebellium 
Fresrellanum  cum  satis  valida  manu  in  ^  Penestas 
misit  ad  obsides  ab  iis  *  urbibus  quae  in  amicitia  cum 

3  fide  permanserant  accipiendos ;  procedere  etiam  in 
Parthinos  —  ii  quoque  obsides  dare  pepigerant  — 
iussit.  Ab  utraque  gente  sine  tumultu  exigit.^ 
Penestarum  equites  ApoUoniam,  Parthinorum  Dyr- 
rachium,   —   tum   Epidamni   magis    celebre    nomen 

4  Graecis  erat  —  missi.  Ap.  Claudius  acceptam  in 
Illyrico  ignominiam  corrigere  cupiens  Phanotam,^ 
Epiri  castellum,  adortus  oppugnare  ^  est.  Auxilia 
Chaonum  Thesprotorumque  ^  praeter  Romanum 
exercitum.  ad  sex  milia  hominum,  secum  adduxit ; 

^  rex  esset  Fr  :   rexnonesset  V. 

-  Lychnidum  Sigonius  :   lycidu  T'. 

^  in  add.  Fr  :    o/n.  V. 

*  iis  Kreys-sig  :   his  V. 

^  exigit  Weissenhorn  :    exigi  V. 

^  Phanotam  Drakenhorch  :   Phalanom  V. 

'  oppugnare  Madvig  :   oppugnari  V. 

®  Chaonum     Thesprotorumque     Madvig :       Thoanumtes- 
protorumque  V. 


1  The  relative  positions  of  Coelius  and  Claudius,  above, 
ix-x.. below,  §§  4-5,  xxiii.  1-2  and  6,  and  XLIV.  xx.  5,  cannot 
be  exactly  determined:  perhaps  they  had  different  sectors, 
in  spite  of  the  story  of  Claudius'  fiasco  before  Uscana,  cf. 
note  4,  p.  35. 

74 


BOOK   XLIII.  XX.  4-xxi.  4 

Penestae  and,  having  strengthened  the  garrisons  in  b.c.  169 
Uscana  and  in  all  the  forts  that  he  had  captured 
round  about  it,  retired  to  Macedonia. 

XXI.  Lucius  Coelius,  a  Roman  staff-officer, ^  was  in 
charge  of  Illyricum ;  he  had  not  dared  to  stir  while 
the  king  was  in  those  parts,  but  after  his  departure 
at  last  attempted  in  the  Penestian  country  to  retake 
Uscana,  and,  being  driven  back  with  many  wounded 
by  the  Macedonian  garrison  which  was  there,  led  his 
forces  back  to  Lychnidus.  Thence  after  a  few  days 
he  sent  Marcus  Trebellius  of  Fregellae  with  a  strong 
enough  detachment  among  the  Penestae  to  receive 
hostages  from  those  cities  which  had  remained  loyal 
to  the  alliance  ;  he  ordered  Trebellius  to  proceed  also 
to  the  Parthini,2  for  they  had  likewise  promised 
to  give  hostages.  From  both  peoples  Trebellius 
exacted  the  hostages  without  disturbance.  The 
knights  of  the  Penestae  were  sent  to  Apollonia, 
those  of  the  Parthini  to  Dyrrachium— at  that  time 
the  name  Epidamnus  was  more  generally  in  use  among 
the  Greeks.^  Appius  Claudius,  eager  to  atone  for 
the  disgrace  he  had  received  in  Illyricum,*  attempted 
to  besiege  Phanote,  a  fort  of  Epirus.  He  took  with 
him  auxiliaries  from  the  Chaonians  ^  and  Thespro- 
tians,  besides  his  Roman  army,  a  total  of  about  six 

2  Thev  had  been  recognized  as  allies  of  the  Romans  in  205 
B.C.  (Poiybius  II.  11.  11,  VII.  9.  13,  Livy  XXIX.  xii.  13),  but 
seem  to  have  come  again  under  Philip's  rule;  in  196  B.C., 
XXXIII.  xxxiv.  11,  they  were  put  under  Pleuratus,  the  father 
of  Gentius  (not  the  exile  mentioned  above,  xix.  13),  who  had 
aided  Rome  against  Philip  (XXXI.  xxviii.  1-3,  xl.  10;  cf. 
also  below,  xxiii.  6). 

3  Including  Poiybius,  e.g.,  XXXIV.  7. 
^  Cf.  above,  ix-x. 

^  Phanote  lay  in  their  territory;  the  Chaonians  were 
divided  in  their  attachment,  some  holding  with  Perseus. 

75 


A.v.c.      5  neque  operae  pretium   fecit  Cleua,^  qui   relictus  a 

^^°  Perseo  erat,  cum  valido  praesidio  defendente.     Et 

Perseus,  Elimeam  profectus  et  circa  earn  exercitu  ^ 

lustrato     ad     Stratum     vocantibus     Epirotis     ducit. 

6  Stratus  validissima  turn  urbs  Aetoliae  erat  ^ ;  sita 
est  super  Amibracium  sinum  prope  ^  amnem  Ina- 
chum.^  Cum  decern  milibus  peditum  eo  profectus 
est   et   equitibus   trecentis,   quos   pauciores   propter 

7  angustias  viarum  et  asperitatem  duxit.  Tertio  ® 
die  cum  pervenisset  ad  Citium  montem,  vix  trans- 
gressus    propter    altitudinem    nivis    locum    quoque 

8  castris  aegre  invenit.  Profectus  inde,  magis  quia 
manere  non  poterat,  quam  '  quod  tolerabilis  aut  via 
aut  tempestas  esset,  cum  ingenti  vexatione  praecipue 
iumentorum  altero  die  ad  templum  lovis.  Nicaeum 

9  quem  vocant,  posuit  castra.  Ad  Aratthum  ^  inde 
flumen  itinere  ingenti  emenso  retentus  altitudine 
amnis  .  .  .  ^  mansit.  Quo  spatio  temporis  ponte 
perfectOj  traductis  copiis  diei  progressus  iter  obvium 

^  Cleua  Fr  :   creua  V. 

2  earn  exercitu  Fr  :   eametexercitu  V. 

3  validissima  turn  urbs  Aetoliae  erat   Fr  :    vaHdissimum- 
urbsaetolierat  V. 

•*  Ambracium  sinum  prope  Fr  :    ambraciamsineprope  V. 

^  Inachum  Krey.ssig  :   acaum  V. 

^  Tertio  Fr  :   certo  V. 

'  quam  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

^  Aratthum  Hertz  :   Arachthum  Weissen^orn  :   arratum  V. 

^  Excidit  num.  dierum;   malim  dies  III  cum  Zingerle. 

1  Here  the  city,  not  the  district  as  in  XXXI.  xl.  1,  XLII. 
liii.  5,  and  Plutarch,  Aemilius  ix.  3. 

2  Epirote  exiles,  cf.  below  xxii.  9,  xinless  this  is  a  mistake 
for  "  Aetolians." 

3  Until  270  B.C.  the  chief  city  of  Acamania,  Stratus  was 
then   given   to   the   Aetolians.     The   river   is   properly   the 

7,6 


BOOK  XLIIL  XXI.  5-9 

thousand  men ;  he  did  not  accompUsh  anything  b.c.  169 
worth  his  trouble,  since  Cleuas,  who  had  been  left 
by  Perseus,  was  defending  it  with  a  strong  garrison. 
Perseus  also,  setting  out  for  Elimea,^  and  purifying 
his  army  in  that  neighbourhood,  led  his  force,  at  the 
invitation  of  the  Epirotes,^  to  Stratus.  Stratus  was 
at  that  time  the  strongest  city  of  Aetolia ;  it  is 
situated  inland  from  the  Ambracian  Gulf  near  the 
River  Inachus.^  Perseus  set  out  thither  with  ten 
thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred  cavalry,  a 
smaller  number  of  which  *  he  took  with  him  because 
of  the  narrowness  and  roughness  of  the  roads.  When 
on  the  third  day  he  had  arrived  at  Mount  Citium,  the 
snow  was  so  deep  that  he  barely  succeeded  in  crossing 
and  had  difficulty  also  in  finding  a  place  for  his  camp. 
Setting  out  thence,  more  because  he  could  not  stay 
than  because  either  the  way  or  the  weather  was 
bearable,  with  great  suffering,  especially  of  the 
baggage-animals,  on  the  second  day  he  pitched  camp 
at  the  temple  of  Jupiter  whom  they  call  the  Vic- 
torious.^ Thence  having  traversed  a  huge  march 
to  the  Aratthus  River,  he  halted  .  .  .  delayed  by  the 
depth  of  the  river.  In  this  length  of  time  a  bridge 
was  finished,  and,  leading  his  troops  across,  he  pro- 
ceeded one  day's  march  and  effected  a  meeting  with 

Acheloos  (cf.  e.g.,  Polybius  V.  13.  10);  the  name  Inachus  was 
sometimes  applied  to  the  upper  portion  of  the  Acheloos  which 
was  mistakenly  regarded  as  a  tributary,  hence,  perhaps,  Livy's 
mistake. 

*  Two  hundred  less  cavalry  (and  apparently  the  two 
thousand  light  troops  were  also  omitted)  than  on  the  previous 
expedition ;  above,  xviii.  4. 

^  Zeus  Nikaios  is  named  in  inscriptions  from  Asia  Minor; 
Cassius  Dio  XLVII.  40.  2  uses  this  name  as  a  translation  of 
"  Jupiter  Victor  "  at  Rome. 

77 


LIVY 

Archidamum.    principem    Aetolorum    per    quern    ei 
Stratus  tradebatur  habuit. 

XXII.  Eo  die  ad  finem  agri  Aetolici  ^  castra  posita  ; 

2  inde  altero  die  ad  Stratum  per\"entuin ;  ubi  prope 
Inachum  amnem  castris  positis,^  cum  expectaret 
effusos  omnibus  portis  ^  Aetolos  in  fidem  suam 
ventures,  clausas  portas  at  que  ipsa  ea  nocte  qua 
venerat    receptum    Romanum    praesidium    cum    C. 

3  Popilio  legato  invenit.  Principes,  qui  praesentis 
Archidami  auctoritate  compulsi  regem  arcessierant, 
obviam  egresso  Archidamo  segniores  facti  locum 
adversae  factioni  dederant  ad  Popilium  cum  mille 

4  peditibus  ab  Ambracia  accersendum.  In  tempore 
et  Dinarchus,  praefectus  equitum  gentis  Aetolorum, 
cum  sescentis  peditibus  et  equitibus  centum  venit.'* 

5  Satis  constabat  ^  eum  tamquam  ad  Persea  tendentem 
Stratum  venisse,  mutato  deinde  cum  fortuna  animo 

6  Romanis  se,  adversus  quos  venerat,  iunxisse.  Nee 
Popilius  securior .  quam  debebat  esse  inter  tarn 
mobilia  ingenia  erat.     Claves  portarum  custodiamque 

7  murorum  suae  extemplo  potestatis  fecit ;  Dinarchum 
Aetolosque  cum  iuventute  Stratiorum  in  arcem  per 

8  praesidii  speciem  amovit.  Perseus  ab  imminentibus 
superiori  parti  urbis  tumulis  temptatis  colloquiis,  cum 

^  agri  Aetolici  Madvig  :    agricclis  T'. 

2  positis  add.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

^  portis  Fr  :   positis  V. 

*  centum  venit  Fr  :    T  T'. 

^  constabat  Fr  :   consultabat  T^. 


^  Archidamus  is  mentioned  by  Polybius  XXVIII.  4.  8 
as  accused  of  anti-Romanism  by  Lyciscus,  a  professional 
pro-Roman,  cf.  Vol.  XII.  p.  403,  and  478,  note  1. 

2  Cf.  above,  xvii.  10. 


78 


BOOK  XLIII.  XXI.  9-xxii.  8 

Archidamus,  a  prominent  Aetolian,  who  was  trying  b.c.  169 
to  hand  over  Stratus  to  him.^ 

XXI I.  On  that  day  camp  was  pitched  at  the  edge 
of  Aetohan  territory  ;  thence  on  the  second  day  they 
arrived  at  Stratus.  Although,  when  he  pitched 
camp  there  near  the  Inachus  River,  Perseus  expected 
the  Aetohans  to  come  streaming  out  of  every  gate 
to  put  themselves  under  his  protection,  he  found  that 
the  gates  were  closed  and  that  on  the  very  night 
when  he  had  arrived  a  Roman  garrison,  under  the 
staff-officer  Gains  Popilius,  had  been  received.  The 
leading  men,  driven  by  the  influence  of  Archidamus 
while  he  was  there,  had  summoned  the  king,  but  had 
become  less  active  when  Archidamus  had  gone  out 
to  meet  Perseus,  and  had  given  an  opportunity  to 
the  opposing  party  of  summoning  Popilius  with  a 
thousand  infantry  from  Ambracia.^  Just  in  time, 
too,  came  Dinarchus,  the  chief  of  cavalry  ^  of  the 
Aetolian  League,  with  six  hundred  infantry  and  a 
hundred  cavalry.  It  was  well  known  that  he  had 
come  to  Stratus  as  if  on  his  way  to  Perseus,  but  then, 
changing  his  mind  with  his  luck,  had  joined  the 
Romans,  against  whom  he  had  come.  Popilius,  for 
his  part,  was  not  more  off  his  guard  than  he  should 
have  been,  considering  the  fickle  temperaments 
which  encompassed  him.  He  at  once  took  control 
of  the  keys  of  the  gates  and  the  guarding  of  the  walls, 
and  removed  to  the  citadel,  ostensibly  as  its  garrison, 
Dinarchus  and  his  Aetolians,  along  with  the  young 
men  of  Stratus.  Perseus,  after  attempting  parleys 
from  the  hills  which  overhang  the  upper  part  of  the 

^  This  officer  was  second  in  command  of  the  Aetolian 
League,  cf.  XXXVIII.  xi.  7. 

79 


LRT 

obstinatos  atque  etiam  telis  procul  arcentis^ 
videret,  quinque  milia  passuum  ab  urbe  trans  Peti- 
9  tarum  amnem  posuit  castra.  Ibi  consilio  advocato 
cum  Archidamus  Epirotarumque  transfugae  reti- 
nerent.  Macedonum  ^  principes  non  pugnandum 
cum  infesto  tempore  amii  censerent,  nullis  praeparatis 

10  comnieatibus.  cum  inopiam  prius  obsidentes  quam 
obsessi  sensuri  ^  essent,.  maxime  quod  hostium  baud  ^ 
procul  inde  hiberna  erant,  territus  in  Aperantiam 

11  castra  mo\'it.  Aperantii  eum  ^  propter  Archidami 
m^agnam  in  ea  gente  gratiam  auctoritatemque 
consensu  omnium  acceperunt ;  is  ipse  cum  octingen- 
torum  militum  ^  praesidio  his  est  praepositus. 

XXIIL  Rex  cum  non  "^  minore  vexatione  iumen- 
torum  hominumque  quam  venerat  in  Macedoniam 
rediit :    Appium  tamen  ab  obsidione  Phanotes  fama 

2  ducentis  ad  Stratum  Persei  summovit.  Cleuas  cum 
praesidio  impigrorum  iuvenum  insecutus  sub  radicibus 
prope  inviis  montium  ®  ad  mille  hominum  ex  agmine 

3  impedito  occidit,  ad  ducentos  cepit.  Appius  super- 
atis  angustiis  in  campo  quern  Meleona  vocant  stativa 
dierum  paucorum  habuit.  Interim  Cleuas  assumpto 
Philostrato.  qui  quingentos  ex  ^  Epirotarum  gente 
habebat.     in    agrum    Antigonensem    transcendit.^^ 

^  arcentis  Fr  :   argent  is  T. 

2  ]\Iacedoniim  Fr  :   macedonicum  T'. 

3  obsessi  sensuri  Fr  :    obsessucensuri  T'. 
■*  hand  Fr  :   aut  T'. 

^  Aperantii  eum  Fr  :   Aperantiaecum  T'. 

^  militum  Fr  :   millium  V. 

'  non  add.  Drahenborch  :   orn.  V. 

^  montium  Fr  :   mouentium  T'. 

^  quingentos  ex  add.  Hertz  :  delectos  ex  add.  Weissenborn  : 
om.  V  :   quingentos  pro  gente  scripsit  Madvig. 

^°  Antigonensem    transcendit    Fr  :     antigonensemhabebat- 
transcendit  V. 
8o 


BOOK  XLIII.  XXII.  8-xxiii.  3 

city,^  on  seeing  that  they  were  determined  and  were  b.c.  169 
even  keeping  him  at  a  distance  with  missiles, 
pitched  his  camp  five  miles  from  the  city  across  the 
river  Petitariis.  There  he  called  a  council  and, 
although  Archidamus  and  the  Epirote  deserters  tried 
to  keep  him  where  he  was,  when  the  leading  Mace- 
donians were  of  the  opinion  that  he  should  not  fight 
against  the  unfavourable  season  of  the  year  without 
having  arranged  for  supplies,  since  the  blockaders 
were  bound  to  feel  the  want  of  them  before  the 
blockaded,  especially  when  winter-quarters  of  the 
enemy  were  not  far  distant,  Perseus  in  fear  moved 
his  camp  into  Aperantia.^  The  Aperantians,  because 
of  their  great  regard  for  Archidamus  and  his  influence 
with  that  people,  by  general  agreement  received 
Perseus ;  Archidamus  himself,  with  a  garrison  of 
eight  hundred  men,  was  put  in  charge  of  the  city. 

XXIII.  With  no  less  suffering  of  beasts  and  men 
than  when  he  had  come,  the  king  returned  to  Mace- 
donia;  Appius,  however,  was  drawn  away  from  the 
siege  of  Phanote  by  the  report  that  Perseus  was 
marching  on  Stratus.  Cleuas,  following  with  a 
force  of  vigorous  young  men  beneath  the  almost 
impassable  spurs  of  the  mountains,  killed  about  a 
thousand  men  of  the  burdened  column  and  captured 
about  two  hundred.  After  passing  over  the  narrows, 
Appius  remained  in  camp  a  few  days  in  the  plain 
which  they  call  Meleon.  Meanwhile  Cleuas,  taking 
along  Philostratus,  who  had  five  hundred  of  the 
Epirote    people,    crossed    over    to    the    territory    of 


^  To  the  north ;  ruins  of  the  small  citadel  are  traceable  in 
this  quarter. 

2  Taken  bj^  the  Aetolians  from  Philip  in  189  B.C.,  XXXVIII. 
iii.  4. 

81 


LIVY 

4  Macedones  ad  depopulationem  profecti ;  Philostratus 
cum  cohorte  sua  in  insidiis  loco  ^  obscuro  consedit. 
In  palatos  populatores  cum  erupissent  ab  Antigonea 
armati.-    fugientes     eos     persequentes     efFusius    in 

5  vallem  insessam  ab  hostibus  praecipitant.  Ibi  ad 
mille  2  occisis,  centum  ferme  captis,  et  ubique 
prospere  gesta  re  prope  stativa  Appi  castra  movent, 
ne   qua  ^Is   sociis   suis   ab   Romano   exercitu  inferri 

6  possit.  Appius  nequiquam  in  his  locis  terens  tempus, 
dimissis  Chaonum  Thesprotorumque  ^  et  si  qui  alii 
Epirotae  erant  praesidiis,  cum  Italicis  militibus  in 
Illyricum  regi'essus,  per  Parthinorum  ^  socias  urbes 
in  hiberna    militibus  divisis,^  ipse  Romam  sacrificii 

7  causa  redit.  Perseus  ex  Penestarum  gente  mille 
pedites,    ducentos    equites    revocatos    Cassandream, 

8  praesidio  ut  essent,  misit.  Ab  Gentio  eadem  ad- 
ferentes  redierunt.  Nee  deinde  alios  atque  alios 
mittendo  temptare  eum  destitit,  cum  appareret, 
quantum  in  eo  praesidii  esset,  nee  tamen  impetrare 
ab  animo  posset,  ut  impensam  in  rem  maximi  ad 
omnia  momenti  faceret. 

^  loco  Fr  :   deloco  V. 

2  erupissent  ab  Antigonea  armati  Fr  :  erupis  setabanti- 
gatonemarmam  V. 

2  praecipitant.  Ibi  ad  mille  Giarratano :  praecipitanti- 
busidem  V  :  Ibi  [vel  inde)  mille  ]Y eissenhorn :  Ibidem  mille 
Goldbacher:   Ibi  DC  Heraeus  {at  MS.  AC  praehulsset). 

*  Chaonum  Thesprotorumque  Madtig  :   Chaonumque  V. 

^  Parthinorum  Sigonius  :    Parteniorum  V. 

^  divisis  /.  Perizonius  :   dimissis  T'. 


82 


BOOK  XLIII.  XXIII.  4-8 

Antigonea.  The  Macedonians  set  out  to  plunder ;  b.c.  169 
Philostratus  with  his  detachment  settled  down  in 
ambush  in  a  hidden  spot.  When  armed  men  sallied 
forth  from  Antigonea  against  the  scattered  plun- 
derers, as  they  pursued  in  too  open  order  after  these 
fugitives,  they  burst  into  the  valley  ambushed  by  the 
enemy.  After  the  killing  there  of  about  a  thousand 
and  the  capturing  of  nearly  a  hundred,  the  campaign 
was  successfully  conducted  everywhere,  and  they 
moved  their  camp  near  the  settled  camp  of  Appius, 
so  that  no  violence  might  be  inflicted  by  the  Roman 
army  on  their  allies.  Appius,  who  was  wasting  time 
to  no  purpose  in  these  parts,  after  sending  away 
the  forces  of  Chaonians,  Thesprotians  and  whatever 
other  Epirotes  there  were,  retired  to  Illyricum  with 
his  Italian  soldiers,  divided  his  men  in  winter- 
quarters  among  the  allied  cities  of  the  Parthini,  and 
himself  returned  to  Rome  to  offer  sacrifices.  Perseus 
sent  to  Cassandrea  to  act  as  its  garrison  a  thousand 
infantry  and  two  hundred  cavalry  recalled  from  the 
people  of  the  Penestae.  The  envoys  returned  from 
Gentius  with  the  same  reply.  On  the  one  hand, 
Perseus  did  not  cease  thereafter  to  make  overtures 
to  him  by  sending  embassy  after  embassy,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  although  it  was  obvious  how  much 
reinforcement  Gentius  could  provide,  yet  he  could 
not  induce  himself  to  incur  expense  for  a  matter  of 
the  greatest  importance  in  every  respect.^ 

1  Cf.  above,  p.  73,  note  1. 


83 


LIBRI   XLIII   PERIOCHA 

Praetores  aliquot  eo,  quod  avare  et  crudeliter  pro- 
vincias  administraverant,  damnati  sunt.  P.  Licinius 
Crassus  pro  cos.  complures  in  Graecia  urbes  expugnavit  et 
crudeliter  corripuit :  ob  id  captivi,  qui  ab  eo  sub  corona 
venierant,  ex  s.c.^  postea  restituti  sunt.  Item  a  praefectis 
classium  Romanarum  multa  impotenter  in  socios  facta. 
Pes  a  Perse  rege  in  Thracia  prospere  gestas  continet,  victis  ^ 
Dardanis  et  IIUtIco,  cuius  rex  erat  Gentius.  Motus,  qui 
in  Hispania  ab  Olonico  factus  erat,  ipso  interempto  con- 
sedit.  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus  a  censoribus  princeps  senatus  ^ 
lectus. 

^  ex  s.c.  ed.  princeps  :   et  sic,  etsi,  alia,  2ISS. 

2  victis  Frobenius :   et  victis  MSS. 

^  senatus  edd.:   om.  MSS.\   in  senatu  ed.  priiiceps. 


84 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK  XLIII 

Several  praetors  were  condemned  for  having  admin- 
istered their  provinces  with  greed  and  cruelty.  ^  Pubhus 
Licinius  Crassus  the  proconsul  stormed  and  cruelly 
plundered  numerous  cities  in  Greece ;  because  of  this  the 
prisoners  who  had  been  sold  at  auction  by  him  were  after- 
ward restored  by  decree  of  the  senate. ^  Likewise  many 
disorderly  acts  were  committed  against  allies  by  the 
commanders  of  Roman  fleets.^  The  book  includes 
successes  obtained  by  King  Perseus  in  Thrace,  and  his 
conquest  of  the  Dardanians  and  of  Illyricum,  the  king  of 
which  was  Gentius.*  A  revolt  in  Spain,  which  was 
organized  by  Olonicus,  collapsed  when  he  had  been 
killed.^  Marcus  Aemilius  Lepidus  was  chosen  chief  of  the 
Senate  by  the  censors.^ 

1  Cf.  ii. 

2  Licinius  seems  to  have  committed  these  acts  in  his  con- 
sulship, cf .  iv.  5 ;  an  account  of  his  campaign  seems  to  have 
been  lost  after  ch,  iii,  cf.  n.  7,  p.  13. 

3  Cf.  iv.  5-13,  vii.  8-viii.  9. 

*  The  account  is  lost,  cf.  n,  7,  p.  13,  except  for  the  reference 
in  xix.  4;  the  implication  that  Gentius  was  attacked  is 
wrong,  cf.  xix.  13-xx.  3,  xxiii.  8. 

*  Cf.  n.  7,  p.  14,  and  iv.  1-4. 
«  Cf.  XV.  6. 


85 


APPENDIX 

The  intercalary  month  regularly  began  after  Feb.  23, 
and  consisted  of  22  or  23  days,  to  which  were  added 
the  last  five  days  of  February. 

The  usual  arrangement  of  the  year,  established 
according  to  legend  under  Numa  (Livy  I.  xix.  6)  and 
actually  perhaps  at  the  establishment  of  the  republic 
(cf.  the  "  restoration  "  mentioned  by  Dionysius, 
Roman  Antiquities  III.  36.  4),  called  for  a  regular 
moon-year  of  355  days,  with  intercalation  of  22  and 
23  days,  alternately,  every  second  year.  (The 
number  of  days  in  the  year  thus  ran  355, 377,  355,  378, 
etc.)  A  cycle  of  24  years  was  observed,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  which  the  intercalary  month  had 
only  22  days,  not  23,  while  in  the  twenty-fourth 
year,  the  intercalary  month  was  omitted.  Thus  the 
average  error  of  one  day  a  year  in  the  ordinary 
succession  of  regular  and  intercalary  years  was 
corrected  at  the  end  of  the  24-year  cycle  (cf. 
Macrobius  I.  13.  13-21). 

This  calendar  appears  to  have  been  in  order  in 
211-10  B.C.  (cf.  Livy  XXVII.  iv.  1).  In  190  b.c,  on 
the  other  hand,  there  was  an  error  of  125  days 
(cf.  XXXVn.  iv.  4  and  the  note.  Vol.  X,  pp.  300-1). 
An  explanation  suggested  by  linger,  Iwan  Miiller's 
Handbuch,  Vol.  I,  1886,  pp.  634-42,  who  has  been 
followed  in  this  note  as  a  whole,  is  as  follows  :  In 
207  B.C.,  owing  to  the  terror  inspired  by  Hasdrubal's 
invasion  of  Italy,  a  change  to  a  sun-year  of  365  days 

87 


APPENDIX 

was  planned  in  honour  of  Apollo,  cf.  the  procession 
in  his  honour  described  in  XXVII.  xxxvii,  end,  which 
also  propitiated  Juno  the  Queen  (as  moon-goddess  ? 
— cf.  C.I.L.  5,  i,  3233  (Verona) :  lUN(om)  LUN(ae) 
IlEG(inae)  SACR. — a  dedication  of  a  freedman,  of 
imperial  date).  Intercalations  were  accordingly- 
omitted  till  192  B.C.  (cf.  Macrobius  1.  14,  "  there  was 
a  time  when  all  intercalations  were  omitted  for  a 
religious  reason — propter  superstitionem  "),  but  the 
novelty  of  adding  ten  days  to  the  standard  year 
was  also  omitted  after  its  first  occurrence.  We  must 
assume  that  a  cycle-end  fell  within  the  period  of 
fourteen  years,  so  that  one  intercalation  would 
normally  have  been  omitted,  leaving  six  which  were 
dropped  because  of  the  new  arrangement.  Six 
intercalations  =  135  days,  less  ten  extra  days  in 
207  B.C.  ^  125  days  lost  from  account.  In  191  b.c. 
the  consul  Acilius  Glabrio  sponsored  a  law  which 
gave  the  pontiffs  a  free  hand  to  regulate  intercalation 
(Macrobius  I.  13.  21),  probably  to  secure  the  gradual 
correction  of  the  error.  The  intercalation  of  the  year 
169  may  well  have  been  an  extraordinary  one,  as 
well  as  that  of  167  b.c.  (XLV.  xliv.  3),  thus  arousing 
the  special  interest  reflected  by  Livy's  mention  of 
these  events,  for  he  does  not  mention  all  the  inter- 
calations which  must  have  occurred.  The  calendar 
could  have  been  corrected  by  about  163  b.c. 


88 


BOOK  XLIV 


LIBER   XLIV 

I.  Principio  veris,  quod  hiemem  earn,  qua  haec 
^esta  sunt,  insecutum  est,  ab  Roma  profectus  Q.  Mar- 
cius  Philippus  consul  cum  quinque  milibus  militum,^ 
quos  2  in  supplementum  legionum  secum  traiecturus 

2  erat.  Brundisium  pervenit.  M.  Popilius  consularis  et 
alii  pari  nobilitate  adulescentes  tribuni  militum  in 

3  Macedonicas  legiones  consulem  secuti  sunt.  Per 
eos  dies  et  C.  Marcius  Figulus  praetor,  cui  classis 
pro\-incia  evenerat,  Brundisium  venit ;  et  simul  ex 
Italia  profecti  Corcyram  altero  die,  tertio  Actium, 

4  Acarnaniae  portum.  tenuerunt.  Inde  consul  ad 
Ambraciam  egressus  itinere  terrestri  petit  Thes- 
saliam ;  praetor  superato  Leucata  Corinthium  sinum 
invectus  et  Creusae  relictis  navibus  terra  et  ipse  per 
mediam  Boeotiam — diei  unius  expedito  iter  est — 
Chalcidem  ad  classem  contendit. 

5  Castra  eo  tempore  A.  Hostilius  in  Thessalia  circa 
Palaepharsalum     habebat,     sicut     nulla     re     bellica 

^  militum  H.  J.  MulUr:   om.  V. 

-  quos  H.  J.  Mailer:  quod  I":  quot  Drakmhorch  :  quod 
supplementum  J.  F.  Gronovius. 


^  Cf.  XLII.  xxxvii.-'xlvii.  and  Ivi.  7. 

2  This  figure  seems  to  come  from  Polybius.  A  larger 
figure  for  these  reinforcements  is  mentioned  in  XLIII. 
xii.  3. 

90 


BOOK   XLIV 

I.  At  the  beginning  of  the  spring  following  the  b.c.  169 
winter  campaigns  just  mentioned,  Quintus  Marcius 
Philippiis  1  the  consul  left  Rome  and  reached  Brun- 
disium  with  five  thousand  ^  men  whom  he  planned  to 
take  over  with  him  as  reinforcements  for  the  leg-ions. 
The  ex-consul  Marcus  Popilius  ^  and  some  young 
men  of  equally  high  birth  accompanied  the  consul  as 
tribunes  of  the  soldiers  ■*  in  the  legions  for  Macedonia, 
About  the  same  time  Gaius  Marcius  Figulus  ^  the 
praetor,  who  had  been  assigned  to  the  fleet,  arrived 
in  Brundisium,  and  the  two  commanders  left  Italy 
together,  reached  Corcyra  the  next  day,  and  made 
port  at  Actium,  the  harbour  of  Acarnania,  on  the  day 
after.  Thence  the  consul  disembarked  at  Ambracia 
and  marched  overland  to  Thessaly ;  the  praetor 
rounded  Cape  Leucas,  entered  the  Gulf  of  Corinth 
and,  leaving  his  ships  at  Creusa,  also  took  to  the  land 
and  made  for  the  fleet  at  Chalcis  through  the  midst 
of  Boeotia — one  day's  rapid  journey. 

At  this  time  Aulus  Hostilius  had  his  camp  in 
Thessaly  near  Old  Pharsalus,  having  on  the  one  hand 
performed  no  military  feat  worth  mentioning,  but  on 

3  Cf.  XLII.  xxii.  7. 

*  Perhaps  elected  by  the  people,  see  XLIII.  xii.  7. 
^  A  cousin  of  the  consul  Phllippus.     Cf.  Polybius  XVIII.  16. 
4;    Livy  XLIII.  xi.  7. 

91 


memorabili  ^esta.  ita  ad  intentam  ^  militarem 
disciplinam  ab  effusa  liccntia  formato  milite  et  sociis 
cum  fide  cultis  et  ab  omni  genere  iniuriae  defensis. 

6  Audito   successoris   adventu  cum   arma  viros   equos 
cum  cura  inspexisset,^  ornato  exercitu  obviam  venienti 

7  consul!  processit.     Et  primus  eorum  congressus  ex 
dignitate  ipsorum  ac  Romani  nominis,  et  in  rebus 

8  deinde     gerendis — proconsul     enim    ad     exercitum 
mansit  ^ — summa  concordia  fuit.'* 

9  Paucis  post  diebus  consul  contionem  apud  milites 

10  habuit.  Orsus  a  pan-icidio  Persei  perpetrate  in 
fratrem,  cogitato  in  parentem,  adiecit  post  scelere 
partum  re^num  veneficia,  caedes,  latrocinio  nefando 
petitum  Eumenen,  iniurias  in  populum  Romanum, 
direptiones  sociarum  urbium  contra  foedus. 

Ea  omnia  quam  diis  quoque  invisa  essent,  sensurum 

11  in  exitu  rerum  suarum :  favere  enim  pietati  fideique 
deos,  per  quae  populus  Romanus  ad  tantum  fastigii 

12  venerit.  Vires  deinde  populi  Romani,  iam  terrarum 
orbem  complectentis,  cum  \iribus  Macedoniae,  exer- 
citus  cum  exercitibus  comparavit :  quanto  maiores 
Philippi  Antiochique  opes  non  maioribus  copiis 
fractas  esse  ? 

1  intentam  Novak,  Gi^rratano:  iunctam  V:  cunctam  Fr: 
xmicsim.  J.  F.Gronovius:  iustaxn.  Krej/ssig :  imunctdira  Zingerh  : 
arctam  Dam-ste:    adstrictam  vel  strictam  Roobol. 

2  inspexisset  Manutius :  inexisset  V. 

3  mansit  add.  H.  J.  21  tiller :   om.  V. 

*  summa  concordia  fuit  add.  Weseriberg :   om.  V. 


1  For  the  attacks  of  Perseus  against  his  brother,  cf.  XL. 
vff.  and  XX  ff.;  in  XL.  Ivi.  9,  Philip  is  represented  as  having 
died  in  anger  against  Perseus,  but  Livy  gives  no  description  of 
the  plot  here  alleged. 

92 


BOOK  XLIV.  I.  5-12 

the  other  hand  havmg  accustomed  the  soldiery  to  b.c.  169 
strict  military  discipline  in  place  of  uncontrolled 
laxness  and  having  loyally  furthered  the  interests  of 
the  allies  and  protected  them  from  any  kind  of  harm. 
On  hearing  of  his  successor's  approach,  he  carefully 
inspected  his  men,  their  arms,  and  their  horses,  and 
with  his  army  in  parade  order  went  to  meet  the 
approaching  consul.  Not  only  was  the  first  meeting 
of  the  commanders  in  accord  with  the  high  station 
both  of  the  men  themselves  and  of  the  Roman  name, 
but  the  utmost  harmony  prevailed  in  their  subse- 
quent operations,  for  the  proconsul  remained  with 
the  army. 

A  few  days  later  the  consul  addressed  a  meeting  of 
his  soldiers.  Beginning  with  the  unnatural  crimes  of 
Perseus  committed  against  his  brother  and  planned 
against  his  father,^  he  went  on  to  mention  the 
acquisition  of  the  throne  by  crime,  the  subsequent 
poisonings  and  slaughter,  the  attack  by  scoundrelly 
bandits  on  Eumenes,  the  wrongs  committed  by 
Perseus  against  the  Roman  people,  and  the  plunder- 
ings  of  cities  allied  to  them,  contrary  to  treaty. 

"  How  hateful  all  these  actions  are  to  the  gods 
also,"  said  the  consul,  "  Perseus  will  discover  in  the 
outcome  of  his  enterprises ;  for  the  gods  support  the 
cause  of  duty  and  faithfulness,  the  qualities  by 
which  the  Roman  people  has  climbed  to  so  great  an 
eminence."  The  consul  then  compared  the  strength 
of  the  Roman  people,  who  now  controlled  the  whole 
earth,  with  that  of  Macedonia,  and  the  military  forces 
of  the  one  with  the  other,  and  asked  how  much 
greater  were  the  resources  of  Phihp  and  Antiochus, 
which  had  been  shattered  by  forces  no  greater  than 
this  Roman  army  ? 

93 


LIVY 

II.  Huius  generis  adhortatione  accensis  militum 
animis  consultare  de  summa  gerendi  belli  coepit.  Eo 
et  C.  Marcius  praetor  a  Chalcide  classe  accepta  venit. 

2  Placuit  non  ultra  morando  in  ThessaUa  tempus 
terere,    sed    movere    extemplo    castra    atque    inde 

3  pergere  in  ^  Macedoniam,  et  praetorem  dare  operam, 
ut  eodem  tempore  classis  quoque  invehatur  hostium 
litoribus. 

4  Praetore  dimisso  consul  menstruum  frumentum  ^ 
iusso  milite  secum  ferre  profectus  deeumo  post  die, 

5  quam  exercitum  acceperat,  castra  movit ;  et  unius 
diei  progressus  iter  convocatis  itinerum  ducibus  cum 
exponere  in  consilio  ^  iussisset,  qua  quisque  ducturus 
esset,  summotis  iis,  quam  potissimum  viam  *  peteret, 

6  rettulit  ad  consilium.  Aliis  per  Pythoum  placebat 
via,  aliis  per  Cambunios  montes,  qua  priore  anno 
duxerat    Hostilius    consul,    aliis    praeter    Ascuridem 

7  paludem.  Restabat  aliquantum  viae  communis ; 
itaque  in  id  tempus,  quo  prope  divortium  itinerum 
castra  posituri   erant,  deliberatio   eius  rei  difFertur. 

8  In  Perrhaebiam  inde  ducit,  et  inter  Azorum  et 
Dolichen  stativa  habuit  ad  consulendum  rursus,  quam 

9  potissimum  capesseret  viam.  Per  eosdem  dies 
Perseus  cum  adpropinquare  hostem  sciret,  quod  iter 

1  atque  inde  pergere  in  Kreyssig :    adque  inde  peregre  inde 

in  r. 

2  frumentum  acW.  JIadvig:    om.  T'. 

3  exponere  in  consilio  J.  F.  Gronovius :  exponerent  in 
coneiKo  V. 

*  viam  add.  Novak,  Ceske:  post  quam  Sigonius:   om.  V. 


1  For  Pnhoiis,  cf.  XLII.  liii.  6  and  below,  xxxii.  9  and 
XXXV.  1.5.  '  Perseus  entered  Thessaly  by  the  Cambimian  Moim- 
tain  route,  cf.  XLII.  liii.  6;    Livy's  account  of  the  march  of 

94 


BOOK  XLIV.  II.  1-9 

II.  After  the  consul  had  aroused  the  ardour  ofB.c,  169 
the  soldiers  by  a  speech  to  this  effect,  he  began 
to  hold  councils  on  strategy.  Gaius  Marcius  the 
praetor,  after  picking  up  the  fleet  at  Chalcis,  arrived 
in  camp.  It  was  decided  not  to  waste  more  time  by 
lingering  in  Thessaly,  but  to  break  camp  at  once  and 
proceed  thence  into  Macedonia,  while  the  praetor 
was  to  make  sure  that  the  fleet  should  simultaneously 
attack  the  hostile  coast-line. 

After  the  praetor's  departure,  the  consul  ordered 
his  soldiers  to  take  with  them  grain  for  a  month  and 
broke  camp  nine  days  after  having  assumed  command  ; 
after  a  day's  march,  he  summoned  the  guides  for 
various  routes,  bade  each  explain  before  the  council 
the  route  by  which  he  would  guide  them,  and  then, 
after  dismissing  the  guides,  laid  before  the  council 
the  question  of  which  route  to  choose.  Some  pre- 
ferred the  road  via  Pythous  ;  others  the  one  over  the 
Cambunian  Mountains  used  the  preceding  year  by 
the  consul  Hostilius ;  others,  a  route  past  Lake 
Ascuris.^  For  a  certain  distance  yet  there  was  no 
divergence  in  the  routes  ;  therefore  the  discussion  as 
to  this  choice  was  postponed  until  they  should  encamp 
near  the  point  of  separation  of  the  roads.  Thence 
the  consul  led  his  army  into  Perrhaebia  and  settled 
down  between  Azorus  and  Doliche  ^  for  further  con- 
ference as  to  the  road  to  take.  During  the  same 
time  Perseus,  knowing  that  the  enemy  was  approach- 

Hostilius  seems  to  have  disappeared  in  one  of  the  lacunae,  of. 
p.  14  n.  7.  Volustana,  mentioned  below,  sec.  10,  is  at  the 
north-east  end  of  this  route,  next  to  Mt.  Olympus.  Lake 
Ascuris  is  the  modern  Nezeros. 

2  This  seems  to  have  been  farther  west  than  necessary  for 
the  Ascuris  route. 

95 


LR'Y 

petiturus     esset,     ignarus,     omnis     saltus     insidere 

10  praesidiis  statuit.  In  iuguni  Canibuniorum  montiura 
— \'olustana  ipsi  vocant — decern  milia  levis  armaturae 

1 1  iuvenum  ^  cum  duce  Asclepiodoto  mittit ;  ad  castellum, 
quod  super  Ascuridem  paludem  erat — Lapathus  voca- 
tur  ^ocus — ,   Hippias  tenere  saltum   cum   duodecim 

12  milium  Macedonum  praesidioiussus.  Ipse  cum  reliquis 
copiis  primo  circa  Dium  stativa  habuit ;  deinde  adeo 
inops  consilii,^  ut  obtorpuisse  videretur,  cum  equitibus 
expeditis  litore  nunc  Heracleum,^  nunc  Philam 
percurrebat,  eodem  inde  cursu  Dium  repetens. 

III.  Interim  consuli  sententia  stetit  eo  saltu 
ducere,   ubi   propter   Ottolobum   dux   regius   castra 

2  habebat.^  Praemitti  tamen  quattuor  milia  arma- 
torum  ad  loca  opportuna  praeoccupanda  placuit, 
quibus  ^    praepositi    sunt    M.  Claudius.  Q.    Marcius 

3  consulis  filius.  Confestim  et  universae  copiae  seque- 
bantur.  Ceterum  adeo  ardua  et  aspera  et  confragosa 
fuit  \4a,^  ut  praemissi  expediti  biduo  quindecim 
milium     passuum     aegre     itinere     confecto     castra 

1  sic  V :  iuvenum  del.  H.  J.  MulUr:  alienigenum  vel 
plurium  gentium  JIadvig :    varium  genus  31.  Muller. 

^  deLnde  adeo  inops  consilii  Hartel:  deinde  adeo  ut 
obtorpuisse  inops  consilii  T' :  deinde  a  Dio,  ne  obtorpuisse 
inops  consilii  Gitlbauer. 

2  Heracleum  J.  F.  Gronovius :    Heracleam  T'. 

*  dux  regius  castra  habebat  Hartel :  duximus  regis  castra  V. 

^  quibus  Wesenberg :    qui  V. 

^  via  add.  H.  J.  Muller :    om.  V :    confragosa  via  fuit  Fr. 

1  "  Young  men  "  seems  superfluous,  and  editors  are 
inclined  to  substitute  an  expression  suggesting  whence  the 
troops  came, 

2  Asclepiodotus  is  mentioned  in  XLII.  li.  7  as  a  commander 
of  Gauls;  Hippias  appears  in  XLII.  li.  3  and  lix.  7  as  a  com- 
mander of  phalanx-men. 

96 


BOOK  XLIV.  II.  9-III.  3 

ing,  but  unaware  which  route  he  would  choose,  b.c.  169 
decided  to  occupy  all  the  passes  with  forces.  To  the 
summit  of  the  Cambunian  Mountains  (which  the 
Macedonians  themselves  call  Volustana)  he  sent  ten 
thousand  light-armed  young  men  ^  under  the  com- 
mand of  Asclepiodotus ;  near  the  fort  above  Lake 
Ascuris — Lapathus  is  the  name  of  the  place — Hippias 
was  ordered  to  hold  the  pass  with  a  force  of  twelve 
thousand  Macedonians.-  The  king  himself  with  the 
rest  of  his  forces  remained  in  camp  near  Dium  ;  later, 
so  planlessly  that  he  seemed  to  have  lost  his  mind,  he 
would  dash  with  some  unencumbered  cavalry  along 
the  shore,  now  to  Heracleum,  now  to  Phila,  returning 
without  halt  to  Dium.^ 

III.  Meanwhile  the  consul  had  settled  on  the  plan 
of  proceeding  by  the  pass  where  the  king's  officer  was 
encamped  near  Ottolobus."*  It  was  decided,  however, 
to  send  ahead  four  thousand  men  to  seize  valuable 
advance  positions  ;  the  commanders  of  this  force  were 
Marcus  Claudius  and  Quintus  Marcius,  the  son  of  the 
consul.  Immediately  the  whole  Roman  army  fol- 
lowed. However,  so  steep,  rough,  and  rugged  was 
the  road  that  the  advance  forces,  travelling  light, 
barely  completed  a  two  days'  march  of  fifteen  miles 

2  This  patrolling  may  not  have  been  as  senseless  as  Livy 
would  have  it ;  Livy  seems  to  be  convinced  that  the  gods  made 
Perseus  mad,  preparatory  to  destroying  him ;  but  if  Perseus 
had  happened  upon  the  Romans  when  they  actually  came  down 
from  the  mountains,  it  would  have  been  to  his  advantage. 
Cf.  Diodorus  XXX.  10  for  the  same  view  of  Perseus'  folly; 
ibid.  2  elaborates  the  incident  told  below,  vi.  1. 

*  I.e.,  the  pass  by  Lake  Ascuris.  Cf.  Herodotus  VII.  128 
on  Xerxes'  choice  of  routes  in  480  B.C.;  he  went  via  Per- 
rhaebia  and  Gonnus. 

97 
VOL.  XIII.  E 


LIVY 

A.u.c.         posuerint.     Dieriim.  quern  ^  cepere.  locum  appellant. 

4  Inde  postero  die  septem  milia  progress!,  tumulo  baud 
procul  ho'itium  castris  capto,  nuntium  ad  consulem 
remittunt  penentum  ad  hostem  esse ;  loco  se  tuto 
et     ad     omnia     opportune     consedisse ;      quantum  ^ 

5  extendere  iter  posset,  consequeretur.  Sollicito  con- 
suli  et  propter  itineris  difficultatem,  quod  ingressus 
erat,  et  eorum  vicem,  quos  paucos  inter  media  praesi- 
dia  hostium  praemiserat,  nuntius  ad  Ascuridem  palu- 

6  dem  occurrit.  Addita  igitur  et  ipsi  fiducia  est, 
coniunctisque  copiis  castra  tumulo,  qui  tenebatur, 
qua  aptissimum  ad  loci  naturam  erat,  sunt  acclinata. 

7  Xon  hostium  modo  castra,  quae  paulo  plus  mille 
passuum  aberant,  sed  omnis  regio  ad  Dium  et  Philam 
oraque  maris  late  patente  ex  tam  alto  iugo  prospectu 

8  oculis  subicitur.  Quae  res  accendit  militi  animos, 
postquam  summam  belli  ac  regias  omnis  copias 
terramque  hostilem  tam  e  propinquo  conspexerunt. 

9  Itaque  cum  alacres,  protinus  duceret  ad  castra 
hostium,  consulem  hortarentur,  dies  unus  fessis  labore 

10  viae  ad  quietem  datus  est.  Tertio  die  parte  copiarum 
ad  praesidium  castrorum  relicta  consul  ad  hostem 
ducit. 

IV.  Hippias  nuper  ad  tuendum  saltum  ab  rege 
missus  erat ;  qui  ex  quo  castra  Romana  in  tumulo 
conspexit,  praeparatis  ad  certamen  animis  suorum 
venienti    agmini    consulis    obvius    fuit.     Et    Romani 

1  posuerint.  Dienim  quern  Xovdk:  posuerint  fuerimque 
dierumque  V :  posuerint  quieverintque.  Dierum  queni 
Madvig:  posuerint  requieverintque.  Dierum  quern  Valden: 
posuerint  fuerintque  ibi  ilia  noete.     Dierum  quern  Goldhacher. 

2  quantum  H.  J.  MiiUer :   ut  quantum  V. 

98 


BOOK  XLIV.  III.  3-iv.  I 

before  pitching  camp.  The  place  they  occupied  is  b.c  ig9 
called  Dieriis.  Thence  on  the  following  day  they 
advanced  seven  miles,  seized  a  hill  not  far  from  the 
enemy's  camp,  and  reported  by  messenger  to  the 
consul  that  they  were  in  contact  with  the  enemy,  that 
they  had  occupied  a  place  safe  and  suitable  for  all 
purposes,  and  that  he  should  follow  them  as  rapidly 
as  he  could  march.  While  the  consul  was  worrying 
both  over  the  difficulty  of  the  journey  upon  which  he 
had  entered  and  over  the  fate  of  the  small  force 
which  he  had  sent  ahead  into  the  miidst  of  hostile 
garrisons,  he  was  met  by  the  messenger  near  Lake 
Ascuris.  The  consul  thereupon  gained  confidence, 
and  after  joining  the  advance  force  encamped  beneath 
the  hill  which  had  been  seized,  in  the  place  best 
adapted  through  the  nature  of  the  terrain.  Not  only 
the  enemy  camp,  a  little  over  a  mile  away,  but  the 
whole  region  to  Dium,  Phila,  and  the  seashore  was 
before  their  eyes  in  the  extensive  view  from  so  lofty 
a  ridge.  This  sight  roused  the  spirits  of  the  soldiery, 
after  they  had  a  birdseye  view  of  the  whole  campaign, 
including  all  the  Idng's  forces  and  the  land  of  the 
enemy,  from  so  near  by.  Although  the  soldiers, 
made  eager  by  this  sight,  urged  the  consul  to  lead 
them  at  once  to  the  enemy's  camp,  one  day's  rest 
was  given  them,  since  they  were  weary  from  the  toil 
of  the  march.  Next  day,  the  consul,  leaving  part  of 
his  forces  to  guard  the  camp,  advanced  against  the 
enemy. 

IV.  Hippias  had  recently  been  sent  by  the  king  to 
guard  the  pass ;  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  Roman  camp 
on  its  hill,  he  roused  the  spirits  of  his  men  to  combat ; 
and  now  he  marched  out  against  the  oncoming  column 
of  the  consul.     The  Romans  had  come  out  unencum- 

99 


A.v.r.  expediti  ad  pugnam  exierant,  et  hostes  levis  armatura 

2  erat;  promptissimum  genus   ad  lacessendiim  certa- 

3  men.  Congress!  igitur  extemplo  tela  coniecerunt ; 
multa  utrimque  volnera  temerario  incursu  et  accepta 

4  et  inlata  ;  pauci  utriusque  partis  ceciderunt.  Inritatis 
in  posterum  diem  animis  maioribus  copiis  atque 
infestius  concursum  est ;  decrevdssentque  de  summa 
belli,  si  loci  ^  satis  ad  explicandam  aciem  fuisset ; 
sed  2  iugum  montis  in  angustum  dorsum  cuneatum 
vix   ternis    ordinibus   armatorum    in   fronte    patuit. 

5  Itaque  paucis  pugnantibus  cetera  multitudo  praecipue 
qui  gravium  armorum  erant,  spectatores  pugnae  sta- 

6  bant ;  levis  armatura  etiam  per  anfractus  iugi  pro- 
currere  et  ab  lateribus  cum  levi  armatura  conserere 
per  iniqua  atque  aequa  loca  pugnam  poterat.  Pluri- 
bus  ^  ea  *  die  volneratis  quam  interfectis  proelium 
nocte  diremptum  est. 

7  Tertio  die  egere  consilio  Romanus  imperator ; 
nam  neque  manere  in  iugo  inopi  neque  regredi  sine 
flagitio  atque  etiam  periculo,  si  cedenti  ^  ex  superi- 

8  oribus  locis  instaret  ®  hostis,  poterat ;  nee  aliud 
restabat  "^  quam  audacter  commissum  pertinaci 
audacia,quae  prudens  interdumin  exitu  est,  corrigere. 

9  Ventum  quidem  erat  eo  ut,  si  hostem  similem  antiquis 
Macedonum  regibus  habuisset  consul,  mag-na  clades 

1  concursum  est;  decrevlssentque  de  summa  belli,  si  loci 
Vahlen:  concursum  abellisin  loci  V :  concursum  ab  utrisque 
esset  illic,  si  loci  Hartel :  concursum  esset  insequenti  die 
pugnatumque  de  summa  belli,  si  loci  Weissenborn. 

2  sed  add.  Vahlen:   om.  V. 

3  poterat.     Pluribus  Aladvig :  patere  ad  pluribus  V. 
100 


BOOK  XLIV.  IV.  1-9 

bered  for  battle  and  the  enemy  were  light  troops,  a 
type  very  ready  to  stir  up  combat.  Therefore  imme- 
diately on  meeting  they  discharged  their  weapons ; 
many  wounds  were  both  received  and  inflicted  by 
either  side  in  the  hasty  encounter ;  small  numbers  of 
both  forces  were  killed.  Now  that  their  spirits  had 
been  roused  for  the  succeeding  day,  a  more  stubborn 
clash  of  larger  forces  occurred;  and  the  decisive 
battle  of  the  war  would  have  been  fought  if  there  had 
been  room  enough  to  deploy  the  battle  line ;  but  the 
ridge  of  the  mountain  running  up  to  a  narrow  peak 
barely  allowed  for  a  front  of  three  files.  And  so  while 
a  few  fought,  the  large  remainder,  especially  the 
heavy-armed,  stood  by  as  onlookers  of  the  battle. 
Light  forces  were  also  able  to  charge  forward  over  the 
rolling  slopes  of  the  ridge  and  engage  the  opposing 
light  forces  in  flanking  attacks  over  terrain  favourable 
and  unfavourable.  More  had  been  wounded  than 
killed  that  day  when  the  battle  was  broken  off  at 
nightfall. 

On  the  third  day  the  Roman  commander  was  at  a 
loss  ;  for  he  could  neither  remain  on  the  ridge  without 
supplies  nor  retire  without  disgrace  and  even  danger, 
if  the  enemy  pursued  his  retreat  from  the  higher 
ground.  There  remained  indeed  no  alternative  to 
amending  a  bold  undertaking  by  persistent  boldness, 
which  is  occasionally  wise  in  the  long  run.  In  fact, 
the  position  was  such  that,  had  the  consul  confronted 
an  enemy  like  to  the  old-time  kings  of  Macedonia,  he 


*  ea  F  :   eo  Fraenkel. 

^  periculo,  si  cedenti  Muretns :    periculose  cedenti  V. 

®  instaret  Muretus :   stare  V. 

'  restabat  ed.  Bas.  1535 :    stabat  V :    instabat  Rosshach. 


LIVY 

accipi  potiierit.  Sed  cam  ad  Dium  per  litora  cum 
equitibus  vagaretur  rex  et  abdiiodecim  milibusprope 
clamorem  et  strepitum  pugnantium  audiret,  nee 
auxit  copias  integros  fessis  summittendo  neque  ipse, 

10  quod  plurimum  intererat,  certamini  adfuit,  cum 
Romanus  imperator,  maior  sexaginta  annis  et  prae- 
gravis  corpore.  omnia  militaria  munera  ipse  impigre 

11  obiret.  Egregie  ad  ultimum  in  audaciter  commisso 
perseveravit  et  Popilio  relicto  in  custodia  iugi  per 
invia  transgressurus  praemissis,^  qui  ^  repurgarent 
iter,  Attalum  et  Misagenem  cum  suae  gentis  utrum- 
que  auxiliaribus  praesidio  esse  saltum  aperientibus 

12  iubet ;  ipse  equites  impedimentaque  prae  se  habens 
cum  legionibus  agmen  cogit. 

y.  Inenarrabilis  labor  descendentibus  cum  ruina 
iumentorum  sarcinarumque.  Progressis  vixdum 
quattuor  milia  passuum  nihil  optabilius  esse  ^  quam 

2  redire,  qua  venerant.  si  possent.  Hostilem  prope 
tumultum  agmini  elephanti  praebebant.  qui,  ubi  ad 
invia  venerant,  deiectis  rectoribus  cum  horrendo 
stridore  pavorem  ingentem,  equis  maxime,  incutie- 

3  bant,  donee  traducendi  eos  ratio  inita  est.  Per 
proclive  sumpto  fastigio  longi  duo  validi  asseres  ex 
inferiore  parte  in  terra  defigebantur,  distantes  inter 

4  se  paulo  plus  quam  quanta  beluae  *  latitudo  est ;   in 

^  transgressurus  praemissis  Weissenhorn :  transgressus 
peremissis  V. 

-  qui  add.  Fr:    om.  V. 

2  optabilius  esse  Fr:  obtabilius  esset  V,  quod  servat 
Harani,  ut  vel  fuit  ut  ante  progressis  addito. 

*  beluae  Fr:   ve  V. 

1  This  passage  illustrates  the  strength  of  Livy's  dramatic 
sense,  and  his  weakness  as  a  military  commentator;  but  he 
had  reason  to  point  out  the  rashness  of  Marcius,  who  had  onco 

102 


BOOK  XLIV.  IV.  9-v.  4 

might  have  suffered  a  great  disaster.^  But  though  b.c.  169 
the  king  was  scouring  the  shore  near  Dium  with 
cavalry,  and  at  a  distance  of  twelve  miles  could 
almost  hear  the  shouts  and  din  of  the  fighting  men,  he 
neither  added  to  his  forces  by  reinforcing  his  weary 
men  with  fresh  troops,  nor  did  he  himself  appear  on 
the  battle-field — a  matter  of  greatest  moment — 
although  the  Roman  commander,  aged  over  sixty  and 
overburdened  with  flesh,  performed  vigorously  in 
person  all  the  duties  of  a  soldier.  Magnificently  he 
pursued  his  bold  undertaking  to  the  end;  he  left 
Popilius  to  guard  the  ridge  during  his  advance  over 
pathless  ground,  sent  ahead  men  to  clear  out  a  road, 
and  ordered  Attains  and  Misagenes,  each  with  the 
auxiliaries  of  his  own  nation,  to  act  as  guard  for  the 
men  clearing  the  pass.  The  consul  himself  sent  the 
cavalry  and  baggage  ahead  of  him  and  brought  up 
the  rear  with  the  legions. 

V.  The  toil  of  the  descent  and  the  damage  to 
baggage-animals  and  their  loads  cannot  be  put  into 
words.  After  they  had  advanced  a  mere  four  miles, 
they  would  have  given  anything  to  return  as  they 
had  come,  if  they  but  could.  The  confusion  of  an 
attack  by  an  enemy  was  caused  by  the  elephants, 
which  on  arriving  at  the  pathless  places  cast  off  their 
mahouts  and  with  horrible  trumpetings  caused  a 
great  panic,  especially  among  the  horses,  until  a 
plan  was  devised  for  getting  them  through.  On  the 
steep  hillside  the  slope  was  marked  off,  and  at  the 
lower  end  two  long  strong  posts  were  set  in  the 
ground,  separated  by  a  distance  slightly  greater  than 
the  width  of  one  of  the  beasts  ;   on  a  cross-beam  laid 

been  badly  defeated  by  the  Ligurians  because  he  rushed  into  a 
narrow  pass  without  reconnaissance  (XXXIX.  xx  .5-10). 

103 


Ax.c.  eos    transverse    incumbente    tigno     asses  ^    tricenos 

longi  pedes,  ut  pons  esset,  iniungebantur  humusque 

5  insuper  iniciebatur.  Modico  deinde  infra  intervallo 
similis  alter  pons,  dein  tertius  et  plures  ex  ordine, 

6  qua  rupes  abscisae  erant,  fiebant.  Solido  proce- 
debat  ^  elephantus  in  pontem ;  cuius  priusquam  in 
extremum  procederet,^  succisis  asseribus  conlapsus 
pons  usque  ad  *  alterius  initium  pontis  prolabi  eum 

7  leniter  cogebat.  Alii  elephanti  pedibus  insistentes, 
alii  clunibus  subsidentes  prolabebantur.  Ubi  plani- 
ties  altera  pontis  excepisset  eos,  rui'sus  simili  ruina 
inferioris  pontis  deferebantur,  donee  ad  aequiorem 
vallem  perventum  est. 

8  Paulo  plus  septem  milia  eo  die  ^  Roniani  processe- 
runt ;  minimum  pedibus  itineris  confectum.  Plerum- 
que  provolventes  se  simul  cum  armis  aliisque  oneribus 
cum  omni  genere  vexationis  processerunt,  adeo  ut  ® 
ne  dux  quidem  et  auctor  itineris  infitiaretur  parva 

9  manu  deleri  omnem  exercitum  potuisse.  Nocte  ad 
modicam  planitiem  pervenerunt ;  nee  quam  infestus  '^ 
is  locus  esset  saeptus  undique  circumspiciendi 
spatium  fuit  vix  tandem  ex  insperato  stabilem  ad 

10  insistendum  nanctis  locum.     Postero  quoque  die  in 
tarn  cava  valle  opperiri  Popilium  ac  relictas  cum  eo 

^  asses  Madvig :    as  V. 

2  procedebat  J.  F.  Gronovius :   praecedebat  V. 

3  procederet  Fr :   cederet  V :  incederet  Eosshach. 
^  ad  add.  Kreyssig:    om.  V. 

^  septem  milia  eo  die  J.  F.  Gronovius :   vii  die  V. 

6  ut  add.  Fr :    om.  V. 

'  nee  quam  infestus  Madvig :   ne  qua  infectus  V. 

^  As   with   Hannibal's   use   of  vinegar  for   breaking   rock 
(XXI.    xxxvii.    2),    this    passage    leaves    several    questions 

104 


BOOK  XLIV.  V.  4-IO 

upon  these  posts,  planks,  each  thirty  feet  long,  were  b.c.  169 
fastened  together  to  form  a  runway,  and  earth 
thrown  on  top  of  them.^  Next,  at  a  slight  interval 
below,  a  second  runway  of  the  same  sort  was  built, 
then  a  third,  and  others  one  after  the  other,  where  the 
cliffs  were  sheer.  From  firm  ground  an  elephant 
Mould  advance  on  to  the  runway ;  before  he  could 
proceed  to  its  end,  the  posts  were  cut  and  the  tilting 
of  the  runway  forced  the  animal  to  slide  gently  to  the 
head  of  the  next  runway.  Some  of  the  elephants 
would  slide  standing  erect,  others  would  squat  on 
their  haunches.  Whenever  they  were  met  with  the 
level  expanse  of  another  runway,  they  were  again 
carried  down  by  a  like  collapse  of  the  lower  structure, 
until  they  arrived  at  the  more  passable  valley. 

The  Romans  advanced  on  that  day  hardly  more 
than  seven  miles.  Very  little  of  the  journey  did  they 
accomplish  on  their  feet.  Usually  they  advanced  by 
casting  themselves  down,  arms,  baggage,  and  all, 
while  meeting  with  every  kind  of  difficulty,  so  that 
even  the  leader  who  had  chosen  the  route  could  not 
deny  that  a  small  force  could  have  destroyed  the 
whole  army.  By  nightfall  they  reached  a  scant  level 
area,  nor  did  men  who  had  unexpectedly  at  long  last 
found  a  place  which  offered  sure  footing,  have  the 
leisure  to  observe  the  unfriendly  nature  of  the  place, 
hemmed  in  as  it  was  on  all  sides.  For  the  next  day 
as  well  they  were  compelled  to  wait  in  the  depths 
of  this  valley  for  Popilius  and  the  troops  left  behind 

unanswered,  including  the  question  of  whether  it  ever 
happened.  We  can  say  that  either  Livy  or  a  copyist  left  out 
of  the  account  of  the  runway  a  mention  of  the  stringers  which 
would  be  necessary;  the  "  thirty-foot  planks  "  somehow  have 
replaced  these  stringers  and  the  transverse  planks  which 
presumably  would  provide  the  flooring. 


LIVY 

copia?  necesse  fuit ;  quos  et  ipsos,  cum  ab  nulla  parte 
hostis  terruisset,  locorum  asperitas  hostiliter  vexavit. 

11  Tertio  die  coniunctis  copiis  eunt  per  saltum,  quern 

12  incolae  Callipeucen  appellant.  Quarto  ^  inde  die 
per  aeque  invia,  sed  adsuetudine  peritius  et  meliore 
cum  spe,  quod  nee  hostis  usquam  ^  apparebat  et  mari 
adpropinquabant,  degress!  in  campos  inter  Hera- 
cleum  ^  et  Libethrum  posuerunt  castra  quorum  pars 

13  maior  tumulos  tenebat.  Ibi  pedes  tendebat.  Vallo 
campi  ^  quoque  partem,  ubi  eques  tenderet,  amplecte- 
bantur. 

VI.  Lavanti  regi  dicitur  nuntiatum  hostis  adesse. 
Quo  nuntio  cum  pavidus  exiluisset  e  solio,  victum  se 

2  sine  proeHo  clamitans  proripuit ;  et  subinde  per  alia 
atque  alia  pavida  consilia  et  imperia  trepidans  duos  ex 
amicis,  Pellam  alterum,  ut,  quae  ad  Phacum  ^  pecunia 
deposita  erat,  in  mare  proiceret,  Thessalonicam 
alterum,  ut  navalia  incenderet,  misit :  Asclepiodotum 
et    Hippiam,    quique   cum    lis    erant,^    ex   praesidiis 

3  revocat  omnisque  aditus  aperit  bello.  ipse  ab  Dio 
auratis  statuis  omnibus  raptis,'  ne  praeda  hosti  essent, 

4  incolas  eius  loci  demigrare  ^  Pydnam  cogit,  et,  quae 

^  Quarto  Sigonius  :   tertio  V. 

2  usquam  Sigoniu-s:   umquam  V. 

^  Heracleum  J.  F.  Gronovias:    Haracetum  V. 

*  castra  .  .  .  campi  H.  J.  Midler:  castra  peditum  quoru 
pars  maior  tumulos  tenebat  ibi  valle  campi  l\ 

=  ut  quae  ad  Phacum  Madvig :   usque  ad  Pathum  V. 

^  in  mare  .  .  .  cum  iis  erant  add.  Madvig,  qui  navalia 
scrihens :   ut  navalia  H.  J.  Muller :   om.  V. 

'  raptis  Kreyssig :   rapti  V. 

8  incolas  eius  loci  demigrare  Kreyssig  :  in  classe  iustoci 
demigrasse  V. 

1  The  name  (Fair  Pines)  suggests  a  forested  area. 

io6 


BOOK   XLIV.  V.  lo-vi.  4 

with  him.  These  troops  too,  though  threatened  from  b.c.  169 
no  direction  by  the  enemy,  were  harassed  as  by  an 
enemy  by  the  ruggedness  of  the  terrain.  On  the  third 
day,  they  proceeded  with  the  united  forces  through 
the  pass  called  Callipeuce  ^  by  the  natives.  On  the 
fourth  day,  they  descended  through  country  as  path- 
less as  before,  but  their  skill  was  greater  through 
practice,  and  their  morale  was  higher,  since  the 
enemy  had  not  showed  himself  anywhere  and  they 
were  reaching  the  sea.  On  reaching  the  plains 
between  Heracleum  and  Libethrum  they  pitched  a 
camp,  most  of  which  occupied  hills.  This  was  the 
infantry  camp ;  they  embraced  part  of  the  plain  too 
within  the  rampart,  where  the  cavalry  might  encamp. 
\T.  The  king  was  in  his  bath,  they  say,  when  the 
presence  of  the  enemy  was  announced.  At  this 
message  he  leapt  in  terror  from  his  tub  and  dashed 
out  crying  that  he  had  been  beaten  without  a  battle. 
And  thereafter,  as  his  terror  drove  him  to  a  succession 
of  fear-struck  plans  and  orders,  he  sent  out  two  of  his 
friends,  one  to  Pella  to  cast  into  the  sea  the  money 
stored  in  Phacus,^  the  other  to  Thessalonica  to  burn  the 
dockyards.  He  recalled  Asclepiodotus  and  Hippias 
and  their  forces  from  outpost  duty  and  opened  every 
approach  for  attack.  The  king  ran  off  with  all  the 
gilded  statues  at  Dium,  to  prevent  their  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  compelled  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  region  to  move  to   Pydna.     Thereby 

2  The  citadel  of  Pella,  cf.  below,  x.  3 ;  xlvi.  6 ;  Polybius 
XXIX.  3  and  XXXI.  17  (25);  Diodorus  XXX.  11.  It  is  not 
clear  why  the  treasure  was  thrown  into  the  sea,  and  not  simply 
dumped  into  the  marshy  lake  which  washed  the  walls  of 
Phacus,  but  the  recovery  of  most  of  the  treasure  by  divers 
sounds  as  if  it  had  been  dumped  on  clean  bottom. 

107 


temeritas  consulis  videri  potuisset,  quod  eo  proces- 
sisset,  unde  invito  hoste  regredi  nequiret,  earn  non 

5  inconsultam  ^  audaciam  fecit.  Duos  enim  saltus,  per 
quos  inde  evadere  possent,  habebant  Romani,  unum 
per  Tempe  in  Thessaliam,  alterum  in  Macedonian! 
praeter    Dimn ;      quae    utraque    regiis    tenebantur 

6  praesidiis.  Itaque  si  sua  intrepidus  defendens  ^  pri- 
mam  speciem  adpropinquantis  terroris  sustinuisset, 
neque  receptus  Romanis  per  Tempe  in  Thessaliam 
neque  commeatibus  ^  pervehendis  ea  ^  patuisset  iter. 

7  Sunt    enim   Tempe    saltus,^    etiamsi   non   bello    fiat. 

8  infestus,  transitu  difficilis.  Nam  praeter  angustias 
per  quinque  milia,  qua  exiguum  iumento  onusto  iter 
est,  rupes  utrimque  ita  abscisae  sunt,  ut  despici  vix 
sine  verti^rine  quadam  simul  oculorum  animique 
possit.     Terret   et   sonitus   et   altitude   per  mediam 

9  vallem  fluentis  Penei  amnis.  Hie  locus  tam  suapte 
natura  infestus  per  quattuor  distantia  loca  praesidiis 

10  regiis  ^  fuit  insessus.  Unum  in  primo  aditu  ad 
Gonnum  erat,  alterum  in  Condylo  J  castello  inexpug- 

11  nabili,  tertium  circa  Lapathunta,  quem  Characa 
appellant,  quartum  viae  ipsi,  qua  et  media  et  angus- 
tissima  valles  est,  impositum,  quam  vel  decem  armatis 

12  tueri  facile  est.     Intercluso  per  Tempe  simul  aditu 

^  inconsultam  Sigonius:   consultam  V. 

-  itaque  si  sua  intrepidus  defendens  H.  J.  Mullen  itque 
si  dua  intrepidus  x  dies  T':  itaque  si  paucos  intrepidus  rex 
dies  Madvig  :   itaque  si  rex  intrepidus  Dium  defendens  Koch. 

3  neque  receptus  .  .  .  commeatibus  Fr:  neq.  receptus 
Romanus  partem  in  TessaUam  nequer  commeatibus  V. 

•*  ea  Madvig :    eo  V. 

'"  simt  enim  Tempe  saltus  Fr:   sunt  enimp.  saltus  F. 

^  regiis  J.  F.  Gronovius :   regis  V. 

'  in  Condylo  Drahenborck  ;    Condylon  V. 

io8 


BOOK  XLIV.  VI.  4-12 

wh&t  might  have  seemed  the  rashness  of  the  consul  b.c.  169 
in  advancing  to  a  position  from  which  he  could  not 
retire  without  the  consent  of  the  enemy,  was  turned 
by  the  king  into  well-calculated  boldness.  For  the 
Romans  had  two  passes  by  Avhich  they  could  extricate 
themselves :  one  through  Tempe  into  Thessaly,  the 
other  into  Macedonia  past  Dium.  Both  of  the  passes 
were  being  held  by  the  king's  forces ;  therefore  if 
the  king,  by  fearlessly  holding  his  own,  had  resisted 
the  first  false  appearance  of  approaching  danger,  he 
would  have  left  the  Romans  no  retreat  through  Tempe 
to  Thessaly,  nor  any  route  for  bringing  up  provisions 
from  that  direction.^  For  even  without  the  opposi- 
tion of  an  enemy  Tempe  is  a  defile  difficult  of  passage  ; 
for  besides  five  miles  of  narrows  through  which  the 
road  is  cramped  for  a  loaded  animal,  the  cliffs  on 
either  side  are  so  sheer  that  one  can  hardly  look  down 
without  some  dizziness  of  eye  and  brain.  An  addi- 
tional source  of  fear  is  the  roar  and  depth  of  the 
Peneiis  River  flowing  through  the  midst  of  the  can- 
yon. This  place,  so  unfriendly  by  its  very  nature, 
was  blocked  at  four  separate  points  by  the  king's 
garrisons.  One  was  at  the  very  entrance  near 
Gonnus,  the  second  at  Condylus,  an  impregnable 
fort,  the  third  in  the  vicinity  of  Lapathus,  which 
they  call  the  Palisade,  the  fourth  set  by  the  road 
itself  where  the  canyon,  in  the  middle  of  its  course, 
is  at  its  narrowest,  where  it  can  easily  be  defended  by 
no  more  than  ten  soldiers.     If  the  Romans'  access  to 

1  Livy  neglects  the  possibility  of  supply  by  sea,  on  which  the 
consul  seems  to  have  relied,  see  below,  vii.  10 ;  this  is  probably 
due  to  the  characteristic  preoccupation  of  a  Roman  with  the 
land,  though  one  must  admit  that  the  passage  above  cited 
shows  that  the  fleet  was  badly  handled,  and  the  coast  pre- 
sumably was  difficult,  cf.  below,  xlii.  5-6. 

109 


commeatibus,  simul  reditu  ipsis,^  inontes,  per  quos 

13  descenderant,  repetendi  erant.  Quod,  ut  furto 
fefellerantj  ita  propalam  tenentibus  superiora  cacu- 
mina  hostibus  non  poterant ;    et  experta  difficultas 

14  spem  omneni  incidisset.  Supererat  nihil  aliud  in 
temere  conimisso  quam  in  Macedoniani  ad  Dium  per 
medios  evadere  hostis  ;  quod,  nisi  di  mentem  regi 
adeiTiissent,2   et  ^    ipsum   ingentis    difficultatis    erat. 

15  Nam  cum  Olympi  radices  montis  paulo  plus  quam 
mille  passuum  ad  mare  relinquant  spatium,  cuius 
dimidium  loci  occupat  ostium  late  restagnans 
Baphyri  amnis,  partem  planitiae  aut  lovis  templum 

16  aut  oppidum  tenet,  reliquum  perexiguum  fossa 
modica  valloque  claudi  poterat,  et  saxorum  *  ad 
manum  silvestrisque  materiae  tantum   erat,  ut  vel 

17  murus  obici  turresque  excitari  potuerint.  Quorum 
nihil  cum  dispexisset  caecata  mens  subito  terrore, 
nudatis  omnibus  praesidiis  patefactisque  bello  cunctis 
aditibus  Pydnam  ^  refugit. 

VII.  Consul  piurimum  et  praesidii  et  spei  cernens 
in  stultitia  et  segnitia  hostis,  remisso  nuntio  ad  Sp. 
Lucretium  Larisam,  ut  castella  rehcta  ab  hoste  circa 
Tempe  occuparet,  praemisso  Popiho  ad  explorandos 
transitus  circa  Dium,  postquam  patere  omnia  in 
2  omnis  partes  animadvertit,  secundis  castris  pervenit 

1  ipsis  Madvig:   ipsi  V. 

2  di  mentem  regi  adem^issent    Fr :    di   moventem   regiam 
demdssent  V. 

3  et  add.  Biittner :   oni.  V. 

*  saxorum  ed.  Bns.  1535 :    Thessalorum  F. 
=  patefactisque    bello    cunctis    aditibus    Pydnam    Valden : 
patefactisquae  bello  factis  ad  dypylam  V. 

1  For  this  famous  temple,  of.  Polybius  IV.  62. 

2  On  this  section,  cf.  Polybius  XXVIII.    10.   11    (9a.  12) 
Lucretius  had  been  praetor  in  172  B.C.,  cf.  XLII.  ix.  8. 

no 


BOOK  XLIV.  VI.  I2-VII.  2 

supplies  through  Tempe,  as  well  as  their  line  ofB.c.  169 
retreat,  had  been  cut  off,  they  would  have  had  to 
return  to  the  mountains  through  which  they  had 
descended.  As  they  had  deceived  the  enemy  in 
this  by  stealth,  they  could  not  duplicate  the  feat 
without  concealment  and  while  the  enemy  were  in 
possession  of  the  higher  summits  ;  and  the  difficulty 
they  had  undergone  would  have  laid  low  all  hope. 
There  was  no  alternative  left  in  this  rash  enterprise 
but  to  get  out  into  Macedonia  past  Dium  in  the  teeth 
of  the  enemy,  and  this  undertaking,  had  not  the  gods 
deprived  the  king  of  his  wits,  would  itself  have  been 
of  the  utmost  difficulty.  For  between  the  foothills 
of  Mount  Olympus  and  the  sea  lies  an  interval  of  a 
little  more  than  a  mile,  half  of  which  space  is  taken  up 
with  the  broad  estuary  of  the  Baphyrus  River,  while 
part  of  the  plain  is  obstructed  by  either  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  ^  or  the  town.  The  very  small  remainder 
could'  have  been  barred  off  by  a  ditch  of  no  extrava- 
gant size  and  a  palisade,  and  there  was  such  an  abun- 
dance of  stone  and  of  forest  timber  at  hand  that  even 
a  wall  could  have  been  thrown  up  and  towers  erected. 
Since  none  of  these  possibilities  revealed  themselves 
to  a  mind  blinded  by  sudden  panic,  the  king  stripped 
away  all  his  defences  and  opened  every  approach  to 
assault  before  taking  refuge  in  Pydna. 

VII.  The  consul  sighted  much  security  as  well  as 
hope  in  the  folly  and  inaction  of  the  king ;  he  sent 
back  a  message  to  Spurius  Lucretius  ^  at  Larisa  to 
seize  the  forts  abandoned  by  the  enemy  in  the  region 
of  Tempe,  and  sending  Popilius  to  reconnoitre  the 
crossings  around  Dium,  arrived  at  that  city  in  two 
days'  march,  since  he  learned  that  everything  lay 
open  in  all  directions.     He  ordered  his  camp  to  be 


LIVY 

ad  Dium  metarique  sub  ipso  templo,  ne  quid  sacro  in 

3  loco  violaretur,  iussit.  Ipse  urbem  ingressus,  sicut 
non  magnani,  ita  exornatam  publicis  locis  et  multitu- 
dine  statuarum  munitamque  egregie,  vix  satis  credere 
in  tantis  rebus  sine  causa  relictis  non  aliquem  subesse 

4  dolum.  Unum  diem  ad  exploranda  circa  omnia 
moratus  castra  movet ;  satisque  credens  in  Pieria  ^ 
frumenti    copiam    fore,    eo    die    ad    amnem   nomine 

5  Mityn  processit.  Postero  die  progressus  Agassas  ^ 
urbem  tradentibus  sese  ipsis  recepit ;  et  ut  reliquorum 
Macedonum  animos  sibi  conciliaret,  obsidibus  con- 
tentus  sine  praesidio  relinquere  se  lis  urbem  im- 
munesque    ac    suis    legibus    victuros    est    pollicitus. 

6  Progressus  inde  diei  iter  ad  Ascordum  flumen  posuit 
castra;    et  quantum  procederet  longius  a  Thessalia, 

7  eo  maiorem  rerum  omnium  inopiam  sentiens,  regres- 
sus  ad  Dium  est  dubitatione  omnibus  exempta, 
quid  intercluso  ab  Thessalia  patiendum  fuisset,  cui 
procul  inde  abscedere  tutum  non  esset. 

8  Perseus  coactis  ^  in  unum  omnibus  copiis  duci- 
busque     increpare     praefectos     praesidiorum,     ante 

9  omnes  Asclepiodotum  atque  Hippiam ;  ab  his  dicere 
claustra  Macedoniae  tradita  Romanis  esse ;  cuius 
culpae  reus  nemo  iustius  quam  ipse  fuisset. 

10       Consuli  postquam  ex  alto  conspecta  classis  spem 
fecit    cum    commeatu    naves    venire — ingens    enim 

1  in  Pieria  Kreyssig:  imperia  V :  ita  et  infra,  viii.  3. 

2  Agassas  J.  F.  Gronovius:   acassam  V. 

3  coactis  Weissenhorn:   peractis  V. 


^  Among  these  statues  were  the  portraits  by  Lysippus  of 
the  twenty-five  Cavalry  Companions  killed  at  the  battle  of  the 
Granicus,  cf.  Arrian,  Anuhasia  I.  16.  4. 

112 


BOOK  XLIV.  VII.  2-10 

pitched  next  to  the  temple  itself,  so  that  no  sacrilege  b.c.  169 
against  the  sacred  precinct  might  be  committed.  On 
personally  inspecting  the  city  which,  though  not 
large,  was  adorned  with  public  installations  and  an 
abundance  of  statues  ^  and  was  magnificently  forti- 
fied, the  consul  could  hardly  convince  himself  that  no 
ruse  lurked  in  the  unreasonable  abandonment  of 
such  remarkable  objects.  After  a  day's  delay  for 
general  reconnaissance  all  around,  he  advanced,  and 
being  convinced  that  there  would  be  abundant  grain 
in  Pieria,  he  proceeded  on  that  day  to  a  river  named 
Mitys.  Continuing  on  the  following  day,  he  accepted 
the  surrender  of  the  city  of  Agassae  by  its  inhabitants  ; 
and  to  win  over  the  hearts  of  the  other  Macedonians, 
he  contented  himself  with  hostages  and  promised  to 
leave  the  city  to  its  people  without  garrison,  and  to  . 
accord  them  autonomy  and  freedom  from  tribute. 
Advancing  thence  a  day's  journey,  he  encamped  by 
the  Ascordus  River.  Because  he  felt  more  strongly 
the  want  of  every  sort  of  supplies  the  further  he 
advanced  from  Thessaly,  he  retired  to  Dium,  thereby 
demonstrating  beyond  a  doubt  to  everyone  what  he 
would  have  suifered  had  he  been  cut  off  from  Thessaly, 
since  he  found  it  unsafe  to  advance  far  from  there. 

After  Perseus  had  assembled  all  his  forces  and 
officers,  he  blamed  the  commanders  of  his  outposts, 
above  all  Asclepiodotus  and  Hippias ;  they,  he 
said,  had  surrendered  the  keys  to  Macedonia  to 
the  Romans — a  crime  for  which  no  one  would  have 
been  more  justly  prosecuted  than  himself. 

After  the  sight  of  the  Roman  fleet  at  sea  had 
brought  to  the  consul  hope  that  the  ships  were  bring- 
ing provisions — for  there  was  a  great  scarcity  of  grain 
and  almost  a  famine — he  heard  from  the  men  just 

113 


caritas   annonae   ac  prope   inopia   erat — ab   invectis 
iam  portum  audit  onerarias  naves  Magnesiae  relictas 

11  esse.  Incerto  inde  quidnani  agendum  foret — adeo 
sine  ulla  ope  hostis,  quae  adgravaret,  cum  ipsa 
difficultate    rerum    pugnandum    erat — peropportune 

12  litterae  a  Sp.  Lucretio  adlatae  sunt  castella  se,  quae 
super  Tempe  essent  et  circa  Philan,  tenere  omnia 
frumentique  in  iis  et  aliarum  in  usum  rerum  copiam 
invenisse. 

VIII.  His  magno  opere  laetus  consul  ab  Dio  ad 
Philan  ducit,  simul  ut  praesidium  eius  firmaret,  simul 
ut    militi    frumentum.    cuius    tarda    subvectio    erat, 

2  divideret.  Ea  profectio  famam  haudquaquam 
secundam  habuit.  Nam  alii  metu  recessisse  eum  ab 
hoste  ferebant  quia  manenti  in  Pieria  proelio  dimi- 

3  candum  foret,  alii  ignarum  belli  quae  in  dies  fortuna 
novaret,  ut  opperientibus  sese  rebus,  emisisse  ^  de 

4  manibus  ea  quae  mox  repeti  non  possent.  Simul 
enim  cessit  possessione  Dii,  excitavit  hostem,  ut 
tunc    sentiret    recuperanda    esse    quae    prius    culpa 

5  amissa  forent.  Audita  enim  profectione  consulis 
regressus  Dium,  quae  disiecta  ac  vastata  ab  Romanis 
erant,  reficit,  pinnas  moenium  decussas  reponit,  ab 
omni  parte  muros  firmat ;  deinde  quinque  milia 
passuum  ab  urbe  citra  ripam  Elpei  amnis  ^  castra 
ponit,     amnem     ipsum     transitu     perdifficilem     pro 

6  munimento  habiturus.  Fluit  ex  valle  Olympi  mon- 
tis,  aestate  exiguus,  hibernis  idem  incitatus  pluviis  et 

^  rebus  emisisse  Kreyssig:   reb.  omisisse  V. 
2  ripam  Elpei  amnis  Madvig :    ripam  enipi  anis  V. 
114 


BOOK  XLIV.  VII.  lo-viii.  6 

come  into  port  that  the  freight  ships  had  been  left  n.c.  169 
in  Magnesia.  As  the  consul  was  debating  what 
should  be  done — so  completely  was  his  struggle 
directed  against  the  mere  difficulty  of  the  situation, 
without  the  slightest  effort  on  the  part  of  the  enemy 
to  make  matters  worse — in  the  nick  of  time  a  despatch 
arrived  from  Spurius  Lucretius  that  he  was  in 
possession  of  the  forts  above  Tempe  and  around 
Phila,  and  that  he  had  found  a  supply  of  grain  and 
other  useful  materials  in  them. 

VIII.  Greatly  pleased  by  this  news,  the  consul 
moved  from  Dium  to  Phila,  both  to  strengthen  its 
garrison  and  to  distribute  to  the  soldiers  the  grain, 
transportation  of  which  was  slow.  This  march 
started  unpleasant  rumours ;  for  some  put  it  that  he 
had  retired  from  before  the  enemy  out  of  fear, 
because  he  would  have  had  to  fight  a  battle  if  he  had 
remained  in  Pieria,  while  others  said  that  in  his 
ignorance  of  the  daily  fluctuations  in  the  fortunes 
of  war,  and  as  if  events  were  awaiting  his  signal, 
he  had  dropped  from  his  grasp  advantages  which 
presently  could  not  be  recovered.  For  at  one  move 
he  had  lost  his  grip  on  Dium  and  had  stirred  up  the 
enemy  to  perceiving  at  long  last  that  he  must  recover 
what  previously  he  had  shamefully  lost.  For  on 
hearing  of  the  departure  of  the  consul,  the  king 
returned  to  Dium,  rebuilt  what  had  been  cast  down 
and  despoiled  by  the  Romans,  replaced  the  battle- 
ments knocked  off  the  walls,  and  strengthened  the 
walls  all  around.  Then  he  placed  his  camp  five 
miles  from  the  city  on  the  nearer  bank  of  the  Elpeiis 
River,  intending  to  use  the  river  itself  as  a  fortification 
since  it  was  very  hard  to  cross.  It  flows  from  a  ravine 
of  Mount  Olympus,  is  scanty  in  summer,  but  again  in 

115 


supra  rupes  ingentis  gurgites  facit  et  infra  prorutam  ^ 
in  mare  evolvendo  terram  praealtas  voragines  cava- 

7  toque  medio  alveo  ripas  utrimque  praecipitis.  Hoc 
flumine  saeptum  iter  hostis  ^  credens  extrahere 
reliquum  tempus  aestatis  in  animo  habebat. 

8  Inter  haec  consul  a  Phila  Popilium  cum  duobus 

9  milibus  armatorum  Heracleum  ^  mittit.  Abest  a  Phila 
quinque  milia  ferme  passuum,  media  regione  inter 
Dium  Tempeque  in  rupe  amni  imminente  positum. 

IX.  Popilius  priusquam  armatos  muris  admoveret, 
misit  qui  magistratibus  principibusque  suaderent, 
fidem  clementiamque  Romanorum  quam  vim  experiri 

2  mallent.  Nihil  ea  consilia  moverunt,  quia  ignes  ad 
Elpeum  *  ex  regiis  castris  apparebant.  Tum  terra 
marique — et  classis  adpulsa  ab  litore  stabat — simul 
armis,  simul  operibus  machinisque  oppugnari  coepti. 

3  luvenes  etiam  quidam  Romani  ludicro  circensi  ad 
usum  belli  verso  partem  humillimam  muri  ceperunt. 

4  Mos  erat  tum,  nondum  hac  efFusione  inducta  bestiis 
omnium  gentium  circum  complendi,  varia  specta- 
culorum  conquirere  genera ;  nam  semel  quadrigis, 
semel    desultore    misso    \'ix    unius    horae    tempus 

5  utrumque  cumculum  complebat.  Inter  cetera 
sexageni    ferme     iuvenes,    interdum     plures     appa- 

^  infra  prorutam  J.  F.  Gronovia-s:    intrapororupta  V. 

2  hoc  flumine  saeptum  iter  hostis  Xovdk :  hoc  flumine  et 
sospitem  se  et  saeptum  iter  hostis  Gitlbaner:  hoc  flumine 
hospes  et  septum  iter  hostis  V. 

^  Heracleum  J.  F.  Gronovius:  Heraelea  V:  sic  et  ad  ix. 
10  et  z.  5. 

*  Elpeum  Madvig:   elipeum  V. 

1  Livy  notes  the  beginnings  of  lavishness  in  shows  as  early 
as  186  B.C.,  see  XXXIX.  xxii.  2,  XLI.  xxvii.  6,  and  below, 
xviii.  8. 

ii6 


BOOK  XLIV.  VIII.  6-ix.  5 

winter  is  swollen  by  rains ;  it  forms  great  rapids  b.c.  169 
above  its  boulders,  and  below,  by  carrying  off  the 
eroded  earth  to  the  sea,  produces  great  abysses  and 
banks  sheer  on  either  side  above  a  deeplv-hoUowed 
channel.  Thinking  that  the  enemy's  advance  was 
barred  by  this  river,  the  king  intended  to  use  up  the 
rest  of  the  summer. 

Meanwhile  the  consul  sent  Popilius  with  two 
thousand  soldiers  from  Phila  to  Heracleum.  This  is 
about  five  miles  from  Phila,  on  a  cliff  overhanging  the 
river  midway  between  Dium  and  Tempe. 

IX.  Before  Popilius  brought  his  men  against  the 
walls,  he  sent  envoys  to  persuade  the  magistrates  and 
chief  citizens  to  prefer  making  trial  of  the  good 
faith  and  mildness  of  the  Romans  rather  than  of 
their  force.  This  advice  availed  nothing,  because  the 
fires  of  the  king's  camp  at  the  Elpeiis  were  in  sight. 
Then  the  siege  began,  both  with  assaults  and  with 
field-works  and  engines,  both  from  land  and  sea,  for 
the  fleet,  too,  had  arrived  and  occupied  the  shore 
side. 

The  younger  Romans  even  captured  the  lowest 
part  of  the  wall  by  turning  to  military  use  a  per- 
formance of  the  arena.  It  was  the  custom  then, 
before  there  had  been  introduced  the  present  extrava- 
gance 1  of  cramming  the  arena  with  animals  from  all 
over  the  earth,  to  hunt  out  various  sorts  of  spectacles, 
for  one  race  with  four-horse  chariots  and  one  with  bare- 
back riders  hardly  occupied  the  space  of  an  hour  for  the 
two  events.  As  one  of  these  performances,  groups  of 
about    sixty  ^    youths    (occasionally    more    at    more 

2  Sixty  was  the  usual  number  of  soldiers  in  the  so-called 
"  century." 

117 


ratioribiis  ludis.^  armati  inducebantur.  Horum  in- 
ductio  ex  parte  simulacrum  decurrentis  exercitus 
erat,    ex    parte    elegantioris    quam  ^    militaris    artis 

6  propiorque  gladiatorium  armorum  usum.  Cum  alios 
decursu  edidissent  motus,  quadrato  agmine  facto, 
scutis  super  capita  densatis.  stantibus  primis,  secundis 
summissioribus,  tertiis  magis  et  quartis,  postremis 
etiam  genu  nixis,  fastigatam,  sicut  tecta  aedificiorum 

7  sunt,  testudinem  faciebant.  Hinc  quinquaginta 
ferme  pedum  spatio  distantes  duo  armati  procurre- 
bant  comminatique  inter  se,  ad  ima  in  summam 
testudinem  per  densata  scuta  cum  evasissent,  nunc 
velut  propugnantes  per  oras  extremae  testudinis, 
nunc  in  media  inter  se  concurrentes,  baud  secus 
quam  stabili  solo  persultabant. 

8  Huic  testudo  similis  humillimae  parti  ^  muri 
admota.  Cum  armati  superstantes  subissent,  pro- 
pugnatoribus  muri  fastigio  altitudinis  aequabantur ; 
depulsisque  iis  in  urbem  duorum  signorum  milites 

9  transcenderunt.  Id  tantum  dissimile  fuit,  quod  et  in 
fronte  extremi  et  ex  lateribus  soli  non  habebant  super 
capita  elata  scuta,  ne  nudarent  corpora,  sed  prae- 
tenta  *  pugnantium  more.  Ita  nee  ipsos  tela  ex  mure 
missa  subeuntis  laeserunt  et  testudini  iniecta  imbris 

1  apparatioribus  ludis  JIuretus:    apparitoribus  ludi  V. 
-  elegantioris  quam  Kreyssig:    elegantioris  exercitus  quam 
T'. 
3  similis  humillimae  parti  Madvig :   simillime  parti  V. 
*  praetenta  Laiinius :   proiecta  Heraeus :   praetecta  V. 

u8 


BOOK  XLIV.  IX.  5-9 

elaborate  games)  entered  under  arms.  Their  en- 
trance was  in  some  respects  an  imitation  of  military 
manoeuvres,  but  in  other  respects  was  of  a  style  more 
showy  than  the  miUtary  and  more  akin  to  the 
fashion  of  gladiatorial  combats.  After  passing 
through  various  evolutions  in  this  manoeuvre,  they 
would  form  in  ranks,  with  shields  close-set  over  their 
heads,  the  front  rank  erect,  the  second  somewhat 
stooped,  the  third  and  fourth  more  so,  and  the  rear 
rank  down  on  their  knees,  so  that  they  would  form  a 
"  tortoise  "  sloped  like  the  roof  of  a  house.  Next 
two  armed  men,  separated  by  an  interval  of  some  fifty 
feet,  would  rush  out,  feint  at  each  other,  and  mount 
from  bottom  to  top  of  the  "  tortoise"  over  the 
close-set  shields.  They  would  then  act  as  if  skir- 
mishing at  the  outer  edges  of  the  "  tortoise,"  now 
clash  with  each  other  in  the  centre,  and  leap  about 
just  as  if  they  were  on  solid  ground. 

A  "  tortoise  "  like  this  was  brought  up  to  the 
lowest  part  of  the  wall.  When  soldiers  on  top  came 
up  to  the  wall,  they  were  at  their  highest  elevation 
level  with  the  defenders  of  the  wall ;  the  defenders 
were  routed  and  the  soldiers  of  two  maniples  ^ 
crossed  into  the  city.  The  only  difference  from  the 
show  was  that  the  front  rank  and  those  exposed  on 
the  flanks  did  not  raise  their  shields  over  their  heads, 
but  held  them  out  in  the  usual  position  for  battle  in 
order  not  to  expose  their  bodies.  In  this  w^ay  the 
missiles  hurled  from  the  wall  did  not  injure  the  men  as 
they  approached  and  those  cast  on  the  "  tortoise  " 


1  Polybius  (XXVIII.  11  (12))  says  that  a  third  maniple 
formed  the  "  tortoise."  Cf.  Ammianus  Marcellinus  XXVI. 
8.  9  foi  a  similar  formation. 


119 


in   modum   lubrico    fastigio   innoxia    ad   imum   labe- 
bantur. 

10  Et  consul  capto  iam  Heracleo  castra  eo  promovit, 
tamquam  ^  Dium  atque  inde  summoto  rege  in  Pieriam 

11  etiam  progressurus.  Sed  hiberna  iam  praeparans 
\"ias  commeatibus  subvehendis  ex  Thessalia  muniri 
iubet  et  eligi  horreis  opportuna  loca  tectaque  ae- 
dificari,  ubi  deversari  portantes  commeatus  possent. 

X.  Perseus  tandem  a  ^  pavore  eo,  quo  attonitus 
fuerat,  recepto  animo  malle  imperils  suis  non  obtempe- 
ratum    esse,    cum    trepidans    gazam    in    mare    deici 

2  Pellae,  Thessalonicae  navalia  iusserat  incendi.  An- 
dronicus  Thessalonicara  missus  traxerat  tempus,  id 
ipsura  quod  accidit,  paenitentiae  relinquens  locum. 

3  Incautior  Nicias  Pellae  proiciendo  pecuniae  partem 

4  quae  fuerat  ad  Phacum  ^ ;  sed  in  re  emendabili  * 
visus  lapsus  esse,  quod  per  urinatores  omnis  ferme 
extracta  est.  Tantusque  pudor  regi  pavoris  eius 
fuit  ut  urinatores  clam  interfici  iusserit,  deinde 
Andronicum  quoque  et  Nician,  ne  quis  tam  dementis 
imperii  conscius  existeret. 

5  Inter  haec  C.  Marcius  cum  classe  ab  Heracleo 
Thessalonicam  profectus  et  agrum  pluribus  locis 
expositis  per  litora  armatis  late  vastavit  et  pro- 
currentes  ab  urbe  secundis  aliquot  proeliis  trepidos 

6  intra  moenia  compulit.     lamque  ipsi  urbi  terribilis 

1  eo  promovit,  tamquam  Fr :   eo  pervictam  quam  V. 

2  a  add.  Sigonins:    om.  V. 

"  proiciendo  pecuniae  partem,  quae  fuerat  ad  Phacum 
Madvig:  priociendae  pecuniae  partem  quidem  fuderat  in 
altum  M.  Midler:  proiciendae  pecuniae  partem  quod  iecerat 
m  altum  Harant :  proiciendae  pecuniae  partem  quod  fuerat 
natum  V. 

*  in  re  emendabili  Drakenhorch  :    in  rem  emendabilem  V, 

120 


BOOK  XLIV.  IX.  9-x.  6 

slid  harmlessly  like  rain  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  b.c.  it 
slippery  slope. 

On  capturing  Heracleiim,  the  consul  advanced  his 
camp  there,  as  if  he  were  going  to  advance  to  Dium 
and  thence,  after  dislodging  the  king,  into  Pieria  as 
well.  But  as  he  was  already  making  ready  for 
wintering,  he  ordered  the  roads  from  Thessaly  to  be 
repaired  for  the  transport  of  provisions  and  suitable 
sites  for  granaries  to  be  chosen  and  houses  built 
where  those  transporting  the  provisions  could  lodge. 

X.  Perseus  at  length  recovered  his  courage  from  the 
panic  which  had  struck  him  down,  and  would  have  pre- 
ferred that  his  commands  had  not  been  obeyed  when 
he  ordered  the  treasure  at  Pella  to  be  cast  into  the 
sea  and  the  dockyards  at  Thessalonica  to  be  burned. 
Andronicus,  the  envoy  to  Thessalonica,  had  killed 
time  to  allow  for  the  very  thing  which  happened,  a 
change  of  mind.^  Nicias  at  Pella  was  less  wary  in 
casting  away  part  of  the  money  which  was  in  Phacus, 
but  he  seemed  to  have  made  his  mistake  in  a  manner 
not  irreparable,  since  almost  all  the  money  was 
brought  up  by  divers.  So  great  was  the  king's  shame 
at  this  panic  of  his  that  he  ordered  the  divers  secretly 
to  be  put  to  death,  and  after  them  Andronicus  and 
Nicias,  too,  so  that  there  should  be  no  one  having 
knowledge  of  so  crazy  an  order. 

Meanwhile,  Gains  Marcius  set  out  with  the  fleet 
from  Heracleum  for  Thessalonica,  ravaged  the  country- 
side far  and  wide  by  setting  ashore  forces  at  several 
points,  and  in  several  successful  battles  drove  back 
those  who  sallied  from  the  city  headlong  within  their 
walls.     He  was  striking  terror  into  the  city  itself,  when 

1  Andronicus  is  accused  by  Diodorus  XXX.  11  of  working 
in  this  matter  for  a  Roman  victory. 

121 


A.U.C.  erat,    cum   dispositis    omiiis    generis    tormentis    non 

^  vagi  modo  circa  muros  temere  adpropinquantes,  sed 

etiani  qui  in  navibus  erant,  saxis  tormento  emicanti- 

7  bus  percutiebantur.  Revocatis  igitur  in  naves  militi- 
bus  omissaque  Thessalonicae  oppugnatione  Aeniam 
inde    petunt.     Quindecim    milia    passuuni    ea    urbs 

8  abest,  adversus  Pydnam  posita,  fertilis  agro.  Per- 
vastatis  finibus  eius  legentes  oram  Antigoneam 
perveniunt.  Ibi  egressi  in  terram  primo  et  vastarunt 
agros  passim  et  aliquantum  praedae  contulerunt  ad 

9  naves.  Dein  palatos  eos  adorti  Macedones,  mixti 
pedites  equitesque,  fugientes  effuse  ad  mare  persecuti 
quingentos  ^  ferme  occiderunt  et  non  minus  ceperunt. 

10  Nee  aliud  quam  ultima  necessitas,  cum  recipere 
se  tuto  ad  naves  prohiberentur,  animos  militum 
Romanorum  simul  desperatione  alia  salutis  simul  in- 

11  dignitate  irritavit.  Redintegrata  in  litore  pugna 
est ;  adiuvere  ^  qui  in  navibus  erant.  Ibi  Mace- 
donum  ducenti  ferme  caesi,  par  numerus  captus. 
Ab  Antigonea  classis  profecta  ad  agrum  Pallenensem 

12  escensionem  ad  populandum  fecit.  Finium  is  ager 
Cassandrensium  erat,  longe  fertilissimus  omnis  orae 
quam  praetervecti  fuerant.  Ibi  Eumenes  rex  viginti 
tectis  na\-ibus  ab  Elaea  profectus  obvius  fuit  et  quin- 
que  missae  a  Prusia  rege  tectae  naves. 

XI.  Hac  \'irium  accessione  animus  crevit  praetori, 
2  ut    Cassandream    oppugnaret.     Condita    est    a    Cas- 

^  persecuti  quingentos  edd. :    persecutia  V. 
2  est ;   adiuvere  Kreyssig :   estatinae  V. 


1  Established  about  300  B.C.  on  the  site  of  Potidaea,  which 
had  been  destroyed  by  Philip  II  in  356  B.C. 

2  The  port  of  Pergamum,  east  by  south  of  Lesbos. 

122 


BOOK  XLIV.  X.  6-xi.  2 

from  the  engines  of  all  types  which  were  distributed  b.c. 
about,  stones  shot  by  machine  struck  down  not  only 
the  skirmishers  about  the  walls  who  rashly  approached, 
but  even  the  men  in  the  ships.  Recalling  the  soldiers 
to  the  ships  and  abandoning  the  siege  of  Thessalonica, 
they  made  thence  for  Aenea.  This  city  is  fifteen 
miles  away,  set  opposite  Pydna  in  fertile  land.  After 
devastating  its  territory  they  followed  the  shore  and 
arrived  at  Antigonea.  There  they  disembarked 
and  for  a  time  both  ravaged  the  fields  round  about 
and  carried  some  booty  off  to  their  ships.  Then  the 
Macedonians,  cavalry  and  infantry  together,  attacked 
the  scattered  raiders  and  pursuing  as  they  fled  in 
disorder,  killed  about  five  hundred  and  captured  as 
many.  Nothing  but  utter  necessity,  when  they  were 
kept  from  finding  safety  in  their  ships,  aroused  the 
spirits  of  the  Roman  soldiers,  both  by  despair  of  other 
means  of  safety  and  by  indignation.  The  fight  M'as 
renewed  on  the  shore  ;  those  aboard  the  ships  came  to 
the  rescue.  Here  about  two  hundred  of  the  Mace- 
donians were  slain  and  an  equal  number  captured. 
From  Antigonea  the  fleet  sailed  to  the  peninsula  of 
Pallene  and  landed  troops  to  ravage  it.  This  land 
belonged  to  the  territory  of  Cassandrea  ^  and  was  by 
far  the  most  fertile  of  all  the  coast  they  had  passed. 
Here  they  were  met  by  King  Eumenes,  who  had  set 
out  from  Elaea  ^  with  twenty  decked  ^  ships,  as  well 
as  by  five  decked  ships  sent  by  King  Prusias.* 

XI.  With  this  accession  of  strength,  the  praetor's 
spirits  rose   to   the  point   of  attacking  Cassandrea. 

^  According  to  Nissen,  the  use  of  this  word  indicates  that 
Livy  is  following  Polybins  here. 

^  He  was  hedging  on  his  neutrality  of  171  B.C.,  cf.  XLII. 
xxix.  3. 

123 


sandro  rege  in  ipsis  faiicibus,.  quae  Pallenensem  agruni 
ceterae   Macedoniae  iungunt,    hinc   Toronaico,   hinc 

3  Macedonico  saepta  mari.  Eminet  ^  namque  in  altum 
lingua  in  qua  sita  est,  nee  minus  quam  inclitus  ^ 
magnitudine  Atho  nions  excurrit,  obversa  in  regionem 
Magnesiae  duobus  imparibus  promunturiis,  quoruni 
maiori  Posideum  est  nomen,  minori  Canastraeum. 

4  Divisis  partibus  oppugnare  adorti.  Romanus  ad 
Clitas,  quas  vocant.  munimenta.  cervis  etiam  obiectis, 
ut  viam  intercluderet,  a  Macedonico  ad  Toronaicum 
mare  perducit.      Ab  altera  parte  euripus  est ;    inde 

5  Eumenes  oppugnabat.  Romanis  in  fossa  complenda 
quam  nuper  obiecerat  Perseus,,  plurimum  erat 
labori^.  Ibi  quaerenti  praetori,  quia  nusquam 
cumuli  apparebant  quo  regesta  e  fossa  terra  foret, 
monstrati  sunt  fornices :  non  ad  eandem  crassitu- 
dinem,   qua   veterem  murum,   sed   simplici  laterum 

6  ordine  structos  esse.  Consilium  igitur  cepit  trans- 
fosso  pariete  iter  in  urbem  patefacere.  Fallere 
autem  ita  se  posse,  si  muros  a  parte  alia  scalis  adortus 
tumultu  iniecto  in  custodiam  eius  loci  propugnatores 
urbis  avertisset. 

1  saepta  mari  eminet  Fr:    saepta  meminent  V. 

2  inclitus  Kreyssig :  elatus  Hariel :  insignis  Xovdk  :  inaltus 
V,  cf.  in  altum  supra. 

1  Livy's  description  is  confusing ;  Posideum,  the  westward 
promontory,  is  no  more  than  a  spur  on  the  side  of  the  main 
peninsula,  of  which  Canastraeum  forms  the  tip,  extending  to 
the  south-east ;  the  slimness  of  this  tip  induced  Livy  or  hia 
source  to  call  it  the  smaller. 

-  Perhaps  a  moat  open  at  one  end  to  the  sea. 

124 


BOOK  XLIV.  XI.  2-6 

This  was  founded  by  King  Cassander  precisely  in  the  b.c.  169 
narrows  which  connect  the  peninsula  of  Pallene  with 
the  rest  of  Macedonia  and  are  bounded  on  the  one 
side  by  the  Gulf  of  Macedonia,  and  on  the  other  by 
that  of  Torone.  For  the  peninsula  on  which  this 
city  is  situated  rises  high  and  projects  into  the  sea 
quite  as  far  as  Mount  Athos,  which  is  noted  for  its 
size;  it  forms,  opposite  to  the  district  of  Magnesia, 
two  unequal  promontories,  the  larger  named 
Posideum  and  the  smaller  Canastraeum.^ 

The  siege  was  begun  in  separate  divisions.  The 
Roman  commander  constructed  works,  including 
chevaiix-de-frise,  extending  from  the  Macedonian  to 
the  Toronaic  gulf,  in  the  quarter  called  Clitae,  in 
order  to  cut  oif  the  highway.  On  the  other  side  is  a 
narrow  strait  ^  ;  there  Eumenes  was  attacking.  The 
Romans  found  that  their  greatest  task  was  filling  the 
moat  which  Perseus  had  lately  built  as  a  defence. 
When  the  praetor  inquired  why  there  were  no 
mounds  to  be  seen,  where  the  earth  dug  from  the 
moat  would  be,  he  was  shown  certain  arches.^ 
These,  he  heard,  were  built  up  not  to  the  same  strength 
as  the  old  wall,  but  only  to  the  thickness  of  a  single 
brick.  He  therefore  adopted  the  plan  of  opening  a 
path  into  the  city  by  piercing  the  brickwork.  He 
further  expected  to  effect  surprise  in  this  move  if 
he  attacked  the  walls  elsewhere  with  scaling  ladders 
and,  by  raising  confusion,  drew  off  the  defenders  of 
the  city  to  the  protection  of  this  second  spot. 

^  These  arches  were  probably  intended  as  sally-ports,  cf. 
XXXVI.  xxiii.  3 ;  it  is  not  so  clear  what  they  had  to  do  with 
the  absence  of  soil  from  the  moat — whether  the  bricks  had 
been  made  from  the  soil,  or  whether  the  latter  had  been 
taken  within  the  walls  through  the  arches  for  disposal,  before 
the  brick  curtains  were  built. 

125 


LRT 

7  Erant  in  praesidio  Cassandreae  ^  praeter  non  con- 
temnendam  iuventiitem  oppidanorum  octingenti 
Agrianes  et  duo"  milia  Penestarum  Illyriorum  a 
Pleurato    inde    missi,    bellicosum    utrumque    genus. 

8  His  tuentibus  muros,  cum  subire  Romani  summa  vi 
niterentur,  momento  temporis  parietes  fornicum 
perfossi   urbem   patefecerunt.     Quod   si   qui  inrum- 

9  perent  armati  -  fuissent,  extemplo  cepissent.  Hoc 
ubi  perfectum  esse  opus  militibus  nuntiatum  est, 
clamorem  alacres  gaudio  repente  tollunt.  alii  parte 
alia  in  urbem  inrupturi.^ 

Xn.  Hostis  primum  admiratio  cepit  quidnam  sibi 

2  repentinus  clamor  vellet.  Postquam  patere  urbem 
accepere  praefecti  praesidii  Pytho  et  Philippus,  pro 
eo  qui  occupasset  adgredi  opus  factum  esse  rati,  cum 
valida    manu    Agrianum     Illyriorumque     erumpunt 

3  Romanosque,  qui  alii  aliunde  coibant  convocaban- 
turque,  ut  signa  in  urbem  inferrent,  incompositos 
atque  inordinatos  fugant  persequunturque  ad  fossam, 
in  quam  compulses  ruina  cumulant.  Sescenti  ferme 
ibi  interfecti.omnesque  prope  qui  inter  murum  fossam- 

4  que  deprensi  erant  volnerantur.  Ita  suo  ipse  conatu 
perculsus  praetor  segnior  ad  alia  factus  consilia  erat. 
Et  ne  Eumeni  quidem  simul  a  mari  simul  a  terra 

^  Cassandreae  Fr:    eas  {ad  fine m  lineae)  V. 

2  qui  inrumperent  armati  /.  Perizoniiis:  qui  inrupere 
inarmati  V. 

^  alii  parte  alia  in  urbem  inrupturi  J.  F.  Gronovius:  aliis 
parte  alia  in  urbem  inrupturum  T'. 

1  Cf.  XLH.  li.  5  and  the  note. 
126 


BOOK  XLIV.  XI.  7-xii.  4 

T 

In  the  garrison  of  Cassandrea  there  were,  besides  b.c.  169 
a  respectable  contingent  of  young  citizens,  eight 
hundred  Agrianes  ^  and  two  thousand  Illyrian 
Penestae  ^  sent  from  their  home  by  Pleuratus — both 
peoples  being  good  fighters.  They  were  defending 
the  walls  as  the  Romans  struo-o-led  with  the  utmost 
energy  to  mount  them,  wlien  the  piercing  of  tlfe^ 
brickwork  of  the  arches  in  the  twinkling  of^i  eye, 
laid  open  the  city.  If  men  had  been  there  to  dash 
in  armed,  they  would  have  taken  the  town  at  once. 
When  the  accomplishment  of  this  breakthrough  was 
reported  to  the  Roman  soldiers,  they  at  once  eagerly 
raised  a  shout  of  joy,  expecting  to  burst  into  the  city 
at  several  points. 

XII.  The  enemy  were  first  struck  with  wonder  as 
to  the  meaning  of  this  sudden  uproar.  After  the 
commanders  of  the  garrison,  Pytho  and  Philip,  had 
been  informed  that  the  city  lay  open,  they  considered 
that  the  work  had  been  done  for  the  benefit  of  the  side 
first  to  press  the  attack,  and  made  a  sally  with  a 
strong  force  of  Agrianes  and  Illyrians.  The  Romans, 
who  were  coming  up  and  being  summoned  from 
various  points  to  advance  into  the  city,  were  routed 
in  their  scattered  and  unorganized  state  and  chased 
to  the  moat,  into  M'hich  they  were  driven  and  which 
they  filled  with  the  fallen.  About  six  hundred  were 
killed  there  and  almost  to  a  man  those  caught 
between  the  wall  and  the  moat  were  wounded.  The 
praetor,  being  so  grievously  dashed  by  his  own  under- 
taking, had  become  less  eager  to  form  other  plans. 
Not  even  Eumenes,  who  was  attacking  both  by  sea 

2  These  Illyrians  were  mentioned  in  XLIII.  xxiii.  7 ; 
Pleuratus,  who  sent  them,  is  possibly  the  exile  mentioned  in 
XLIII.  xix.  13  as  serving  with  Perseus. 

127 


LIVY 

5  adgredienti  quidquam  satis  procedebat.  Placuit 
igitur  utrique  custodiis  firmatis  ne  quod  praesidium 
ex  Macedonia  intromitti  posset,  quoniam  vis  aperta 

6  non  processisset,  operibus  moenia  oppugnare.  Haec 
parantibus  iis  decern  ^  regii  lembi  ab  Thessalonica 
cum  delectis  Gallorum  auxiliaribus  missi.  cum  in  sale 
stantes  hostium  "^  naves  conspexissent.  ipsi  obscura 
nocte,  simplici  ordine,  quam  poterant  proxime  litus 

7  tenentes,  intrarunt  urbem.  Huius  novi  praesidii 
fama  absistere  oppugnatione  simul  Romanos  regem- 
que  coegit.     Circumvecti  promunturium  ad  Toronen 

8  classem  appulerunt.  Eam  quoque  oppugnare  adorti, 
ubi  valida  defendi  manu  animadvert erunt,  inrito 
incepto  Demetriadem  petunt.  Ibi  cum  adpropin- 
quantes repleta moenia  amiatis  vidissent, praetersecti 
ad  lolcon  classem  appulerunt,  inde  agro  vastato 
Demetriadem  quoque  adgressuri. 

XIII.  Inter  haec  et  consul,  ne  segnis  sederet  tan- 
tum  in  agro  hostium,  M.  Popilium  cum  quinque 
mihbus  militum  ad  Meliboeam  urbem  oppugnandam 

2  mittit.  Sita  est  in  radicibus  Ossae  montis,  qua  parte 
in    Thessaliam    vergrit,    opportune    imminens    super 

3  Demetriadem.  Primus  adventus  hostium  perculit 
incolas  loci ;  collectis  deinde  ab  ^  necopinato  pavore 
animis  discurrunt  armati  ad  portas  ac  moenia,  qua 
suspecti  aditus  erant,  spemque  extemplo  inciderunt 

4  capi  primo  Impetu  posse.  Obsidio  igitur  parabatur, 
et  opera  ad  ^  oppugnationem  fieri  coepta. 

^  iis  decern  Wesenherg :   his  x  F. 

2  hostium  Fugner:    hos  V. 

"  ah  add.  X ova k:    om.  V.  ■*  ad  add.  Vahlen:    om.  V. 

1  The  threat  to  Demetrias  must  have  consisted  in  cutting 
its  line  of  communications,  since  MeUboea  is  twenty-five  miles 
away,  air-line. 

128 


BOOK  XLIV.  XII.  4-xiii.  4 

and  land,  gained  any  worth-while  advantage.  Both  b.c.169 
commanders  therefore  determined  to  strengthen  the 
forces  on  guard,  so  that  no  reinforcement  from 
Macedonia  might  be  sent  in,  and  since  open  assault 
was  unsuccessful,  to  attack  the  fortifications  with 
siege-works.  During  the  preparation  of  these  works, 
ten  Macedonian  scout-ships,  sent  from  Thessalonica 
with  picked  Gallic  auxiliaries,  saw  that  the  besieging 
ships  were  anchored  out  to  sea,  and  in  the  dead  of 
night,  in  single  column,  hugging  the  shore  as  closely 
as  possible,  entered  the  city.  Report  of  this  new 
defence  force  compelled  both  the  Romans  and  the 
king  to  abandon  the  siege.  Thej^  sailed  around  the 
cape  and  put  in  near  Torone.  After  attempting  to 
besiege  this  city  too,  and  observing  that  it  was 
defended  by  a  strong  force,  they  gave  up  their  under- 
taking, and  made  for  Demetrias.  On  approaching 
it  they  saw  the  walls  filled  with  armed  men,  and 
sailed  past  to  make  a  landing  at  lolcus,  planning  to 
ravage  the  fields  and  then  attack  Demetrias  too. 

XIII.  Meanwhile  the  consul,  for  his  part,  in  order 
not  merely  to  remain  sluggishly  idle  in  hostile  terri- 
tory, sent  Marcus  Popilius  with  five  thousand  soldiers 
to  assail  the  city  of  Meliboea.  This  is  situated  in  the 
foothills  of  Mount  Ossa,  on  the  side  sloping  toward 
Thessaly,  and  conveniently  threatening  Demetrias.^ 
The  first  arrival  of  the  enemy  dismayed  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  place ;  then,  after  rallying  their  spirits 
from  the  unexpected  fright,  they  ran  under  arms  to 
their  posts  at  gates  and  wall,  where  the  expected 
lines  of  attack  were,  and  at  once  dispelled  the  hope 
that  the  town  could  be  taken  at  the  first  rush. 
Preparations  for  a  siege  were  therefore  made  and 
the  construction  of  works  for  the  assault  was  begun. 

129 

VOL.  XIII.  F 


LIVY 

A.u.c.  Perseus  cum  audisset  simul  Meliboeam  a  consulis 

^^^  exercitu  oppugnari,  simul  classem  lolci  ^  stare,  ut  ^ 

inde  Demetriadem  adgrederetur,  Euphranorem  quen- 

dam  ex  ducibus  cum  delectis  duobus  milibus  Sleli- 

5  boeam  mittit.  Eidem  imperatum,  ut  si  a  Meliboea 
summovisset  Romanos.  Demetriadem  prius  occulto 
itinere    intraret,    quam    ab    lolco    ad    urbem    castra 

6  moverent  Romani.  Et  ab  oppugnatoribus  Meliboeae, 
cum  in  superioribus  locis  repente  apparuisset,  cum 
trepidatione    rnulta    relicta    opera    sunt    ignisque  ^ 

7  iniectus.  Ita  a  Meliboea  abscessum  est.  Euphranor 
soluta  unius  urbis  obsidione  Demetriadem  extemplo 
ducit.  Nocte  moenia  intrat  tantamque  fiduciam 
incolentibus  fecit  ut  non  moenia  *  modo,  sed  agros 
etiam  confiderent  se  a  populationibus  tueri  posse  ; 
et  eruptiones  ^  in  vagos  populatores  non  sine  volneri- 

8  bus  hostium  factae  sunt.  Circumvecti  tamen  moenia 
sunt  praetor  et  rex,  situm  urbis  contemplantes,  si  qua 

9  parte  temptare  aut  opere  aut  vi  possent.  Fama  fuit 
per  Cydantem  Cretensem  et  Antimachum,  qui  Deme- 
triadi  praeerat,  tractatas  inter  Eumenen  et  Persea 
condiciones  amicitiae.     Ab  Demetriade  certe  absces- 

10  sum  est.  Eumenes  ad  consulem  navigat ;  gratu- 
latusque,^    quod    prospere    Macedoniam    intrasset, 

11  Pergamum  in  regnum  abit.  Marcius  Figulus  praetor 
parte  classis  in  hiberna  Sciathum  missa  cum  reliquis 
navibus  Oreum  Euboeae  ''  petit,  eam  urbem  aptissi- 

1  lolci  Fr :   loci  V. 

2  ut  add.  Fr:    om.  V. 

^  ignisque  add.  Fr:   om.  V. 

*  intrat  tantamque  fiduciam  incolentibus  fecit  ut  non  moenia 
add.  Forchhamrner:   nocte  muenia  modo  V. 
°  eruptiones  Fr:    eruditionibus  T'. 
®  gratulatusque  Z'mAe?i6o/-c^:   gratulatus  F. 
'  Oreum  Euboeae  J.  F.  Gronovius :   oreumboetiae  I'. 

130 


BOOK  XLIV.  XIII.  4-1 1 

When  Perseus  heard  that  MeUboea  was  being  b.c.  leg 
attacked  by  the  consul's  army  at  the  same  time  that 
the  fleet  was  anchored  at  lolcus,  in  order  to  attack 
Demetrias  from  there,  he  sent  a  certain  Euphranor, 
one  of  his  officers,  with  two  thousand  picked  soldiers 
to  MeUboea.  Euphranor 's  orders  were  that  if  he 
dislodged  the  Romans  from  MeUboea,  he  was  to 
enter  Demetrias  unobserved  before  the  Romans 
brought  their  camp  up  to  the  city  from  lolcus.  The 
besiegers  of  MeUboea,  in  great  panic  when  Euphranor 
suddenly  made  his  appearance  on  higher  ground, 
abandoned  their  works  and  set  them  afire.  So 
the  siege  of  MeUboea  was  given  up.  After  freeing 
one  city  from  siege,  Euphranor  at  once  advanced  to 
Demetrias.  He  entered  the  walls  by  night  and  gave 
the  inhabitants  such  confidence  that  they  felt  sure  of 
their  ability  not  only  to  defend  their  walls,  but  to 
protect  their  land  from  raids.  Sallies  were  made 
against  the  scattered  ravagers,  not  without  casualties 
to  the  enemy.  However,  the  praetor  and  the  king 
rode  around  the  walls,  reconnoitring  the  situation  of 
the  city,  in  case  they  could  attempt  an  assault  by 
works  or  by  main  force  at  any  point.  There  was  a 
rumour  that  Cydas  the  Cretan  ^  and  Antimachus,  the 
commander  in  Demetrias,  were  agents  in  discussing 
terms  of  friendship  between  Eumenes  and  Perseus. 
At  any  rate,  the  Romans  departed  from  Demetrias. 
Eumenes  sailed  to  the  consul,  and  after  offering 
congratulations  on  his  successful  entrance  into  Mace- 
donia, left  for  Pergamum  in  his  own  kingdom.  The 
praetor  Marcius  Figulus  sent  part  of  his  fleet  into 
winter  quarters  at  Sciathus,  and  made  for  Oreiis  in 

^  A  substantial  account  of  this  and  other  intrigues  is  given 
by  Polybius  XXIX.  6  (Ic). 


mam  ratus  unde  exercitibus  qui  in  Macedonia  quique 
in  Thessalia  erant,  mitti  commeatus  possent. 

12  De  Eumene  rege  longe  diversa  tradunt.  Si 
Valerio  Antiati  credas,  nee  class e  adiutum  ab  eo 
praetorem  esse,  cum  saepe  eum  litteris  accersisset, 
tradit,  nee  cum  gratia  ab  consule  profectum  in  Asiam, 
indignatum    quod,   ut   iisdeni   castris   tenderet   per- 

13  missum  non  fuerit ;  ne  ut  equites  quidem  Gallos  quos 
secum  adduxerat  relinqueret,  impetrari  ab  eo  potu- 

14  isse.  Attalum  fratrem  eius  et  remansisse  apud 
consulem,  et  sinceram  eius  fidem  aequali  tenore 
egregiamque  operam  in  eo  bello  fuisse. 

\iy.  Dum  bellum  in  Macedonia  geritur,  legati 
transalpini  ab  regulo  Gallorum— Balanos  ipsius 
traditur  nomen ;  gentis  ex  qua  fuerit,  non  traditur — 
Romam  venerunt  pollicentes  ad  Macedonicum  bellum 

2  auxilia.  Gratiae  ab  senatu  actae  muneraque  missa, 
torquis  aureus  duo  pondo  et  paterae  aureae  quattuor 

3  pondo,  equus  ^  phaleratus  armaque  equestria.  Secun- 
dum Gallos  Pamphvlii  legati  coronam  auream  ex 
viginti  milibus  Philippeorum  factam  in  curiam  intu- 

^  equus  Fr :    cui  T". 

^  As  Livy  knew,  trusting  Valerius  Antias  was  a  hazardous 
proceeding.  Polybius  XXIX.  5  (lb)  is  less  certain  about 
Eumenes'  attitude ;  Valerius  perhaps  reported  the  view 
prevailing  in  Rome  at  the  time. 

2  They  had  apparently  been  recognized  as  free  "  friends  "' 
of  Rome  after  a  dispute  as  to  their  status  under  the  treaty 
with  Antiochus,  XXXVIII.  xxxix.  17,  and  xv.  6. 

^  These  coins  were  worth  about  twenty  silver  drachmas,  cf. 
XXXVII.  lix.  4  and  the  note.  The  gift  seems  to  have  been 
unusually  large ;  the  Rhodians  gave  the  same  when  desperately 
trying  to  regain  Roman  favour,  see  XLV.  xxv.  7 ;  the  figure 
here  may  be  wrong.  The  philip,  bj^  weight  a  stater  or  double 
drachma  of  the  Athenian  standard  (=  86  g. ;  the  theoretical 
U.S.  gold  dollar  of  1934  =  lo^r  grains  troy  =  0988  g.), 
132 


BOOK  XLIV.  xiii.  ii-xiv.  3 

Euboea  with  the  rest  of  his  ships,  thinking  that  this  b.c.  169 
city  was  most  suitable  for  the  forwarding  of  supphes 
to  the  armies  in  Macedonia  and  Thessaly. 

The  historians  give  highly  different  accounts  of 
King  Eumenes.  If  you  trust  Valerius  Antias,^  his 
account  is  that  although  the  praetor  summoned  the 
king  with  frequent  despatches,  he  did  not  even  receive 
naval  assistance  from  him,  nor  did  Eumenes  on  his 
M'ay  to  Asia  part  on  good  terms  with  the  consul,  being 
indignant  because  he  wsis  not  permitted  to  encamp 
in  the  Roman  area ;  Eumenes,  says  Valerius,  could 
not  even  be  persuaded  to  leave  behind  the  Galatian 
cavalry  he  had  brought  with  him.  His  brother 
Attains,  continues  Valerius,  not  only  remained  with 
the  consul,  but  displayed  genuine  and  unwavering 
good  faith  and  notable  exploits  in  this  campaign. 

XIV.  While  the  war  was  continuing  in  Macedonia, 
envoys  from  across  the  Alps  from  a  Gallic  chieftain — 
his  name  is  given  as  Balanos,  but  there  is  no  record  of 
his  tribe — came  to  Rome  promising  aid  for  the  Mace- 
donian campaign.  Thanks  were  expressed  by  the 
senate  and  gifts  sent  the  envoys,  a  twisted  necklace 
of  two  pounds  of  gold  and  golden  bowls  of  four  pounds, 
a  horse  with  ornamental  trappings,  and  cavalry 
weapons.  After  the  Gauls,  Pamphylian  ^  envoys 
presented  in  the  senate-house  a  gold  crown  made  of 
twenty    thousand   philips  ^    and   their   request    w  as 

was  popularized  by  Philip  II  after  the  fall  of  Olynthus  in 
348  B.C.  He  seems  to  have  taken  the  coin  from  the  Olyn- 
thians;  it  paralleled  an  earlier  issue  from  Philippi,  which 
began  as  a  colony  of  Thasos  three  years  before  its  capture  by 
Philip,  and  which  had  an  Athenian  adviser.  Philip  continued 
the  coinage  of  this  town.  During  the  second  century,  the 
philip  was  the  commonest  gold  coin  of  Rome  (see  XXXIV. 
lii.  7 ;   XXXVII.  lix.  4 ;  XXXIX.  v.  15  and  vii.  1,  and  frequent 

^33 


LIVY 

lerunt,  petentibusque  iis,  iit  id  donum  in  cella  lovis 
optimi    maximi    ponere    et    sacrificare    in    Capitolio 

4  liceret,  permissum ;  benigneque  amicitiam  renovare 
volentibus  ^  legatis  responsum  et  binum  milium  aeris 
singulis  missum  munus. 

5  Tum  ab  rege  Prusia  et  paulo  post  ab  Rhodiis  de 
eadem  re  ^  longe  aliter  disserentes  legati  auditi  sunt. 

6  Utraque  legatio  de  pace  reconcilianda  cum  rege 
Perseo  egit.  Prusiae  preces  magis  quam  postulatio 
fuere,.  profitentis  et  ad  id  tempus  se  cum  Romanis 

7  stetisse  et.  quoad  bellum  foret,  staturum ;  ceterum 
cum  ad  se  a  Perseo  legati  venissent  de  finiendo  cum 
Romanis  bello,  eis  ^  pollicitum  deprecatorem  apud 
senatum  futurum ;  petere,  si  possent  inducere  in 
animum  ut  finiant  iras,  se  *  quoque  in  gratia  recon- 

8  ciliatae  pads  ponerent.-^  Haec  regii  legati.  Rhodii 
superbe  commemoratis  meritis  suis  ^  erga  populum 
Romanum  et  paene  victoriae,  utique  de  Antiocho 

9  rege,  maiore  parte  ad  se  vindicata,  adiecerunt :  cum 
pax  inter  Macedonas  Romanosque  esset,  sibi  amici- 
tiam cum  rege  Perseo  coeptam  :  cam  se  invitos,  nullo 
eius  in  se  merito,  quoniam  ita  Romanis  visum  sit  in 

10  societatem   se  belli   trahere,   interrupisse.     Tertium 

1  volentibus  Fr:   novantibus  V. 

2  re  add.  Fr:   om.  V. 
^  eis  Xovdk :   etis  V. 

*  iras  se  F orchhammer :   ira  se  V. 

^  ponerent  J.  F.  Gronovius :   possent  V. 

^  meritis  suis  add.  Madvig :   om.  V. 

allusions  of  Plautus'  Bacchides,  Poenulus,  and  Trinummus); 
as  a  result  of  Roman  trade,  philips  also  made  their  appearance 
in  central  Gaul,  and  were  locally  imitated  there,  in  the  Rhine- 

^34 


BOOK  XLIV.  XIV.  3-10 

granted  that  they  be  permitted  to  deposit  this  b.c.  169 
present  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  Greatest  and  Best, 
and  to  offer  sacrifice  on  the  Capitol ;  a  gracious  answer 
was  given  to  the  envoys'  request  for  a  renewal  of  the 
state  of  friendship,  and  a  gift  of  two  thousand 
asses  apiece  was  sent  them. 

Next,  an  audience  was  given  to  envoys  from  King 
Prusias,  and  shortly  thereafter  to  those  from  the 
Rhodians,  who  made  a  very  different  presentation  of 
the  same  request.  Both  embassies  treated  of  maldng 
terms  again Mith  King  Perseus.  Prusias'  attitude  was 
more  that  of  entreaty  than  demand,  for  he  declared 
that  up  to  this  time  he  had  taken  the  part  of  the 
Romans,  and  would  so  continue  as  long  as  the  war 
lasted ;  however,  inasmuch  as  envoys  from  Perseus 
had  come  to  him  to  discuss  ending  the  war  with  the 
Romans,  he  had  promised  to  plead  Perseus'  cause 
before  the  senate ;  he  requested  that  if  they  could 
bring  themselves  to  do  so,  they  would  put  an  end  to 
their  wrath,  and  would  accord  him,  too,  their  thanks 
for  the  restoration  of  peace.  So  spoke  the  king's 
envoys.  The  Rhodians  haughtily  reviewed  their 
services  to  the  Roman  people,  and  claimed  for  them- 
selves almost  the  greater  part  of  the  victories, 
especially  over  King  Antiochus ;  they  then  added 
that  while  peace  had  existed  between  the  Mace- 
donians and  Romans,  they  had  entered  upon  friend- 
ship with  King  Perseus ;  this  they  had  broken  off 
against  their  will  and  on  account  of  no  fault  of  his 
toward  them,  but  because  it  had  seemed  good  to  the 
Romans  to  draw  them  into  participation  in  the  war. 

land,  and  even  in  Britain.     (See  Seltman,  Greek  Coins,  pp. 
200-202,  and  R.E.  2196-2198.) 


LIVY 

se  annum  miilta  eius  incommoda  belli  sentire  mari 
intercluso ;    inopem  insulam  esse  nee,  nisi  maritimis 

11  iuvetur  commeatibus,.  colendam.  Itaque  cum  ^ 
id  ultra  pati  non  possent,  legates  alios  ad  Persea  in 
Macedoniam  misisse  qui  ei  denuntiarent  Rhodiis 
placere  pacem   eum  componere   cum  Romanis ;     se 

12  Romam  eadem  nuntiatum  missos.  Per  quos  stetisset 
quo  minus  belli  finis  fieret,  adversus  eos  quid  sibi 
faciendum  esset,  Rhodios  consideraturos  esse. 

13  Ne  2  nunc  quidem  haec  sine  indignatione  legi 
audirive  posse  certum  habeo  ;  inde  existimari  potest, 
qui  habitus  animorum  audientibus  ea  patribus  fuerit. 

XV.  Claudius  nihil  responsum  auctor  est,  tantum 
senatus  consultum.  recitatum,  quo  Caras  et  Lycios 
liberos    esse    iuberet    populus    Romanus   litterasque 

1  mari  intercluso ;  inopem  insulam  esse,  nee  nisi  maritimis 
iuvetur  commeatibus  colendam.  Itaque  cum  Novak:  mari 
intercluso;  incultam  insulam  inopem  esse,  nisi  maritimis 
iuvetur  contributisque  commeatibus.  Cum  Gitlbauer:  mari 
interim  incluso  inopiam  insulam  inopen  misso  .  .  .  ritimis 
iuuetur  colendi  itaque  commeatibus  cum  V. 

2  ne  add.  Fr:   om.  V. 


^  For  the  services  of  the  Rhodians,  cf.  XLII.  xlvi.  6. 
According  to  Polybius  XXVIII.  16,  relations  between  Rome 
and  Rhodes  vrere  entirely  cordial  this  year;  in  168  B.C.  the 
consul  Marcius  suggested  to  an  embassy  of  the  Rhodians  that 
they  act  as  mediators ;  the  only  result  was  to  encourage  the 
pro'-Macedonians  in  Rhodes  (cf.  below,  xxxv.  4,  where  Livy 
still  saddles  the  Rhodians  with  the  onus  in  this  matter;  also 
XLV.  iii.  3,  with  which  cf.  Polybius  XXIX.  10).  Polybius 
suspects  Marcius  of  planning  to  have  the  Rhodians  annoy  the 
Romans  and  so  justify  Rome's  overriding  their  independence; 
in  view  of  Marcius'  liking  for  intrigue  (XLII.  xlvii.  1-4),  this 

136 


BOOK  XLIV.  XIV.  lo-xv.  i 

For  the  third  year,  they  said,  they  were  feeUng  many  b.c.  169" 
inconveniences  from  this  v.ar  because  of  the  interrup- 
tion of  commerce ;  their  island  was  poor,  and  could 
not  be  inhabited  without  the  assistance  of  sea-borne 
supplies.  Since  therefore  they  could  no  longer 
endure  this  privation,  they  had  sent  other  envoys  to 
Perseus  in  Macedonia,  to  inform  him  that  it  was  the 
Rhodians'  wish  that  he  should  arrange  a  peace  with 
the  Romans,  and  that  they  had  sent  a  similar 
announcement  to  Rome.  If  either  party  was  re- 
sponsible for  preventing  the  ending  of  the  war,  the 
Rhodians  would  deliberate  as  to  what  action  they 
ought  to  take  against  this  party. 

1  feel  sure  that  even  now  these  statements  cannot 
be  read  or  heard  without  indignation ;  from  this  one 
can  judge  what  the  senate's  state  of  mind  was  as  they 
listened.^ 

XV.  Claudius  has  it  that  the  senate  returned  no 
ansvv'er,  but  only  had  read  its  decree  that  the  Roman 
people  gave  the  Carians  and  Lycians  their  freedom  ^ 
and  that  despatches  should  be  immediately  sent  to 
both    peoples,   on    hearing    which   the   chief  of  the 

is  quite  probable.  In  XLV.  xxii.  2,  Livy  suggests  that 
Roman  suspicion  of  Rhodes  was  something  new  in  167  B.C.; 
in  XLV.  XXV.  6,  the  "  freeing  "  of  Lycia  and  Caria  seems  to 
have  been  ordered  in  that  year.  Claudius  (see  below)  or  some 
other  annalist  seems  to  have  misled  Livy  by  anticipating 
developments.  Cassius  Dio  XX.  fr.  66,  2  =  Zonaras  9.  22 
says  that  Perseus  would  have  been  granted  peace  but  for  the 
tactlessness  of  the  Rhodians.  Livy  certainly  had  no  suspicion 
that  the  Romans  might  have  continued  to  tolerate  Perseus. 

2  Previous  friction  between  these  peoples  and  the  Rhodians 
was  noted  in  XLI.  vi.  8-12,  cf.  the  note,  and  XLII.  xiv.  8. 
Polybius  XXX.  5.  12  records  a  decree  "  freeing  "  the  Carians 
and  Lycians  in  the  year  168-7  B.C.,  probably  the  time  when  it 
was  actually  passed. 


LIVY 

2  extemplo  ad  utramque  gentem  niitti ;  ^  qua  audita 
re  principem  leo;ationis,  cuius  magniloquentiani  vix 
curia  paulo  ante  ceperat,  corruisse. 

3  Alii  responsum  esse  tradunt,.  populum  Romanum  et 
principio  eius  belli  baud  vanis  auctoribus  compertum 
habui'ise  Rbodios  cum  Perseo  rege  adversus  rem 
publicam  suam  occulta  consilia  inisse,  et  si  id  ^  ante 

•i  dubium  fuisset,  legatorum  paulo  ^  ante  verba  ad 
certum  redegisse,  et  plerumque  ipsam  se  fraudem, 

5  etiamsi  initio  cautior  fuerit.  detegere.  Rhodios 
nunc  *  in  orbe  terrarum  arbitria  belli  pacisque  agere  ; 
Rhodiorum  ^  nutu  arma  sumpturos  positurosque 
Romanos  esse.     lam  non  deos  foederum  testis,  sed 

6  Rhodios  habituros.  Itane  tandem?  ni  ^  pareatur  iis 
exercitusque  de  Macedonia  deportentur,  visuros  esse 

7  quid  sibi  faciendum  sit :  quid  Rhodii  visuri  sint,  ipsos 
scire.  Populum  certe  Romanum  devicto  Perseo, 
quod  prope  diem  sperent  fore,  visurum  ut  pro  meritis 
cuiusque  in  eo  bello  ci^itatis  gratiam  dignam  referat. 

8  Munus  tamen  legatis  in  singulos  binum  milium  aeris 
missum  est,  quod  ii  non  acceperunt. 

X\'I.  Litterae  deinde  recitatae  Q.  Marcii  consulis 

sunt,  quemadmodum  saltu  superato  in  Macedonian! 

2  transisset :    ibi  et  ex  aliis  locis  commeatus  se  "^  pros- 

1  gentem  mitti  Hartel:  gentem  ut  sciret  iudicatum  mitti 
Madvig:  gentem  ut  id  sciret  indicatum  mitti  W eissenhorn  : 
gentem  sciret  indicatum  mitti  T'. 

2  inisse  et  si  id  Fr :   inissetid  V. 

3  legatorum  paulo  Fr:  legatorum  occulta  consilia  inisset 
paulo  r. 

*  nunc  7.  Perizonius :   nuntio  V. 
5  Rhodiorum  Crevier:    deorum  F. 
^  ni  Kreyssig'.   is  V. 
'  se  Vahhn :    remp.  I'. 

138 


BOOK  XLIV.  XV.  i-xvi.  2 

Rhodian    embassy,    for   whose   proud   language    the  b.c.  169 
senate-house  had  but  a  moment  before  seemed  too 
small,  now  suffered  deflation.     Other  historians  record 
the  following  answer : 

"  At  the  outset  of  this  war  the  Roman  people  were 
informed  by  no  trifling  sources  that  the  Rhodians  had 
entered  upon  secret  plots  with  King  Perseus  against 
the  Roman  state,^  but  even  had  this  been  doubtful 
before,  the  words  of  the  embassy  just  uttered  have 
made  the  matter  certain.  Frequently  treachery 
unmasks  itself,  even  if  it  is  more  wary  at  first.  And 
now  the  Rhodians  pass  judgment  throughout  the 
world  as  to  peace  and  war !  At  the  beck  and  call  of 
the  Rhodians  will  the  Romans  take  up  and  lay  down 
their  arms !  Now  we  are  no  longer  to  call  upon  the 
gods  to  witness  treaties,  but  rather  the  Rhodians ! 
Unless  obedience  is  rendered  them,  and  our  armies 
are  removed  from  Macedonia,  the  Rhodians  will  see, 
will  they,  what  they  must  do?  What  the  Rhodians 
will  see,  they  themselves  know.  But  surely  the 
Roman  people,  after  their  conquest  of  Perseus,  which 
they  hope  will  take  place  any  day,  will  see  that  they 
repay  a  suitable  reward  for  the  actions  of  each  state 
during  the  war."  Nevertheless,  a  present  of  two 
thousand  sesterces  apiece  was  sent  to  the  envoys, 
which  they  refused. 

XVI.  Thereafter  despatches  from  Quintus  Marcius 
the  consul  were  read,  describing  his  crossing  over  into 
Macedonia,  by  forcing  the  pass;  in  Macedonia  he 
had  procured  supplies   in   advance   of  winter   from 

^  Cf.  XLII.  xxvi.  8  for  earlier  Roman  suspicions,  which  to  a 
large  extent  resulted  from  the  Rhodians'  non-partisanship, 
based  on  a  preference  for  a  balance  of  power,  cf.  XLII.  xxx. 
5-6. 

139 


pectos  in  hiemem  habere  et  ab  Epirotis  viginti  milia 
modium  tritici,  decern  hordei  sumpsisse,  ut  pro  eo 
frumento  pecunia  Romae  legatis   eorum  curaretur. 

3  \'estirnenta  militibus  ab  Roma  mittenda  esse ;  equis 
ducentis  ferme   opus   esse,  maxime   Xumidicis,  nee 

4  sibi  ^  in  his  locis  ullam  copiam  esse.  Senatus  con- 
sultum,  ut  ea  omnia  ex  Htteris  consuhs  fierent.  factum 
est.  C.  Sulpicius  praetor  sex  miha  togarum,  triginta 
tunicarum,  equos  ducentos  ^  deportanda  in  Mace- 
doniam  praebendaque  arbitratu  consulis  loca\-it  et 
legatis  Epirotarum  pecuniam  pro  frumento  solvit  et 
Onesimum,   Pythonis   filium,   nobilem    Macedonem, 

5  in  senatum  introduxit.  Is  pacis  semper  auctor  regi 
fuerat  monueratque,  sicut  pater  eius  Philippus  insti- 
tutum  usque  ad  ultimum  vitae  diem  servarat  ^  cotidie, 
bis  in  die  foederis  icti  cum  Romanis  perlegendi,  ut 
eum  morem,  si  non  semper,  crebro  tamen  usurparet. 

6  Postquam  deterrere  eum  a  bello  nequiit,  primo  sub- 
trahere  sese  per  alias  atque  alias  causas,^  ne  interesset 
iis  quae  non  probabat,  coepit ;  postremo,  cum  sus- 
pectum  se  esse  cemeret  et  proditionis  interdum  cri- 
mine  insimulari,  ad  Romanos  transfugit  et  ^  magno 

7  Usui  consuli  fuit.  Ea  introductus  in  curiam  cum 
memorasset,    senatus    in    formulam    sociorum    eum 

^  Xumidicis  nee  sibi  Xovdk :   numidinecsi  V. 

2  ducentos  Forchhammer:   et  V. 

^  servarat  Drakenhorch  :    servabat  V. 

*  causas  add.  Fr :   om.  V. 

^  et  add.  Drakenhorch:   om.  V. 

1  He  was  the  city  praetor,  cf.  XLIII.  xv.  3.  Under 
Sulpicius'  sponsorship  as  praetor,  Ennius  produced  his 
Thye-sies  (Cicero,  Brutus  78),  and  in  his  consulship,  Terence 
produced  his  Andria;  for  Sulpicius'  prediction  of  an  ecUpse, 
see  below,  xxxvii.  5. 

140 


BOOK  XLIV.  XVI.  2-7 

various  localities,  and  in  particular  had  received  b.c.  169 
twenty  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  and  ten  thousand 
of  barley  from  the  Epirotes,  so  that  payment  for  this 
grain  should  be  arranged  with  their  envoys  at  Rome. 
Clothes,  said  the  consul,  should  be  sent  to  the  army 
from  Rome ;  there  was  need  for  about  two  hundred 
horses,  especially  Numidians,  and  he  had  no  supply 
of  them  where  he  was.  A  decree  of  the  senate  was 
passed  to  carry  out  these  requests  of  the  consul. 
Gains  Sulpicius  the  praetor  ^  let  a  contract  for  trans- 
porting to  Macedonia  six  thousand  togas, ^  thirty 
thousand  tunics,  and  two  hundred  horses,  and  for 
depositing  them  where  the  consul  chose.  Sulpicius 
also  paid  the  envoys  of  the  Epirotes  the  price  of  the 
grain,  and  brought  before  the  senate  Onesimus,  son 
of  Pytho,  a  Macedonian  noble.  He  had  always  been 
a  proponent  of  peace  to  the  king,  and  had  advised 
him  to  adopt  frequently,  if  not  regularly,  the  practice 
which  his  father  Philip  had  begun  and  continued  to 
the  last  day  of  his  Ufe — namely,  that  of  reading 
through  twice  daily  the  treaty  he  had  made  with  the 
Romans.  After  Onesimus  had  been  unable  to  dis- 
courage the  king  from  war,  Onesimus  began  at  first 
to  withdraw  on  one  excuse  or  another,  so  as  not  to  be 
associated  with  projects  of  which  he  disapproved. 
Finally,  when  he  saw  that  he  was  an  object  of 
suspicion  and  that  occasionally  he  was  being  charged 
by  innuendo  with  treachery,  he  deserted  to  the 
Romans  and  made  himself  very  useful  to  the  consul. 
On  being  introduced  to  the  senate,  he  recited  these 
facts,  and  the  senate  ordered  that  he  be  enrolled  in  the 
category  of  allies,  that  a  residence  and  entertainment 

2  For  this  use  of  a  civilian  garment  by  soldiers,  of.  XXII. 
liv.  2  and  the  note. 

141 


LIVY 

referri  iussit,  locum,  lautia  praeberi,  agri  Tarentini  ^ 
qui  publicus  populi  Romani  esset  ducenta  iugera 
dari,  et  aedes  Tarenti  emi.  Uti  ea  curaret,  C. 
Decimio  praetori  mandatum. 

8  Censores  censum  ^  idibus  Decembribus  severius 
quam  ante  habuerunt :  multis  equi  adempti,  inter 
quos  P.  Rutilio,  qui  tribunus  plebis  eos  violenter 
accusarat ;     tribu    quoque    is    motus    et    aerarius  ^ 

9  f actus.  Ad  opera  publica  facienda  cum  eis  dimidium 
ex  vectigalibus  eius  anni  attributum  ex  senatus  con- 

10  sulto  a  quaestoribus  esset,  Ti.  Sempronius  ex  ea 
pecunia,  quae  ipsi  attributa  erat,  aedes  P.  Africani 
pone  Veteres  ad  Vortumni  signum  lanienasque  *  et 

11  tabernas  coniunctas  in  publicum  emit  basilicamque 
faciendam  curavit,  quae  postea  Sempronia  appellata 
est. 

XVII.  lam  in  exitu  annus  erat  et  propter  Mace- 

donici  maxime  belli  curam  in  sermonibus  homines 

habebant  quos  in  annum  consules  ad  finiendum  tan- 

2  dem  id  bellum  crearent.     Itaque  senatus  consultum 

factum  est,  ut  Cn.  Servilius  primo  quoque  tempore  ad 

^  Tarentini  i'r :   intrarentin  T'. 

-  mandatum.   Censores  censum  Fr :   mandatu  recensum  V. 

^  aerarius  Ursin  us :    operarius  V. 

•*  lanienas  Turnehus :   laneas  V. 

1  For  similar  rewards,  cf.  II.  xvi.  4—5 ;  XXIII.  xlvi.  6-7 ; 
XXVI.  xxi.  9-13. 

2  He  was  praetor  in  charge  of  aliens,  XLIII.  xv.  3. 

^  Severity  to  knights  was  previously  mentioned,  XLIII. 
xvi.  1 ;  either  the  process  was  interrupted  by  the  objections 
there  described,  or  the  censors  conducted  a  new  review  at  this 
later  date.  Rutilius  was  now  open  to  their  attack,  because  he 
had  left  the  tribunate  four  days  before  on  December  9. 

*  Africanus  was  the  father-in-law  of  the  censor.  The  Old 
Shops  had  been  built  in  209  B.C.,  cf.  XXVII.  xi.  16,  and  were 

142 


BOOK  XLIV.  XVI.  7-xvii.  2 

be  provided  for  him,  that  two  hundred  acres  of  the  b.c,  169 
pubHc  land  of  the  Roman  people  in  the  district  of 
Tarentum  be  given  him,  and  that  a  house  be  bought 
for  him  at  Tarentum.^     Gaius  Decimius  the  praetor  ^ 
was  entrusted  with  the   execution  of  these  orders. 

The  censors  conducted  the  census  on  the  thirteenth 
of  December  more  strictly  than  before.  Many  were 
deprived  of  their  rank  of  knights,  among  them  Publius 
Rutilius  who  as  tribune  of  the  commons  had  violently 
assailed  the  censors ;  he  was  also  removed  from  his 
tribe  and  disenfranchised.^  As  half  the  revenues  of 
the  year  had  by  decree  of  the  senate  been  assigned 
by  the  quaestors  to  the  censors  for  the  construction  of 
public  works,  Titus  Sempronius,  out  of  the  funds 
assigned  to  him,  bought  for  the  state  the  house  of 
Publius  Africanus  behind  the  Old  Shops  in  the 
direction  of  the  statue  of  Vortumnus,  as  well  as  the 
butcher's  stalls  and  the  shops  adjacent,  and  saw  to 
the  construction  of  the  basilica  which  afterward 
received  the  name  of  Sempronian.^ 

XVII.  The  year  was  drawing  to  its  close,  and 
because  of  concern,  especially  for  the  war  with 
Macedonia,  men  were  discussing  what  consuls  they 
should  elect  for  this  year,  to  bring  this  war  at  last 
to  an  end.  A  resolution  of  the  senate  was  therefore 
passed,  that  Gnaeus  Servilius  should  come  as  promptly 

so  called  to  distinguish  them  from  some  built  in  194  b.c.  The 
bronze  statue  of  the  Etruscan  god  Vortumnus  stood  in  the 
Vicus  Tuscus  some  distance  south-west  of  the  Forum,  but 
visible  from  it ;  the  statue  is  mentioned  by  Cicero,  in  Verreyn  II. 
I.  59,  154,  and  Propertius  V.  (IV.)  2.  The  god,  whose  name 
seems  to  be  good  Latin,  was  in  charge  of  turniag  or  exchange, 
and  received  a  temple  in  Rome  after  the  overthrow  of  his  home 
town  of  Volsinii  in  264  B.C.  The  Basilica  Sempronia  was 
later  supplanted  by  the  Basilica  Julia. 

143 


3  comitia  habenda  veniret.  Senatus  consultum  Sul- 
picius  praetor  ad  consuiem  misit,  litterasque  allatas  a 
consule  post  paucos  dies  recitavit,  quibus  in  ante 
diem  .  .  .  comitia  edixit :  se  ante  eum  diem  ^  in 
urbem  venturum.     Et  consul  matura\-it  et  comitia  eo 

4  die  qui  dictus  erat  sunt  perfecta.  Consules  creati 
L,  Aemilius  Paulus  iterum,  quarto  ^  decumo  anno 
postquam  primo  consul  fuerat,  et  C.  Licinius  Crassus. 

5  Praetores  postero  die  facti  Cn.  Baebius  Tamphilus,^ 
L.  Anicius  Gallus,  Cn.  Octavius,  P.  Fonteius  Balbus, 

6  M.  Aebutius  Helva,  C.  Papirius  Carbo.  Omnia  ut 
maturius     agerentur,    belli     Macedonici     stimulabat 

7  cura.  Itaque  designatos  extemplo  sortiri  placuit 
provincias,  ut..  cum  *  utri  Macedonia  consuli  cuique 
praetori  classis  evenisset  sciretur,  ii  iam  inde  ^ 
cogitarent  pararentque  quae  bello  usui  forent,  sena- 
tumque   consulerent,   si   qua   de  ^   re   consulto    opus 

8  esset.  Latinas,  ubi  magistratum  inissent,  quod  per 
religiones  posset  primo  quoque  tempore  fieri  placere, 
ne  quid  "^  consuiem,  cui  eundum  in  Macedonian!  esset, 

9  teneret.  His  decretis,  consulibus  Italia  et  Mace- 
donia, praetoribus  praeter  duas  iurisdictiones  in  urbe 
classis  et  Hispania  et  Sicilia  et  Sardinia  provinciae 

^  misit,  litterasque  allatas  a  consule  .  .  .  in  .  .  .  comitia 
edixit;   se  ante  eum  diem  acZcZ.  I "aAZ€?i:  oni.V. 

2  quarto  Sigonius:   septumo  V. 

3  Baebius  Fr:    Tamphilus  Sigonius:    pa  pilius  V. 

^  placuit  provincias  ut  cum  Madvig :  placuit  provideanteum 
V. 

^  ii  iam  inde  Madvig :   utiaminide  V. 

144 


BOOK  XLIV.  XVII.  2-9 

as  possible  to  hold  the  elections.  The  praetor  b.c.  169 
Sulpicius  forwarded  the  resolution  to  the  consul,  and 
read  to  the  senate  a  few  days  later  the  return  despatch 
from  that  officer.  In  this,  he  set  the  day  for  the 
elections  as  ...  ,  and  announced  his  return  to  the 
city  previous  to  that  time.  The  consul  made  haste, 
and  the  elections  were  completed  on  the  day  set. 
There  were  elected  as  consuls  Lucius  Aemilius  Paulus 
for  the  second  time,  in  the  fourteenth  year  after  his 
first  term,  and  Gains  Licinius  Crassus.  On  the 
following  day,  there  were  elected  to  the  praetorship 
Gnaeus  Baebius  Tamphilus,  Lucius  Anicius  Gallus, 
Gnaeus  Octavius,  Publius  Fonteius  Balbus,  Marcus 
Aebutius  Helva,  and  Gains  Papirius  Carbo.  Concern 
for  the  war  with  Macedonia  induced  the  speeding  up 
of  the  whole  procedure.  Therefore  it  was  voted  that 
these  magistrates-elect  should  be  allotted  their  fields 
of  operation  immediately,  so  that  when  it  was  known 
which  consul  had  received  Macedonia  and  which 
praetor  the  fleet,  the  designated  men  might  begin 
their  plans  and  preparations  of  the  supplies  necessary 
for  war  and  might  consult  the  senate  if  there  was 
need  for  consultation  on  any  subject.  It  was  deter- 
mined to  hold  the  Latin  Festival  as  soon  as  was 
possible  on  religious  grounds  after  the  entrance  upon 
office  of  the  magistrates,  to  avoid  any  delay  to  the 
consul  who  was  to  set  out  for  Macedonia.  In  these 
decrees,  the  fields  of  operation  for  the  consuls  W'Cre 
designated  as  Macedonia  and  Italy ;  those  for  the 
praetors  were,  besides  the  two  jurisdictions  in  the 
city,  the  fleet,  Spain,  Sicily,  and  Sardinia.     Mace- 


^  de  add.  Weissenborn :   om.  V. 
^  ne  quid  Forchhammer :   neque  V. 


145 


LR'Y 

10  nominatae  sunt.  Con?uluin  Aeniilio  Macedonia, 
Licinio  Italia  evenit.  Praetores  Cn.  Baebius  urba- 
nam,  L.  Anicius  peregrinam  et  si  quo  senatus  cen- 
suisset;  Cn.  Octavius  classem,  P.  Fonteius  Hispaniam, 
M.  Aebutius  Siciliam.^  C.  Papirius  Sardinian!  est 
sortitus. 

X^'III.  Extemplo  apparuit  omnibus  non  segniter 
id  belluni  L.  Aemilium  gesturum.  praeterquam  quod 
militaris  ^  vir  erat,  etiam  quod  dies  noctesque  intentus 
ea  sola  quae  ad  id  bellum  pertinerent  aninio  agitabat. 

2  lam  omnium  primum  a  senatu  petit,  ut  legatos  in 
Macedoniam  mitterent  ad  exercitus  visendos  clas- 
semque  et  comperta  referenda,  quid  aut  terrestribus 

3  aut  navalibus  copiis  opus  esset  ^ ;  praeterea  ut 
explorarent  copias  regias  quantum  possent,  qua  ^ 
provincia  nostra,  qua  hostium  foret ;  utrum  intra 
saltus  castra  Romani  haberent,  an  iam  omnes 
angustiae   exsuperatae,   et  in  aequa  loca  pen-enis- 

•4  sent ;  qui  fideles  nobis  socii,  qui  dubii  suspensaeque 
ex  fortuna  fidei,  qui  certi  hostes  viderentur ;  quanti 
praeparati  commeatus,  et  unde  terrestri  itinere,  unde 
na\-ibus  subportarentur ;  quid  ea  aestate  terra  mari- 
que  rerum  gestum  ^  esset :   ex  his  bene  cognitis  certa 

^  M.  Aebutius  Siciliam  add.  Fr:    om.  V. 
2  roilitaris  H.  A.  Koch:    alias  Hertz:    talis  ForcMiammer: 
aliis  V. 

^  esset  Sigonius:   est  T'. 

^  qua  Vahlen  :    quaqua  T. 

5  gestum  J.  F.  Gronovius:   gestarum  V. 


1  It  was  later  assumed,  cf.  C.I.L.  I.^  1,  p.  194,  elogium  XV. 
and  Plutarch,  Aemilias  x  that  Paulus  was  elected  as  general 
for  Macedonia;  this  cannot  be  taken  literally,  as  it  would 
have   been   the   senate   which   assigned   him  to   a   province; 


146 


BOOK  XLIV.  XVII.  9-xviii.  4 

donia  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  consul  Aemilius/  Italy  to  b.c  169 
Licinius.  Of  the  praetors,  Gnaeus  Baebius  received 
the  jurisdiction  over  citizens,  Lucius  Anicius  was 
given  that  over  aliens  and  was  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  senate,  Gnaeus  Octavius  received  the  fleet, 
Publius  Fonteius  Spain,  Marcus  Aebutius  Sicily,  and 
Gnaeus  Papirius  Sardinia. 

XVIII.  It  was  at  once  obvious  to  everyone  that 
Lucius  Aemilius  was  going  to  prosecute  this  war  in 
no  sluggish  fashion,  not  only  because  he  was  a  warlike 
man,  but  also  because  without  relaxing  by  day  or 
night  he  turned  over  in  his  mind  nothing  but  what 
concerned  this  war.  First  of  all  he  requested  the 
senate  to  send  envoys  to  Macedonia  to  inspect  the 
armies  and  the  fleet  and  to  report  their  findings  as  to 
what  was  needed  by  way  of  forces  on  land  or  sea ; 
moreover,  they  were  to  collect  information  as  far  as 
possible  about  the  king's  forces  and  about  the  terrain 
under  our  control  and  under  that  of  the  enemy. 
They  were  to  investigate  the  following :  whether  the 
Romans  were  encamped  among  the  mountains  or 
whether  all  the  narrows  had  been  passed  and  the 
plains  reached ;  which  of  the  allies  were  loyal  to  us, 
which  were  wavering  and  of  a  loyalty  dependent  on 
fortune,  and  which  seemed  definitely  hostile ;  how 
large  a  supply  of  provisions  had  been  prepared  and 
whence  they  could  be  brought,  by  a  land  route  or  by 
ships,  respectively ;  what  had  been  achieved  on  land 
and  sea  during  this  summer.  From  good  information 
on  these  points  sure  decisions  might  be  made  for  the 

unless  a  judicious  falsifying  of  the  allotment  process  took 
place,  the  appointment  of  Paulus  was  a  bit  of  the  felicitas  of 
the  Roman  people.  Crassus  had  a  respectable  record  as  a 
soldier,  cf.  XLII.  Iviii.  12. 

147 


LIVY 

5  in  futurum  consilia  capi  posse.  Senatus  ^  Cn.  Ser- 
vilio  consul!  negotium  dedit  ut  tris  ^  in  Macedonian! 
quos  L.  Aemilio  \-ideretur,  legaret.  Legati  biduo 
post  profecti  Cn.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  A.  Licinius 
Xerva.  L.  Baebius. 

6  Bis  in  exitu  anni  eius  lapidatum  esse  nuntiatum  est, 
semel  ^   in   Romano   agro,   semel   in   \'eienti.     Bis  * 

7  novemdiale  sacrum  factum  est.  Sacerdotes  eo  anno 
mortui  sunt  P.  Quinctilius  Varus  flamen  Martialis  et 
M.  Claudius  Marcellus  decemvir ;  in  cuius  locum  Cn. 

8  Octavius  suftectus.  Et  iam  magnificentia  crescente 
notatum  est  ludis  circensibus  P.  Comeli  Scipionis 
Xasicae  et  P.  Lentuli  aedilium  curulium  ^  sexaginta 
tres  Africanas  et  quadraginta  ursos  et  elephantos 
lusisse. 

XIX.  L.  Aemilio  Paulo  C.  Licinio  consulibus,  idi- 
bus  Martiis,  principio  insequentis  anni,  cum  in  expec- 
tatione  patres  fuissent,  maxime  quidnam  consul  de 
Macedonia,  cuius  ea  provincia  esset,  referret,  nihil  se 
habere  Paulus  quod  referret,  cum  nondum  legati  ^ 

2  redissent,  dixit.     Ceterum  Brundisi  legatos  iam  esse, 

3  bis  ex  cursu  D}'rrachium  reiectos.'^  Cognitis  mox  quae 
nosci  prius  in  rem  esset,  relaturum ;    id  fore  intra 

4  perpaucos    dies.     Et    ne    quid    profectionem    suam 

1  posse.     Senatus  5e7:^er :  posseseratus  F. 
-  dedit  ut  tris  Ha  rant :    dedit  utris  V. 

2  est,  semel  JIadvig:    esse  V. 

*  semel  in  Veienti.     Bis  Madvig :    simul  in  beientibus  V. 
^  aedilium  curulium  eel.  Bas.  1635 :    aedilis  curulis  V. 
^  cum  nondum  legati  Fr :  cum  nondum  III  legati  Eosshach  : 
nondum  inlegati  V. 

148 


BOOK  XLIV.  XVIII.  4-xix.  4 

future,  said  Aemilius.  The  senate  gave  the  consul  b.c.  169 
Gnaeus  ServiUus  the  task  of  choosing  three  men 
satisfactory  to  Lucius  AemiUus  as  envoys  to  Mace- 
donia. Two  days  later  the  envoys  set  out — Gnaeus 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Aulus  Licinius  Nerva,  and 
Lucius  Baebius. 

Report  was  made  of  two  showers  of  stones  near 
the  end  of  this  year,  one  on  Roman  land,  one  on  that 
of  Veil.  On  both  occasions  a  nine-day  rite  was 
performed.  The  priests  who  died  during  this  year 
were  Publius  Quinctilius  Varus,  t\\e  jiame7i  of  Mars,^ 
and  Marcus  Claudius  Marcellus  of  the  Board  of  Ten. 
Gnaeus  Octavius  replaced  the  latter.  Display  being 
now  on  the  increase,  it  is  recorded  that  at  the  games 
in  the  arena  by  the  curule  aediles  Publius  Cornelius 
Scipio  Nasica  and  Publius  Lentulus,  sixty-three 
leopards  and  forty  bears  and  elephants  participated. 

XIX.  In  the  consulship  of  Lucius  Aemilius  Paulus  b.c.  I68 
and  Gaius  Licinius,  on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year,  the  senators  were  on  the 
qui  vive,  especially  as  to  what  the  consul  in  charge  of 
Macedonia  would  bring  before  them  about  his  field 
of  operations.  But  Paulus  said  that  he  had  nothing 
to  present  until  the  envoys  returned,  but  that  the 
envoys  were  now  at  Brundisium,  after  having  been 
blown  back  twice  to  Dyrrachium  on  their  voyage. 
As  soon  as  he  acquired  the  information  which  was  the 
first  necessity,  he  would  lay  matters  before  the 
senate,  and  this  would  take  place  within  a  very  few 
days.     In  order  to  avoid  any  delay  to  his  setting- 

^  He  was  replaced  in  the  following  year  by  Lucius  Postumius 
Albinus,  XLV.  xv.  10. 

'  reiectos  Manutius :   eiectos  V. 

149 


teneret,  pridie  idiis  Apriles  Latinis  esse  constitutam 
diem.     Sacrificio  rite  perfecto  et  se  et  ^  Cn.  Octa- 

5  vium,  simul  senatus  censuisset,  exituros  esse.  C. 
Licinio  collegae  suo  fore  curae  se  absente,  ut  si  qua 
parari  mittique  ^  ad  id  bellum  opus  sit,  parentur 
mittanturque.  Interea  legationes  exterarum  na- 
tionum  audiri  posse. 

6  Primi  ^  Alexandrini   legati  ab  Ptolemaeo  et  Cleo- 

7  patra  *  regibus  vocati  sunt.  Sordidati,  barba  et 
capillo  promisso,  cum  ramis  oleae  ingressi  curiam 
procubuerunt,  et  oratio  quam  habitus  fuit  miserabilior. 

8  Antiochus  Svriae  rex,  qui  obses  Romae  fuerat.  per 
honestam  speciem  maioris  Ptolemaei  reducendi  in 
regnum,   bellum   cum   minore   fratre    eius,   qui   tum 

9  Alexandriam  tenebat,  gerens  et  ad  Pelusium  navali 
proelio  superior  ^  fuerat  et  tumultuario  opere  ponte 
per  Nilum  facto  transgressus  cum  exercitu  obsidione 
ipsam  Alexandriam  terrebat,  nee  procul  abesse  quin 

10  potiretur  regno  opulentissimo  videbatur.  Ea  legati 
querentes  orabant  senatum  ut  opem  regno  regibusque 

11  amicis  imperio  Romano^  ferrent.  Ea  merita  populi 
Romani  in  Antiochum,  eam  apud  omnes  reges 
gentesque  auctoritatem  esse  ut,  si  legatos  misissent 

^  et  se  et  Harant :   esset  V. 
2  mittique  H.  J.  Muller:    mittiue  V, 

^  posse.     Primi  Crevier :  possesacrificioriteperfectoprimi  T^ 
cf.  §  4  supra. 
*  Ptolemaeo  et  Cleopatra  Fr :  ptolemeopatra  V. 
^  superior  add.  Weissenhorn:   om.  V. 
^  Romano  add.  Zingerle :   o?n.  V. 

1  The  date  is  given  below,  xxii.  16,  as  March  31 ;  in  either 
case,  it  was  very  early  as  compared  with  dates  cited  elsewhere, 
e.g.,  XLI.  xvi.  I  (MaV  5),  XLII.  xxxv.  3  (June  1).  Actually, 
due  to  the  confusion' of  the  calendar,  the  festival  was  held  in 
late  January  this  year,  cf.  below,  xxxvii.  8. 


BOOK   XLIV.  XIX.  4-1 1 

out,  said  Paulus,  the  day  for  the  Latin  Festival  had  b.c.  168 
been  set  at  April  twelfth  ^ ;  after  the  proper  per- 
formance of  the  sacrifice,  if  the  senate  concurred,  he 
and  Gnaeus  Octavius  would  both  set  out.  His 
colleague  Gains  Licinius  would  take  care,  in  his 
absence,  to  get  ready  and  send  out  what  should  be 
made  ready  and  sent  to  the  war;  meanwhile,  said 
Paulus,  the  embassies  of  foreign  nations  might  be 
given  audience. 

First  the  envoys  from  King  Ptolemy  and  Queen 
Cleopatra  at  Alexandria  were  announced.  Grimy ,2 
with  untrimmed  beard  and  hair,  they  entered  the 
senate-house  bearing  olive-branches,  and  prostrated 
themselves  ;  their  speech  Avas  more  pitiable  than  their 
array.  Antiochus,  the  king  of  Syria,  who  had  been 
a  hostage  at  Rome,  under  the  decent  pretext  of 
restoring  the  elder  Ptolemy  to  his  throne,  was  waging 
war  against  the  younger  brother,  who  was  then  in 
possession  of  Alexandria.^  Antiochus  had  won  a 
naval  battle  at  Pelusium  and,  after  leading  his  forces 
across  the  Nile  on  a  hastily-constructed  bridge,  w^as 
overawing  Alexandria  with  his  siege  and  seemed  to  be 
on  the  very  point  of  laying  his  hands  on  a  very  rich 
kingdom.  Complaining  of  this  attack,  the  envoys 
begged  the  senate  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  a  kingdom 
and  a  royal  pair  who  were  friends  of  Roman  rule. 
Such,  they  argued,  were  the  benefits  conferred  on 
Antiochus  by  the  Roman  people,  and  such  their 
influence  with  all  kings  and  nations  that,  if  they  sent 

2  As  part  of  their  costume  as  suppliants. 

^  On  Antiochus'  sojourn  at  Rome,  cf.  XLI.  xx;  a  previous 
stage  in  Antiochus'  encroachment  on  Egypt  was  mentioned  in 
XLII.  xxix.  5,  cf.  Polybius  XXVII.  19,  also  XXVIII.  18  f. 
(16  f.)  The  "elder  Ptolemy"  is  Ptolemy  VI  Philometor; 
the  "  younger,"  Euergetes  II. 


qui  ei  nuntiarent  ^  non  placere  senatui  sociis  regibus 
bellum  fieri,,  extemplo  abscessurus  a  moenibus  Alex- 
andreae  abducturusque  exercitum  in  Syriam  esset. 

12  Quod  si  cunctentur  facere.  brevi  extorres  regno 
Ptolemaeum  et  Cleopatram  Romam  ventures,  cum 
pudore  quodam  populi  Romani,  quod  nullam  opem  in 

13  ultimo  discrimine  fortunarum  tulissent.  Moti  patres 
precibus  Alexandrinorum  extemplo  C.  Popilium 
Laenatem  et  C.  Decimium  et  C.  Hostilium  legatos  ad 

14  finiendum  inter  reges  bellum  miiserunt.  Prius 
Antiochum,  dein  Ptolemaeum  adire  iussi  et  nuntiare, 
ni  absistatur  bello,  per  utrum  stetisset,  eum  non  pro 
amico  nee  pro  socio  habituros  esse. 

XX.  His  intra  triduum  simul  cum  legatis  Alexan- 
drinis  profectis  legati  ex  Macedonia  quinquatribus 
ultimis  adeo  expectati  venerunt  ut,  nisi  -  vesper  esset, 

2  extemplo  senatum  vocaturi  consules  fuerint.  Postero 
die  senatus  fuit  legatique  auditi  sunt.  li  nuntiant 
maiore   periculo   quam    emolumento    exercitum   per 

3  invios  saltus  in  Slacedoniam  inductum.  Pieriam, 
quo  processisset,  regem  tenere ;  castra  castris  prope 
ita  conlata  esse,  ut  flumine  Elpeo  ^  interiecto  arcean- 
tur.     Neque  regem  pugnandi  potestatem  facere,  nee 

1  ei  nuntiarent  Harant :    enuntiarent  V. 

2  ut  nisi  Krey-ssig :   utuinisi  V. 

3  Elpeo  Madvig:   epeia  V. 

^  Polybius  XXIX.  2  (1)  stresses  the  Roman  interest  in 
keeping  Antiochus  out  of  Egypt ;  he  does  not  indicate  that  the 
Roman  embassy  accompanied  the  Egyptians,  and  puts  more 
emphasis  than  does  Livy  on  Roman  initiative. 

-  This  festival,  first  mentioned  for  the  year  207  B.C.,  occurred 
on  March  19-23,  see  XXVI.  xxvii.  1  and  the  note,  also  Ovid, 
Fasti  III.  810;  C.I.L.  I.^  1,  p.  312  gives  a  discussion  of  the 
origin  of  the  name  (probably  because  it  originally  fell  on  the 
"  fifth  "   day,   Roman   inclusive   reckoning,   after  the   Ides), 

1^2 


BOOK  XLIV.  XIX.  ii-xx.  3 

envoys  to  declare  to  Antiochus  that  the  senate  did  not  b.c.  168 
wish  war  to  be  made  on  kings  aUied  to  it,  Antiochus 
would  at  once  depart  from  the  walls  of  Alexandria 
and  would  lead  his  army  back  into  Syria.  If  they 
hesitated  to  do  this,  shortly  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra, 
robbed  of  their  kingdom,  would  arrive  in  Rome, 
somewhat  to  the  shame  of  the  Roman  people, 
because  they  had  offered  no  aid  in  the  final  crisis  of 
their  fortunes.  The  senators,  stirred  by  the 
entreaties  of  the  Alexandrines,  at  once  ^  sent  Gains 
Popilius  Laenas,  Gains  Decimius,  and  Gains  Hostilius 
as  envoys  to  bring  an  end  to  the  war  between  the 
kings.  They  were  instructed  to  approach  first 
Antiochus  and  then  Ptolemy,  and  to  proclaim  that  if 
war  was  not  concluded,  the  party  constituting  the 
obstacle  would  not  be  considered  either  a  friend  or  an 
ally  to  the  Romans. 

XX.  This  embassy  left  within  three  days  along 
with  the  envoys  from  Alexandria.  The  mission  from 
Macedonia  arrived  on  the  last  day  of  the  Quin- 
quatrus  "  amid  such  eagerness  that,  had  it  not  been 
evening,  the  consuls  would  have  summoned  the 
senate  at  once.  Next  day  the  session  was  held  and 
the  envoys  were  heard.  They  reported  as  follows : 
"  The  army  has  been  led  into  Macedonia  by  trackless 
passes  at  a  risk  disproportionate  to  the  gain.  Pieria, 
which  the  army  has  reached,  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
king ;  the  encampments  are  so  nearly  in  contact  that 
hardly  more  than  the  Elpeiis  River  separates  them. 
The  king  does  not  offer  battle,  and  our  forces  have 

and  points  out  that  besides  being  connected  with  Minerva, 
the  day  had  associations  with  Mars,  and  seems  to  have  been 
the  time  for  ceremonial  readying  of  weapons  for  the  cam- 
paigning season. 


LRY 

4  nostris  vim  ad  cogendum  esse.  Hiemem  etiam 
insuper  ^  rebus  gerendis  intervenisse.  In  otio  militem 
ali,2  nee  plus  quam  VI  dierum  ^  frumentum  habere. 

5  Macedonuni  dici  triginta  milia  armatorum  esse.  Si 
Ap.  Claudio  circa  Lychnidum  satis  validus  exercitus 
foret,  potuisse  eum  *  ancipiti  bello  distinere  regem : 
nunc  et  Appium  et  quod  ^  cum  eo  praesidii  sit  in 
summo  periculo  esse,  nisi  propere  aut  iustus  exercitus 

6  eo  mittatur,  aut  illi  inde  deducantur.  Ad  classem  se 
ex  castris  profectos  sociorum  navalium  partem  morbo 
audisse  absumptam,  partem,  maxime  qui  ex  Sicilia 
fuerint,  domos  suas  abisse,  et  homines  navibus  deesse  ; 
qui   sint,   neque   stipendium   accepisse   neque   vesti- 

7  menta  habere.  Eumenen  classemque  eius,  tamquam 
vento  adlatas  naves,  sine  causa  et  venisse  et  abisse ; 
nee  animum  eius  regis  constare  satis  visum.  Sicut 
omnia  de  Eumene  dubia,  ita^  Attali  egregie  constan- 
tem  fidem  nuntiabant. 

XXL  Legatis  auditis  tunc  de  bello  referre  sese  L. 

2  Aemilius  dixit.    Senatus  decrevit,  ut  in  octo  '  legiones 

parem    numerum    tribunorum    consules    et    populus 

^  Hiemem  etiam  insuper  Vahlen  :   in  hiemem  etiam  in  spe  V. 
2  In  otio  militem  ali  Fr :   notiomilitialii  V. 
^  dierum  add.  Sigonius:    mensium  add.  Kreyssig:    medium 
add.  Goldhacher:   om.  V. 

*  potuisse  eum  Harant :    potuisset  in  V. 
^  quod  add.  Fr :   om.  V. 
^  ita  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius :    om.  V. 
'  ut  in  octo  ed.  Bas.  1535 :   utiocto  V. 


1  Livy  has  not  mentioned  him  since  XLIII.  xxui.  6 ;  Poly- 
bius  XXVIII.  13  (11)  tells  how  Appius  in  the  meantime  had 
tried  to  raise  Achaean  troops,  but  had  been  hindered  by 
Marcius. 


BOOK  XLIV.  xx.  3-xxi.  2 

not  the  strength  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  Also  the  b.c.  I68 
winter  is  an  added  obstacle  to  an  active  campaign. 
The  soldiers  are  being  supported  in  idleness  and  have 
grain  for  no  more  than  six  days.  The  Macedonian 
forces  are  said  to  number  thirty  thousand.  If  Appius 
Claudius  ^  had  sufficient  strength  in  the  region  of 
Lychnidus,  he  could  have  distracted  the  king  with  a 
second  front ;  as  it  is,  Appius  and  the  force  with  him 
are  in  the  greatest  danger  unless  either  a  full- 
fledged  army  is  quickly  sent  him  or  his  present  force 
is  extricated.  As  to  the  fleet,  we  heard  after  we  left 
the  camp  that  some  of  the  sailors  have  been  lost  by 
disease,  and  some,  especially  the  Sicilians,  have  gone 
home,  so  that  the  ships  lack  crews.  Those  who  are 
there  have  not  received  their  pay  and  are  insufficiently 
clothed.  Eumenes  and  his  fleet  have  come  and  gone 
for  no  good  reason,  as  if  his  ships  were  drifting  before 
the  wind;  and  there  is  no  good  evidence  that  the 
spirit  of  this  king  is  unwavering."  ^  The  envoys 
reported  that  Attains  was  as  gallantly  unswerving 
as  Eumenes  was  entirely  undependable. 

XXI.  After  hearing  the  envoys,  Lucius  Aemilius 
laid  before  the  senate  the  question  of  the  conduct  of 
the  war.  The  senate  decreed  that  the  consuls  and 
the  people  should  each  choose  half  of  the  tribunes  for 

2  The  immediate  facts  reported  by  Livy,  above,  x.  12-xiii. 
10,  and  xxviii,  do  not  bear  this  out;  but  Eumenes  was  not 
above  bargaining  with  Perseus,  below,  xxiv-xxv  (based  on 
Polybius),  and  some  of  Livy's  sources  may  have  projected 
back  later  Roman  suspicions,  cf.  above,  xiii.  9,  12-13.  Livy 
usually  falls  into  the  attitude,  natural  enough  for  his  own  day, 
that  no  one  had  any  business  to  act  contrary  to  Roman 
interests;  but  in  the  second  century,  Rome  was  not  the 
paramount  power  in  the  Macedonian-Greek  world,  and  it  was 
not  even  clear  that  she  proposed  at  this  time  to  take  a  per- 
manent interest  in  the  affairs  of  that  region. 


LHY 

crearent ;    creari  autem  nemineni  eo  anno  placere, 

3  nisi  qui  honorem  gessisset.  Turn  ex  omnibus  tribunis 
militum  uti  L.  Aemilius  in  duas  legiones  in  Mace- 
donian!, quos  eorum  velit,  eligat  et  ut  sollemni 
Latinarum  perfect©  L.  Aemilius  consul,  Cn.  Octavius 
praetor,    cui   classis    obtigisset,    in    provi"nciam    pro- 

4  ficiscantur.  Additus  est  his  tertius  L.  Anicius 
praetor,  cuius  inter  peregrines  iurisdictio  erat ;  eum 
in  provinciam  Illyricum  circa  Lychnidum  Ap.  Claudio 

5  succedere  placuit.  Dilectus  cura  C.  Licinio  consuli 
imposita.     Is  septem  ^  milia  civium  Romanorum  et 

6  equites  ducentos  scribere  iussus  et  sociis  nominis 
Latini  septem  milia  peditum  imperare,  quadringentos 

7  equites,  et  Cn.  Servilio  Galliam  obtinenti  provinciam 
litteras    mittere    ut   sescentos    equites    conscriberet. 

8  Hunc  exercitum  ad  collegam  primo  quoque  tempore 
mittere  in  Macedonian!  iussus  ;  neque  in  ea  provincia 
plus  quam  duas  legiones  esse  ;  eas  repleri,  ut  sena 
milia  peditum,  trecenos  haberent  equites ;    ceteros 

9  pedites  equitesque  -  in  praesidiis  disponi.  Qui  eorum 
idonei  ad  militandum  non  essent,  dimitti.  Decem 
praeterea  milia  peditum  imperata  sociis  et  octingenti 

In  equites.     Id  praesidii  additum  Anicio  praeter  duas 

^  imposita.     Is  septem  Fr:   iapositiscentum  V. 
2  pedites  equitesque  Vahlen:   peditesque  V. 


1  These  provisions  for  officering  the  legions  provided  for 
reasonably  competent  officers,  while  still  avoiding  the  suspicion 
of  favouritism  among  an  office-holding  cKque  which  may  have 
caused  the  use  of  popular  election  of  tribunes  the  previous 
year,  XLIII.  xii.  7.  Of  the  eight  legions,  two  were  probably 
for  Gaul  {i.e.,  north  Italy),  and  two  were  to  be  Home  Guard 
(urbanae);  officers  less  competent  or  less  congenial  to  the 
consuls  could  be  shunted  to  these  legions.     The  dangers  of 

156 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXI.  2-10 

eight  legions  ;  however,  it  Avas  voted  that  no  one  who  b.c.  les 
had  not  held  office  should  be  chosen  that  year.^ 
Then  from  among  the  tribunes  Lucius  Aemilius  was 
to  choose  whomever  he  preferred  for  the  two  legions 
for  Macedonia.  It  was  further  voted  that  after  the 
completion  of  the  Latin  Festival,  the  consul  Lucius 
Aemilius  and  Gnaeus  Octavius,  the  praetor  to  whom  . 
the  fleet  had  been  allotted,  should  depart  for  their 
field  of  operations.  To  them  was  added  the  praetor 
Lucius  Anicius,  whose  post  was  the  court  for  aliens ; 
it  was  voted  that  he  should  succeed  Appius  Claudius 
in  the  lUyrian  theatre  near  Lychnidus.  Charge  over 
the  levy  was  given  to  the  consul  Gaius  Licinius.  He 
was  instructed  to  enroll  seven  thousand  Roman 
citizens  and  two  hundred  horsemen  and  to  demand  of 
the  allies  of  the  Latin  Name  seven  thousand  infantry 
and  four  hundred  cavalry,  and  he  was  to  send  a 
despatch  to  Gnaeus  Servilius  the  commander  in  the 
province  of  Gaul,  instructing  him  to  enroll  six  hundred 
cavalry.  This  force  Licinius  was  ordered  to  send  as 
promptly  as  possible  to  his  colleague  in  Macedonia ; 
a  limit  of  two  legions  was  placed  on  the  army  on  that 
front,  and  each  legion  was  to  be  reinforced  till  it  con- 
tained six  thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred 
cavalry ;  the  surplus  infantry  and  cavalry  were  to  be 
distributed  as  garrisons.  Men  unfit  for  military  service 
were  to  be  discharged.  An  added  levy  was  imposed  on 
the  allies  of  ten  thousand  infantry  and  eight  hundred 
cavalry.     This  force  was  given  to  Anicius  besides  the 

"  inbreeding  "  in  office-holding  at  Rome  are  especially  well 
illustrated  by  the  Jugurthine  War;  the  counter-dangers  of 
politically  able  commoners  elevated  to  military  posts  are  shown 
by  the  careers  of  Flaminius  and  Varro  in  the  Second  Punic 
War. 


LIVY 

legiones,  quas  portare  in  Macedonian!  est  iussus, 
quina  milia  peditum  et  ducenos  habentes,  trecenos 
equites.  Et  in  classem  quinque  milia  navalium  socium 
11  sunt  scripta,  Licinius  consul  duabus  legionibus 
obtinere  provinciam  iussus ;  eo  addere  sociorum 
decern  milia  peditum  et  sescentos  equites. 

XXII.  Senatus  consultis  perfectis  L.  Aemilius  con- 
sul   e    curia    in    contionem    processit    orationemque 

2  talem  habuit  ^ :  "  animadvertisse  videor,  Quirites, 
maiorem  mihi  sortito  Macedoniam  provinciam  gratu- 
lationem  factam,  quam  cum  aut  consul  sum  creatus,- 

3  aut  quo  die  magistratum  inii,^  neque  id  ob  aliam 
causam,  quam  quia  bello  in  Macedonia,  quod  diu 
trahitur.  existimastis  dignum  maiestate  populi 
Romani  exitum  per  me  imponi  posse.  Deos  quoque 
huic  favisse  sorti  spero  eosdemque  in  rebus  gerendis 

4  adfuturos  esse.  Haec  partim  ominari,^  partim 
sperare  possum;  illud  adtirmare  pro  certo  audeo,^ 
me  omni  ope  adnisurum  esse,  ne  ^  frustra  vos  banc 

5  spem  de  me  conceperitis.  Quae  ad  bellum  opus  sunt 
et  senatus  decre\it  et,  quoniam  extemplo  proficisci 
placet  neque  ego  in  mora  sum,  C.  Licinius  collega, 
\ir  egregius,  aeque  enixe  parabit  ac  si  ipse  id  bellum 

6  gesturus  esset.  Vos  quae  scripsero  senatui  ac  vobis, 
iis  modo  credite  et  cavete  rumores  credulitate  vestra 

7  alatis,'    quorum    auctor    nemo    extabit.     Nam   nunc 

^  habuit  add.  Fr:    om.  V. 

-  aut  consul  sum  creatus  Pluygers:  aut  conpulsus  con- 
sulatus  r.  ^  inii  Madvig :    inissent  V. 

*  ominari  Crevier:   opinari  V. 

'"  certo  audeo  Madvig:    certo  habeo  audeo  V. 

^  ne  add.  Fr :   om.  V. 

'  ac  vobis,  iis  modo  credite  et  cavete  rumores  credulitate 
vestra  alatis  Novak :  aut  vobis  mores  crudelitatis  vestrae 
adlatis  1\ 

158 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXI.  lo-xxii.  7 

two  legions  which  he  was  ordered  to  transport  to  b.c.  ig8 
Macedonia,  each  legion  having  five  thousand  two 
hundred  infantry  and  three  hundred  cavalry.  More- 
over, five  thousand  sailors  were  enrolled  for  the  fleet. 
Licinius  the  consul  was  ordered  to  hold  his  area  with 
two  legions,  and  to  add  to  them  ten  thousand  infantry 
and  six  hundred  cavalry  of  the  allies. 

XXII.  When  the  senate  had  finished  its  voting,  the 
consul  Lucius  Aemilius  went  from  the  senate-house 
to  a  public  meeting  and  made  the  following  speech  : 

I  seem  to  have  noticed,  fellow-citizens,  that 
greater  congratulations  were  offered  me  when  I  was 
allotted  Macedonia  as  my  field  of  operations  than 
when  my  election  as  consul  was  announced,  or  on  the 
day  when  I  entered  upon  office.  The  reason  for  this 
was  none  other,  I  believe,  than  that  you  regard  me 
as  capable  of  bringing  the  long-drawn-out  war  in 
Macedonia  to  an  end  worthy  of  the  high  position  of 
the  Roman  people.  The  gods  too,  I  hope,  approve 
this  fall  of  the  lot  and  will  likewise  be  at  my  side  in 
action.  So  far  I  can  partly  prophesy,  and  partly 
hope ;  another  matter  I  dare  to  assert  as  sure — 
namely,  that  I  will  strive  with  every  effort  that  the 
hope  you  have  conceived  for  me  shall  not  be  vain. 
What  is  required  for  the  war  has  been  voted  by  the 
senate,  and  since  it  is  determined  that  I  shall  set  out 
at  once,  for  which  I  am  not  reluctant,  the  preparations 
will  be  made  by  that  excellent  man,  my  colleague 
Gains  Licinius,  as  vigorously  as  if  he  were  going  to 
conduct  the  campaign.  For  your  part,  see  to  it  that 
you  have  confidence  only  in  the  reports  I  make  to  the 
senate  and  to  you,  and  beware  of  nourishing  by  your 
credulity  the  gossip  for  which  no  sponsor  will  appear. 
For  I  have  noticed  that,  as  is  commonly  the  case,  so 

159 


quidem,     quod    vulgo    fieri,    hoc    praecipue    bello, 
animadverti,  nemo  tarn  famae  contemptor  est  cuius 

8  non  debilitari  animus  possit.  In  omnibus  circulis 
atque  etiam,  si  dis  placet,  in  con\-iviis  sunt  qui 
exercitus  in  Macedonian!  ducant,  ubi  castra  locanda 
sint  sciant,  quae  loca  praesidiis  occupanda,  quando 
aut  quo  saltu  intranda  Macedonia,  ubi  horrea 
ponenda,  qua  terra,  mari  subvehantur  commeatus, 
quando  cum  hoste  manus  conserendae,  quando  quiesse 

9  sit  melius.  Nee  quid  faciendum  ^  sit  modo  statuunt, 
sed  quidquid  aliter  quam  ipsi  censuere  factum  est, 

10  consulem  veluti  dicta  die  accusant.  Haec  magna 
impedimenta  res  gerentibus  sunt.^  Neque  enim 
omnes  tam  firmi  et  constantis  animi  contra  adversum 
rumorem  esse  possunt,  quam  ^  Q.  Fabius  fuit  qui 
suum  imperium  minui  per  vanitatem  populi  maluit 

11  quam  secunda  fama  male  rem  publicam  gerere.  Non 
sum  is,  Quirites,*  qui  non  existimem  admonendos 
duces  esse :  immo  eum  qui  de  sua  unius  sententia 
omnia  gerat,  superbum  iudico  magis  quam  sapient  em. 

12  Quid  ergo  est?  primum  a  prudentibus  et  proprie  rei 
militaris  peritis  et  usu  doctis  monendi  imperatores 
sunt ;  deinde  ab  iis  ^  qui  intersunt  gerendis  rebus,  qui 
loca,^  qui  hostem,  qui  temporum  opportunitatem 
vident,  qui  in  eodem  velut  navigio  participes  sunt 

13  periculi.  Itaque  si  quis  est  qui,  quod  e  re  publica  sit, 
suadere  se  mihi  in  eo  bello  quod  gesturus  sum  con- 
fidat,    is    ne    deneget    operam    rei    publicae    et    in 

^  quiesse    sit    melius.     Xec     quid    faciendum     Kreyssig: 
quiesset  sit  ne  quid  melius  faciendum  V. 

-  sunt  Fr:    quae  V. 

^  possunt,  quam  Madvig:    possent  V. 

^  Quirites  Xovdk :    que  V. 

^  iis  Krej/ssig :    his  V. 

^  gerendis  rebus,  qui  loca  Sigonius:   gerendis  loco  V, 
t6o 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXII.  7-13 

now  especially  in  this  war  no  one  is  so  scornful  of  b.c.  I68 
rumour  that  his  spirit  cannot  be  weakened.  In 
all  the  clubs  and  even — God  save  us  ! — -at  dinner- 
tables  there  are  experts  who  lead  armies  to  Mace- 
donia, who  know  where  camp  should  be  pitched,  what 
places  should  be  held  with  garrisons,  when  or  by 
what  pass  Macedonia  should  be  invaded,  where 
granaries  should  be  set  up,  by  what  routes  on  land  or 
sea  provisions  should  be  supplied,  when  we  must  join 
battle  with  the  enemy  and  when  it  is  better  to  remain 
inactive.  Not  only  do  they  decide  what  should 
be  done,  but  when  anything  is  done  contrary  to  their 
opinion,  they  accuse  the  consul  as  if  he  were  in  the 
dock.  Such  behaviour  is  a  great  obstacle  to  the 
men  in  the  field.  For  not  everyone  is  as  un- 
wavering and  as  steadfast  of  spirit  against  hostile 
gossip  as  was  Quintus  Fabius,  who  preferred  to  have 
his  independence  of  command  lessened  by  popular 
folly  rather  than  to  neglect  the  best  interests  of  the 
state  for  the  sake  of  acclaim.  I  am  not,  fellow- 
citizens,  one  who  believes  that  no  advice  may  be 
given  to  leaders  ;  nay  rather  I  judge  him  to  be  not  a 
sage,  but  haughty,  who  conducts  everything  according 
to  his  own  opinion  alone.  What  therefore  is  my  con- 
clusion ?  Generals  should  receive  advice,  in  the  first 
place  from  the  experts  who  are  both  specially  skilled 
in  military  matters  and  have  learned  from  experience  ; 
secondly,  from  those  who  are  on  the  scene  of  action, 
who  see  the  terrain,  the  enemy,  the  fitness  of  the 
occasion,  who  are  sharers  in  the  danger,  as  it  were 
aboard  the  same  vessel.  Thus,  if  there  is  anyone 
who  is  confident  that  he  can  advise  me  as  to  the  best 
advantage  of  the  state  in  this  campaign  which  I  am 
about  to  conduct,  let  him  not  refuse  his  services  to 

161 

VOL.  XIII.  G 


LIVY 

Macedoniam  mecum  veniat.   Nave,  equo,  tabernaculo, 

14  viatico  etiani  a  me  iuvabitur ;  si  quein  id  facere  piget 
et  ^  otium  urbanum  militiae  laboribus  praeoptat,  e 

15  terra  ne  gubernaverit.  Sermonum  satis  ipsa  praebet 
urbs  ;  iis  loquacitatem  ^  suam  contineat :  nos  castren- 
sibus  consiliis  contentos  futures  esse  seiat." 

16  Ab  hac  contione  Latinis,  quae  pridie  kal.  Apriles 
fuerunt,  in  monte  sacrificio  rite  perpetrate  protinus 
inde  et  consul  et  praetor  Cn.  Octavius  in  Macedoniam 

17  profecti  sunt.  Traditum  memoriae  est  ^  maiore  quam 
solita  frequentia  prosequentium  consulem  cele- 
bratum,  ac  prope  certa  spe  ominatos  esse  homines, 
finem  esse  Macedonico  bello  maturumque  reditum 
cum  egregio  triumpho  consulis  fore. 

XXIII.  Dum  haec  in  Italia  geruntur,  Perseus  quod 
iam  inchoatum  perficere,  quia  impensa  pecuniae  faci- 
enda  erat,  non  inducebat  in  animum,  ut  Gentium  Illy- 
2  riorum  regem  sibi  adiungeret,  hoc,  postquam  intrasse 
saltum  Romanes  et  adesse  discrimen  ultimum  belli 
animadvertit,  non  ultra  differendum  ratus,  cum  per  * 
Hippiam   legatum    trecenta    argenti    talenta    pactus 

1  et  add.  ed.  Par.  1573:   om.  V. 

2  urbs;   iis  loquacitatem  J/arfvi'^:   urbisloquacitatem  T\ 

3  traditum  memoriae  est  Vahlen :    traditum  est  memoriae 
est  V. 

^  per  add.  Fr :   om.  V. 


^  Polybius  XXIX.  1  (la)  also  mentions  Paulus'  attack  on 
the  armchair  generals,  which  President  Roosevelt  used 
effectively  {Xev:  York  Times,  Mar.  18,  1942,  p.  10).  In  sec. 
2,  cf.  the  note  on  the  text,  it  is  possible  that  there  was  a 
reference  to  Paulus'  reluctance  to  assume  the  consulship  in 
this  year,  a  reluctance  to  which  Plutarch,  Aemilius  x  f.,  refers 
both  as  a  fact  and  as  an  item  in  Paulus'  speech. 

162 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXII.  13-XX111.  2 

the  state,  but  come  with  me  into  Macedonia.  I  will  b.c.  168 
fm-nish  him  with  his  sea-passage,  with  a  horse,  a  tent, 
and  even  travel-funds.  If  anyone  is  reluctant  to  do 
this  and  prefers  the  leisure  of  the  city  to  the  hardships 
of  campaigning,  let  him  not  steer  the  ship  from  on 
shore.  The  city  itself  provides  enough  subjects  for 
conversation ;  let  him  confine  his  garrulity  to  these ; 
and  let  him  be  aware  that  I  shall  be  satisfied  with 
the  advice  originating  in  camp."  ^ 

After  this  address  and  the  due  completion  of  the 
sacrifice  at  the  Latin  Festival,  which  was  held  on 
March  31  ^  on  the  Alban  Mount,  both  the  consul 
and  the  praetor  Gnaeus  Octavius  immediately  set 
out  for  Macedonia.  History  records  that  the  consul 
was  escorted  by  an  unusually  great  throng  of  persons 
paying  their  respects  to  him,  and  that  men  prophesied 
with  almost  sure  expectation  that  the  Macedonian 
war  would  come  to  an  end,  and  that  the  return  of  the 
consul  would  be  prompt  and  in  great  triumph. 

XXIII.  While  these  events  were  occurring  in 
Italy,  Perseus  decided  that  since  he  had  discovered 
that  the  Romans  had  entered  the  pass  and  that  the 
final  crisis  of  the  war  impended,  he  must  no  longer 
postpone  the  project  which  he  could  not  bring  himself 
to  complete  because  expenditure  of  money  was 
required — namely,  gaining  the  adherence  of  Gentius, 
king  of  Illyria.  Inasmuch  as  Perseus  had  agreed 
through  his  envoy  Hippias  ^  on  a  payment  of  three 

'^  The  date  had  been  set  for  two  weeks  later,  according  to 
xix.  4  above ;  it  seems  unlikely  that  the  date,  once  announced, 
could  have  been  advanced,  and  there  is  probably  a  confusion 
in  the  text  between  Ides  and  Kalends  either  here  or  above. 

^  Not  named  by  Livy  in  his  description  of  an  earlier  stage 
of  the  negotiations  in  XLIII.  xx.  In  the  present  passage, 
Livy  is  following  Polybius  XXIX.  3-4. 

163 


LIVY 

esset,  ita  ut   obsides   ultro  citroque  darentur,  Pan- 
tauchum  ^  misit  ex  fidissimis  amicis  ad  ea  perficienda. 

3  Meteone  -  Labeatidis  terrae  Pantauchus  regi 
Illvrio  occurrit ;  ibi  et  iusiuranduni  ab  rege  et  obsides 
accepit.  Missus  et  a  Gentio  est  legatus  nomine 
Olympic,     qui    iusiurandum    a    Perseo    obsidesque 

4  exigeret.  Cum  eodem  ad  pecuniam  accipiendam 
missi  sunt ;  et  auctore  Pantaucho,  qui  Rhodum  legati 
cum  Macedonibus  irent  Parmenio  et  Morcus  desti- 

5  nantur.^  Quibus  ita  mandatum  ut  iureiurando  ob- 
sidibusque  et  pecunia  accepta  tum  demum  Rhodum 
proficiscerentur :      duorum     simul     regum     nomine 

6  incitari  Rhodios  ad  bellum  Romanum  posse.  Adiunc- 
tam  civitatem  penes  quam  unam  tum  rei  navalis 
gloria  esset  nee  terra  nee  mari  spem  relicturam 
Romanis. 

7  Venientibus  Illyriis  Perseus  ab  Elpeo  *  amni  ex 
castris  cum  omni  equitatu  profectus  ad  Dium  occurrit. 

8  Ibi  ea  quae  convenerant  ^  circumfuso  agmine  equitum 
facta,  quos  adesse  foederi  sanciendo  ^  cum  Gentio 
societatis   volebat  rex,   aliquantum   earn  rem  ratus 

9  animorum  iis  adiecturam.  Et  obsides  in  conspectu 
omnium  dati  acceptique ;  et  Pellam  ad  thensauros 
regios  missis  qui  pecuniam  acciperent,  qui  Rhodum 
irent  cum  Illyriis  legatis  Thessalonicae  conscendere 

10  iussi.     Ibi    ^Ietrodorus    erat,    qui   nuper    ab    Rhodo 
venerat,  auctoribusque  Dinone  '  et  Polyarato.  prin- 

^  Pantauclium  J.  F.  Gronovius:    pantaucum   V :    et  alihi 
in  hoc  nomine  alia  errata  apparent,  quae  non  notdbimus. 

2  Meteone  Kreyssig:    mitione  V. 

3  destinantur  ./.  F.  Groyiovius :    destinatur  V. 
*  Elpeo  Madvig:    Enipeo  V. 

^  convenerant  J.  F.  Gronovius :    convenerunt  V. 

^  sanciendo  Gitlbauer:   sancio  T'. 

'  Dinone  J.  F.  Gronovius :   Dione  V,  et  alibi. 

164 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXIII.  2-IO 

hundred  talents  of  silver,  on  condition  of  an  exchange  b.c.  168 
of  hostages,  he  sent  Pantauchus,  one  of  his  most 
trusty  friends,  to  complete  the  agreement.  At 
Meteon  in  the  region  of  Labeatis,  Pantauchus  met 
the  Illyrian  king ;  there  he  received  the  king's  oath 
and  his  hostages.  Gentius  too  sent  an  envoy  named 
Olympio  to  require  the  oath  and  the  hostages  of 
Perseus.  Others  were  sent  with  him  to  receive  the 
money ;  and,  at  Pantauchus'  suggestion,  Parmenio 
and  Morcus  were  named  as  envoys  to  go  with  the 
Macedonians  to  Rhodes.  To  them  instructions  were 
given  to  set  out  for  Rhodes  only  after  the  oath,  the 
hostages,  and  the  money  had  been  received;  it  was 
thought  that  by  the  prestige  of  two  kings  at  once  the 
Rhodians  could  be  induced  to  w^ar  with  the  Romans, 
and  that  once  the  kings  were  joined  by  the  state  to 
which  belonged  a  unique  reputation  for  sea-power, 
no  hope  on  land  or  sea  would  be  left  the  Romans. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Illyrians,  Perseus  left  his 
camp  at  the  Elpelis  River  with  all  his  cavalry  and  met 
them  at  Dium.  There  the  terms  agreed  upon  were 
executed  in  the  presence  of  the  surrounding  column 
of  cavalry,  whom  the  king  wished  to  be  present  at  the 
ratification  of  the  alliance  with  Gentius,  thinking 
that  it  would  somewhat  raise  their  spirits.  The 
hostages  were  also  given  and  received  in  the  sight  of 
all,  those  who  were  to  receive  the  money  were  sent 
to  the  royal  treasury  at  Pella  and  those  who  were  to 
accompany  the  Illyrian  envoys  to  Rhodes  were 
ordered  to  take  ship  at  Thessalonica.  Metrodorus  ^ 
was  at  that  port,  a  recent  arrival  from  Rhodes,  who 
stated,  on  the  authority  of  Dinon  and  Polyaratus,  the 

1  A  Rhodian,  agent  of  the  pro-Macedonian  party. 

i6s 


cipibus  civitatis  eius,  adfirmabat  Rhodios  paratos  ad 
bellum  esse.  Is  princeps  iunctae  cum  Illyriis  le- 
gationis  datus  est. 

XXIV.  Eodem  tempore  et  ad  Eumenen  et  ad 
Antiochum  communia  mandata.  quae  subicere  con- 
dicio  rerum  poterat :    natura  inimica  inter  se   esse 

2  liberam  civitatem  et  regem.  Singulos  populum 
Romanum   adgredi   et,   quod  indignum   sit,^  regum 

3  viribus  reges  oppugnare.  Attalo  adiutore  patrem 
suum  oppressum :  Eumene  adiuvante  et  quadam  ex 
parte  etiam  Philippo,  patre  suo,  Antiochum  oppug- 
natum ;    in  se  nunc  et  Eumenen  et  Prusian  armatos 

4  esse.  Si  Macedoniae  regnum  sublatum  foret,  proxi- 
mam  Asiam  esse,  quam  iam  ex  parte  sub  specie 
liberandi   civitates  ^  suam  fecerint,   deinde   Syriam. 

5  lam  Prusiam  Eumeni  honore  praeferri,  iam  Antio- 
chum victorem  ab  Aegypto,  praemio  belli, ^  arceri. 

6  Haec  cogitantem  pro\'idere  iubebat,  ut  aut  ad  pacem 
secum  faciendam  compelleret  Romanos  aut  per- 
severantes  in  bello  iniusto  communes  duceret 
omnium  regum  hostes. 

7  Ad  Antiochum  aperta  mandata  erant ;  ad  Eumenen 
per  speciem  captivorum  redimendorum  missus  legatus 
erat ;  re  ^  vera  occultiora  quaedam  agebantur,  quae 
in  praesentia  invisum  quidem  et  suspectum  Romanis 

1  quod  indignum  yora/::    quo  indignus  V. 
-  liberandi  civitates  Madvig :   liberanda  civitatis  V. 
^  Aegvpto,  praemio  belli  Vahlen :    praemio  belli  ab  egypto 
V. 

*  re  add.  Koch  :    om.  V. 


^  They  were  heads  of  the  pro-Macedonian  party,  but  Livy 
may  exaggerate  their  official  position. 

i66 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXIII.  lo-xxiv.  7 

heads  of  the  state, ^  that  the  Rhodians  were  ready  for  b.c.  168 
war.     Metrodorus  was  assigned  as  the  leader  of  the 
combined  embassy  with  the  Illyrians. 

XXIV.  At  the  same  time,  identical  messages, 
suggested  by  the  state  of  affairs,  were  sent  both  to 
Eumenes  and  to  Antiochus,  as  follows :  by  nature  a 
free  state  and  a  king  were  things  hostile  to  each 
other ;  the  Roman  people  attacked  kings  one  by  one, 
and — an  unjust  state  of  affairs — assailed  kings  with 
the  help  of  kings ;  Perseus'  father  had  been  over- 
come with  the  aid  of  Attalus  ;  with  Eumenes  helping, 
and  to  a  certain  extent  Perseus'  father  Philip  as  well, 
Antiochus  had  been  assailed  ^  ;  now  both  Eumenes 
and  Prusias  were  in  arms  against  Perseus ;  if  the 
kingdom  of  Macedonia  were  out  of  the  way,  next 
would  come  Asia  Minor,  which  the  Romans  had 
already  made  their  own  to  some  extent  under  pretext 
of  freeing  communities,  and  after  Asia  Minor,  Syria. 
Already  Prusias  was  being  given  a  position  above 
Eumenes,  already  Antiochus,  though  victorious,  was 
being  barred  from  Egypt,  his  prize  of  war.  Perseus 
bade  each  king,  on  considering  these  facts,  to  take 
such  steps  that  either  he  might  force  the  Romans  to 
make  peace  with  Perseus,  or  if  Rome  persevered  in 
an  unjust  war  might  regard  the  Romans  as  the 
common  enemy  of  all  kings. 

The  message  to  Antiochus  was  open ;  to  Eumenes 
the  envoy  was  sent  under  guise  of  ransoming 
prisoners,  but  in  fact  certain  more  secret  matters 
were  under  discussion,  which  for  the  time  being  em- 
barrassed Eumenes,  w^ho   was  already  an  object  of 

2  On  Attalus,  see  above,  XXIX.  xii.  14  and  XXXI.  xiv; 
for  Eumenes,  XXXV.  xiii;  XXXVI.  xliv;  XXXVII.  xli; 
for  Philip,  XXXVII.  vii. 

167 


LIVY 

Eumenen  falsis  gravioribusque  criniinibus  onerarunt ; 

8  proditor  ^  enim  ac  prope  hostis  habitus,  dum  inter  se 
duo    reges    captantes    fraude    et    avaritia    certant. 

9  Cvdas  erat  Cretensis,  ex  intimis  Eumenis.  Hie 
prius  ad  Amphipolim  cum  Chimaro  quodam  populari 
suo,  militante  apud  Persea,  inde  postea  ad  Deme- 
triadem  semel  cum  Menecrate  quodam,  iterum  cum 
Antimacho,-  regiis  ducibus,  sub  ipsis  moenibus  urbis 

10  conlocutus  fuerat.  Herophon  ^  quoque,  qui  turn 
missus  est,  duabus  ad  eundem  Eumenen  iam  ante 

11  legationibus  functus  erat.  Quae  conloquia  occulta 
et  le^ationes  infames  quidem  erant,  sed  quid  actum 
esset  quidve  inter  reges  convenisset,  ignorabatur. 
Res  autem  ita  sese  habuit. 

XX\\  Eumenes  neque  favit  victoriae  Persei,  neque 
bello  eam  iuvare  *  in  ^  animo  habuit,  non  tam  quia 
patemae  inter  eos  inimicitiae  erant  quam  ipsorum 

2  odiis  inter  se  accensae  :  non  ea  regum  aemulatio,  ut 
aequo  animo  Persea  tantas  apisci  opes  tantamque 
gloriam,     quanta     Romanis     victis     eum     manebat, 

3  Eumenes  visurus  fuerit.  Cernebat  et  Persea  iam 
inde  ab  initio  belli  omni  modo  spem  pacis  temptasse 

^  gravioribusque  criminibus  onerarunt;  proditor  Madvig: 
gravioribus  proditor  V. 

2  Antimacho  J.  F.  Gronovius :    anthioco  F. 
^  Herophon  Kreyssig  :    eropon  V. 
■  ■*  eam  iuvare  Hartel :   eum  inuadere  V. 
^  in  add.  Sigoniu-s:    om.  V. 

^  Polybius  XXIX.  7-8  (Id)  calls  Eumenes  "  most  un- 
scrupulous "  and  Perseus  "  most  miserly,"  and  says  that 
Eumenes  "  "was  imabJe  by  his  lack  of  scruple  to  get  the  best  of 
Perseus'  stinginess." 

2  For  the  negotiations  at  Demetrias,  see  above,  xiii.  9, 
^^•he^e  Antimachus  only  is  mentioned  on  the  Macedonian  side. 

^  Livv  is  in  this  chapter  expanding  the  account  of  Polybius 
XXIX.V8(ldj. 
i68 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXIV.  7-xx^.  3 

hatred  and  suspicion  to  the  Romans,  with  false  and  b.c.  168 
more  serious  charges ;  for  he  was  ah-eady  regarded 
as  a  traitor  and  almost  an  enemy,  while  the  two  kings 
with  grasping  hands  vied  with  each  other  in  guile 
and  greed.^  There  was  a  Cretan,  Cydas,  one  of 
Eumenes'  henchmen.  He  had  held  conversations, 
first  at  Amphipolis  with  a  certain  Chimarus,  a  fellow- 
countryman  who  was  serving  in  Perseus'  army,  then 
later  at  Demetrias,  beneath  the  very^  M'alls  of  the 
city,  once  with  a  certain  Menecrates  and  again  with 
Antimachus,  both  of  whom  were  officers  of  the 
king. 2  Herophon  also,  who  was  then  sent  by  Perseus, 
had  similarly  undertaken  two  previous  missions  to 
Eumenes.  These  conversations  were  secret,  and  the 
missions  caused  bad  rumours,  but  there  was  no  know- 
ledge of  what  had  been  discussed  or  upon  what  the 
kings  had  agreed.  The  actual  state  of  affairs,  how- 
ever, was  as  follows. 

XXV.  Eumenes  did  not  want  a  victory  for  Perseus, 
nor  did  he  intend  to  assist  him  in  winning  one  by 
military  means,  not  so  much  because  of  the  mutual 
hostility  of  their  fathers,  as  because  of  the  hatred 
engendered  between  himself  and  Perseus.^  The 
jealousy  of  kings  is  such  that  Eumenes  would  not 
have  viewed  with  calmness  the  attainment  by  Perseus 
of  such  great  strength  and  prestige  as  awaited 
him  if  he  defeated  the  Romans.  Eumenes  also 
perceived  that  from  the  very  outset  of  the  war  Perseus 
had  nurtured  the  hope  of  peace  in  every  way  *  and  as 

■*  Livy  now  states  what  his  presentation  of  facts  showed 
before — that  Perseus  did  not  want  the  war,  and  stood  on  the 
defensive  from  the  first,  see  Vol.  XII.  396  and  460,  notes  1, 
Roman  suspicions  and  propaganda  notwithstanding ;  the  latter 
have  influenced  Livy  extensively  in  his  commentary  on  events. 

169 


et   in  dies   magis,  quo  propior  admoveretur  terror, 

4  nihil  neque  agere  aliud  neque  cogitare ;  Romanos 
quoque,  quia  traheretur  diutius  spe  ipsorum  bellum, 
et  ipsos  duces  et  senatum,  non  abhorrere  a  finiendo 

5  tam  incommodo  ac  difficili  bello.  Hac  utriusque 
partis  voluntate  explorata,  quod  fieri  etiam  sua 
sponte  taedio  validioris,  metu  infirmioris  credebat 
posse,    in    eo    suam    operam   venditare    conciliandae 

6  gratia  pacis  ^  cupiit.  Nam  modo  ne  iuvaret  bello 
Romanos  terra  marique,  modo  pacis  patrandae  cum 
Romanis  paciscebatur  mercedem  :  ne  bello  interesset, 
mille  talenta,  ut  pacem  conciliaret,   mille    et    quin- 

7  genta.2  In  utrumque  ^  non  fidem  modo  se,  sed 
obsides  quoque  dare  paratum  esse  ostendebat. 

8  Perseus  ad  rem  inchoandam  promptissimus  erat 
cogente  metu  et  de  obsidibus  accipiendis  sine 
dilatione  agebat,  conveneratque  ut  accepti  Cretam 

9  mitterentur.  Ubi  ad  pecuniae  mentionem  ventum 
erat,  ibi  haesitabat ;  et  utique  alteram  tanti  * 
nominis  regibus  °  turpem  ac  sordidam   et  danti   et 

10  magis  accipienti  mercedem  esse  aiebat  ^ ;  in  spem 
Romanae  pacis  non  recusare  impensam,  sed  eam 
pecuniam  perfecta  re  daturum,  interea  Samothracae 

11  in  templo  depositurum.  Ea  insula  cum  ipsius 
dicionis  esset,  videre  Eumenes  nihil  interesse,  ibi  " 

^  conciliandae  gratia  pacis  Hartel:     conciliandam  gratiam 
magis  V. 

2  interesset   mille   talenta   ut   pacem   conciliaret   mille   et 
quingenta  Zingerh :    interesset  cc  et  a  V. 

3  in  utrumque  ./.  F.  Gronovius :   in  utroque  V. 
^  alteram  tanti  Madvig:   alteram  in  tanti  T'. 

^  regibus  Fr :   regis  I^. 

*  aiebat  Madvig :   malebat  V. 

'  ibi  add.  Crevier :   om.  V. 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXV.  3-1 1 

time  went  on  had  come  more  and  more,  as  the  threat  b.c.  168 
came  closer,  to  treat  and  think  of  nothing  else.  Since 
the  war  was  dragging  on  longer  than  the  Romans  had 
hoped,  they  too,  their  commanders,  and  their  senate 
would  not  be  averse,  so  Eumenes  thought,  to  ending 
so  disturbing  and  difficult  a  war.  Having  ascertained 
this  willingness  on  either  side,  Eumenes  was  eager  to 
put  on  sale  his  good  offices  in  an  effort  to  negotiate  the 
peace  which  he  thought  might  even  come  about 
automatically  through  the  weariness  of  the  stronger 
and  the  fears  of  the  weaker  side.  Therefore  Eumenes 
tried  to  negotiate  for  a  reward,  now  for  not  aiding  the 
Romans'  military  effort  on  land  or  sea,  now  for 
securing  peace  with  the  Romans ;  for  his  abstention 
from  war,  his  price  was  a  thousand  talents,^  for 
negotiating  peace,  fifteen  hundred.  He  showed 
himself  always  ready  not  only  to  pledge  his  word  to 
either  course  of  action,  but  even  to  give  hostages. 

Perseus  was  very  ready  to  undertake  the  attempt 
under  pressure  of  fear,  and  as  to  the  acceptance  of 
hostages  the  discussion  proceeded  without  delay,  and 
it  was  agreed  that,  when  accepted,  the  hostages 
should  be  sent  to  Crete.  When  the  subject  of  money 
came  up,  there  Perseus  hesitated,  and  said  that 
especially  for  the  first  alternative  the  payment  of 
money  was  dishonourable  and  base  for  kings  of  so 
high  a  reputation,  not  only  for  the  giver,  but  even 
more  for  the  recipient ;  for  the  hope  of  peace  with 
the  Romans,  he  would  not  refuse  an  expenditure, 
but  he  would  pay  on  the  completion  of  the  enterprise, 
and  meanwhile  would  deposit  the  funds  in  the  temple 
on  Samothrace.  Since  this  island  was  in  Perseus' 
realm,    Eumenes    saw   that   it   made    no    difference 

^  Polybius  says  five  hundred. 


an  Pellae  pecunia  esset ;  id  agere,.  ut  partem  aliquam 
2  praesentem  ferret.     Ita  nequiquam  inter  se  captati 
nihil  praeter  infamiam  moverunt.^ 

XX^^I.  Xec  haec  tantum  Persei  per  avaritiam  est 
dimissa  res,  cum  pecunia  statuta  aut  ^  pacem  habere 
per  Eumenen,  quae  vel  parte  regni  redimenda  esset, 
aut  deceptus  ^  protrahere  inimicum   mercede   onus- 

2  tum  et  hostes  merito  ei  Romanes  posset  facere ;  sed 
et  ante  Genti  regis  •*  parata  societas  et  tum  Gallorum 
effusorum  per   Illyricum  ingens  oblatum  auxilium  ^ 

3  avaritia  dimissum  est.  Veniebant  decem  milia 
equitum,  par  numerus  peditum  et  ipsorum  iungen- 
tium  cursum  equis  et  in  vicem  prolapsorum  equitum 

4  vacuos  capientium  ad  pugnam  equos.  Hi  pacti  erant 
eques  denos  praesentes  aureos,  pedes  quinos,  mille 

5  dux  eorum.  ^^enientibus  his  Perseus  ab  Elpeo  ^ 
ex  castris  profectus  ob\dam  cum  dimidia  copiarum 
parte  denuntiare  per  vicos  urbesque  quae  viae  pro- 
pinquae     sunt    coepit     ut     commeatus     expedirent, 

6  frumentij  vini,  pecorum  ut  copia  esset.     Ipse  equos 

^  moverunt  Xovdk:   moue  T. 

-  pecunia  statuta  aut  Hariel:  pecuniamtutamet  V. 

^  aut  deceptus  J.  F.  Gronovivs :   aucreceptus  V. 

*  sed  et  ante  Genti  regis  Bekker:   sed  tam  tegenti  regis  V. 

'"  auxilium  a/W.  W eissenhorn :    om.  V. 

^  Elpeo  Madvig:   Elpeio  V. 


1  These  people  mav  have  been  much  the  same  as  the  Bas- 
tarnae  of  XL.  v.  10 'and  Ivii,  cf  also  XLI.  xix.  3-11.  The 
name  of  the  leader,  Clondicus,  is  the  same  here  and  in  XL. 
Iviii.  8,  which  makes  it  sound  like  a  title  rather  than  a  proper 
name.  In  Polybius  XXV.  6  (XX\T:.  9),  there  is  a  reference 
to  the  Bastarnae  joining  Perseus  and  the  Gauls  (Paton's  inter- 
pretation), which  has  led  some  scholars  to  thiuk  that  Polybius 
was   referring   to   the   Bastarnae    as    Gauls    (Galatai)    here, 

1/2 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXV.  ii-xxvi.  6 

whether    the    money    was    there    or    at    Pella ;     he  b.c.  168 
attempted  to  secure  some  sort  of  down  payment. 
And  so  having  tried  vainly  to  overreach  each  other, 
the  kings  got  themselves  nothing  but  a  bad  re})uta- 
tion. 

XXVI.  This  was  not  the  only  failure  incurred  by 
Perseus  because  of  miserliness,  when  by  payment  of 
money  he  could  either  through  Eumenes'  efforts 
have  secured  peace,  which  he  should  have  bought 
even  at  the  price  of  part  of  his  kingdom,  or  had  he 
been  deceived,  he  could  have  exposed  his  enemy  with 
the  booty  on  him  and  aroused  just  hostility  toward 
him  on  the  part  of  the  Romans.  But  a  previous 
parallel  case  was  that  of  the  alliance  with  King 
Gentius,  ready  for  the  taking ;  and  at  this  same  time 
Perseus  lost  through  miserliness  the  tremendous 
assistance  of  the  Gauls  who  were  scattered  through 
the  region  of  Illyria.^  There  w^ere  on  their  way  ten 
thousand  cavalry  and  an  equal  number  of  infantry 
who  matched  their  pace  to  that  of  the  horses,  and  in 
turn  seized  the  riderless  horses  of  fallen  cavalrymen 
for  further  fighting.  These  men  had  been  pledged 
a  cash  pavment  of  ten  gold  pieces  per  cavalryman, 
five  per  infantryman,  and  a  thousand  for  their  leader. 
When  they  approached,  Perseus  went  to  meet  them 
from  his  camp  at  the  Elpeiis  with  half  of  his  forces 
and  began  to  give  orders  throughout  the  villages  and 
cities  near  the  road  to  bring  out  provisions  so  that 
there  would  be  plenty  of  grain,  wine,  and  animals.    He 

Properly,  the  Bastarnae  were  Germans  rather  than  Gauls,  as 
was  recognized  soon  after  Livy's  time,  cf.  Strabo  VII.  306, 
Pliny,  N.H.  IV.  81,  Tacitus,  Germania  46.  The  location  of 
the  Bastarnae  was  to  the  north-east  of  the  location  here 
suggested  for  these  Gauls,  but  cf.  below,  xxvii.  3. 

173 


phalerasque    et   sagula   donum   principibus   ferre    et 
parvum  auri,  quod  inter  paucos  divideret,  multitu- 

7  dinem  credens  trahi  spe  posse.  Ad  Almanam  urbem 
pervenit  et  in  ripa  fluminis  Axi  posuit  castra.  Circa 
Desudabam    in    Maedica    exercitus    Gallorum    con- 

8  sederat,  mercedem  pactam  opperiens.  Eo  mittit 
Antigonum.  ex  purpuratis  ununi,  qui  iuberet  muititu- 
dinem  Gallorum  ad  Bylazora — Paeoniae  is  locus  est — 
castra  movere,  principes  ad  se  venire  frequentes. 
Septuaginta  quinque  niilia  ab  Axio  flumine  et  castris 

9  regis  aberant.  Haec  mandata  ad  eos  cum  pertulisset 
Antigonus  adiecissetque,  per  quantam  omnium  ^ 
praeparatam  cura  regis  copiam  ituri  -  forent  qui- 
busque  muneribus  principes  advenientes  vestis, 
argenti    equorumque    excepturus   rex    esset,    de   his 

10  quidem  se  coram  cognituros  respondent,  illud  quod 
praesens  pepigissent,  interrogant.  ecquid  aurum, 
quod  in  singulos  pedites  equitesque  dividendum  esset, 

11  secum  advexisset.3  Cum  ad  id  nihil  responderetur, 
Clondicus,  regulus  eorum,  "  abi  renuntia  ergo  " 
inquit  "  regi  nisi  aurum  obsidesque  accepissent, 
nusquam  inde  Gallos  longius  vestigium  moturos." 

12  Haec  relata  regi  cum  essent  advocato  consilio 
cum  quid  omnes  suasuri  essent  appareret,  ipse 
pecuniae  quam  regni  mehor  custos  institit  de  perfidia 
et  feritate  Gallorum  disserere,  multorum  iam  ante 

^  adiecissetque,  per  quantam  omnium  Madvig:    adiecisset 
quae  per  quern  quanta  omnium  V. 
^  ituri  Madvig:    intuli  V. 
"  advexisset  J.  F.  Gronovius :   adduxisset  V. 


^  Probably  on  the  mid-Strymon. 
174 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVI.  6-12 

himself  brought  horses,  breast-ornaments,  and  capes  b.c.  168 
as  presents  for  the  chief  men,  and  a  small  amount  of 
gold  to  distribute  among  a  few,  supposing  that  the 
rank  and  file  could  be  led  along  by  expectations.  He 
reached  the  city  of  Almana  and  pitched  camp  on  the 
banks  of  the  Axius  River.  The  force  of  Gauls 
halted  near  Desudaba  in  Maedica,^  waiting  for  their 
promised  pay.  Thither  Perseus  sent  Antigonus,  one 
of  the  wearers  of  the  purple,  to  order  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  Gauls  to  shift  camp  to  Bylazora  (this  is  a 
place  in  Paeonia)  and  the  leaders  to  come  in  a  body  to 
him.  The  Gauls  were  seventy-five  miles  from  the 
Axius  River  and  the  king's  camp.  Antigonus  carried 
this  message  to  them  and  added  an  account  of  the 
abundance  of  all  supplies  prepared  through  the 
thoughtfulness  of  the  king,  through  which  they  would 
travel,  and  of  the  gifts  of  garments,  silver,  and  horses 
with  which  the  king  proposed  to  greet  their  leaders 
on  their  arrival.  The  Gauls  replied  that  they  would 
certainly  find  out  about  these  matters  from  personal 
observation,  but  they  asked  about  what  had  been 
promised  for  immediate  delivery — whether  he  had 
brought  with  him  the  gold  which  \vas  to  be  distributed 
among  the  individual  horsemen  and  footmen.  When 
they  received  no  reply  on  this  point,  Clondicus,  their 
chieftain,  declared:  "  Go  back  then  and  report  to 
the  king  that  the  Gauls  will  not  move  a  step  farther 
unless  they  receive  the  gold  and  hostages." 

When  this  message  was  reported  to  the  king,  he 
summoned  his  council,  but  when  it  became  clear 
what  everyone  would  advise,  the  king,  a  trustier 
guardian  of  his  cash  than  of  his  kingdom,  began  to 
discourse  on  the  treachery  and  savagery  of  the  Gauls, 
which  had  been  demonstrated  long  since  by  disasters 

175 


13  cladibus  experta :  periculosum  esse  tantam  multitu- 
dinem  in   Macedoniam  accipere,  ne  ^  graviores  eos 

14  socios  habeant  quam  hostes  Romanos.  Quinque 
inilia  equitum  satis  esse,  quibus  et  iiti  ad  bellum 
possent,  et  quorum  multitudinem  ipsi  non  timeant. 

XXVIL  Apparebat  omnibus  ^  mercedem  eum  ^ 
timere  nee  quicquam  aliud;  sed  cum  suadere  con- 
sulenti  nemo  auderet,  remittitur  Antigonus  qui 
nuntiaret  quinque  milium  equitum  opera  tantum  uti 

2  regem,  non  tenere  ^  multitudinem  aliam.  Quod  ubi 
audivere  barbari,  ceterorum  quidem  fremitus  fuit 
indignantium  se  frustra  excitos  sedibus  suis ;  Clondi- 
cus  rursus  interrogat,  ecquid  ipsis  quinque  milibus, 

3  quod  convenisset,  numeraret  ?  cum  adversus  id 
quoque  misceri  ambages  cerneret,  inviolato  fallaci 
nuntio,  quod  vix  speraverat  ipse  posse  contingere, 
retro  ad  Histrum  pei-populati  Thraciam,  qua  vicina 

4  erat  viae,  redierunt.  Quae  manus,  quieto  sedente 
rege  ad  Elpeum  ^  adversus  Romanos,  per  ^  Perrhae- 
biae  saltum  in  Thessaliam  traducta  non  agros  tantum 
nudare  populando  potuit,  ne  quos  inde  Romani  com- 

5  meatus  expectarent,  sed  ipsas  excindere  urbes 
tenente  ad  Elpeum  Perseo  Romanos,  ne  urbibus  sociis 

6  opitulari  possent.  Ipsis  quoque  Romanis  de  se 
cogitandum  fuisset,  quando  neque  manere  amissa 
Thessalia,  unde  exercitus  alebatur,  potuissent,  neque 

^  ne  add.  Fr:   om.  V. 

2  omnibus  Florehellus:    in  omnibus  V. 

3  eum  H.  J.  Muller:   multitudinem  V. 
*  tenere  Kreyssig:   temnere  V. 

'"  Elpeum  Madvig:   enipeum  T'. 
®  -per  add.  Gruter:   om.  V. 

176 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVI.  i2-xx'\'iT.  6 

to  many  people  ;  it  was  dangerous,  he  said,  to  receive  b.c,  168 
such  large  numbers  into  Macedonia,  for  fear  that  they 
would  find  the  Gauls  more  deadly  as  allies  than  the 
Romans  were  as  enemies ;  a  force  of  five  thousand 
cavalry  was  sufficient,  for  these  they  could  use  for 
military  purposes  and  would  not  themselves  be 
overawed  by  their  numbers. 

XXVII.  It  was  obvious  to  everyone  that  he  was 
troubled  about  the  pay  and  nothing  else ;  but  as  no 
one  dared  to  give  him  the  advice  he  asked  for, 
Antigonus  was  sent  back  to  announce  that  the  king 
could  use  the  services  of  five  thousand  cavalry  only, 
and  would  not  keep  the  rest  of  the  host.  When  the 
barbarians  heard  this,  there  was  an  indignant  outcry 
from  the  remainder  that  they  had  been  to  no  purpose 
lured  away  from  their  homes.  Clondicus  again  asked 
whether  he  would  pay  what  had  been  agreed  upon  to 
these  five  thousand;  and  when  he  saw  that  to  this, 
too,  a  devious  reply  was  being  concocted,  the  Gauls 
returned  to  the  Danube,  without  injury  to  the 
messenger  who  had  tricked  them  (a  fate  he  had  hardly 
hoped  could  befall  him),  but  plundering  that  part  of 
Thrace  which  adjoined  their  route.  This  force  of 
Gauls,  even  had  the  king  remained  inactive  at  the 
Elpeiis  before  the  Romans,  could  if  brought  into 
Thessaly  through  the  pass  of  Perrhaebia  have  not 
only  stripped  the  fields  by  their  ravages,  so  that  the 
Romans  could  have  looked  for  no  provisions  from  there, 
but  could  even  have  stormed  cities  as  long  as  Perseus 
held  the  Romans  at  the  Elpeus,  in  order  to  prevent 
their  rescuing  the  cities  of  their  allies.  The  Romans 
would  have  had  to  consider  their  own  plight,  since 
they  could  neither  remain  if  Thessaly,  the  army's 
source  of  supplies,  were  lost,  nor  could  they  advance 

177 


progredi,  cum  ex  adverse  castra  Macedonum  essent. 

7  Hoc  amisso  auxilio  Perseus  animos  Macedonum,^  qui 
ea  pependerant  spe,  haud  mediocriter  debilitavit. 

8  Eadeni  avaritia  Gentium  regem  sibi  alienavit. 
Nam  cum  trecenta  talenta  Pellae  missis   a  Gentio 

9  numerasset.  signare  eos  pecuniam  passus  est  ^ ;  inde 
decern  talenta  ad  Pantauchum  missa,  eaque  prae- 
sentia  dari  regi  iussit ;  reliquam  pecuniam  signatam 
IlhTiorum   signo   portantibus   suis   praecipit,   parvis 

10  itineribus  veherent.  dein  cum  ad  flnem  Macedoniae 
ventum    esset,    subsisterent    ibi    ac    nuntios    ab    se 

11  opperirentur.  Gentius  exigua  parte  pecuniae  ac- 
cepta  cum  adsidue  a  ^  Pantaucho  ad  lacessendos 
hostili  facto  Romanos  stimularetur,  M.  Perpennam 
et  L.  Petilium  legatos,  qui  turn  forte  ad  eum  venerant, 

12  in  custodiam  coniecit.  Hoc  audito  Perseus  con- 
traxisse  eum  necessitatem  *  ratus  ad  bellandum  ^ 
utique  cum  Romanis.  ad  revocandum  qui  pecuniam 
portabat  misit,  velut  nihil  aliud  agens  quam  ut  quanta 
maxima  posset  praeda  ex  se  ^  victo  Romanis  reser- 
varetur. 

13  Et  ab  Eumene  Herophon  "  ignotis,  quae  occulte 
acta  erant,  redit.  De  capti\-is  actum  esse  et  ipsi 
evolgaverant  et  Eumenes  consulem  vitandae  sus- 
picionis  causa  certiorem  fecit. 

XXVHI.  Perseus  post  reditum  ab  Eumene  Hero- 
phontis  spe  deiectus  Antenorem  et  Callippum  prae- 

^  essent.     Hoc  araisso  auxilio  Perseus  animos  Macedonum 
add.  Madvig:   om.  V, 

2  est  add.  ed.  Bas.  1536:  om.  V. 

^  a  add.  Sigcmius :    om.  V. 

*  eum  necessitatem  Doering :    umenecessitatis  V. 

=  bellandum  VaJden  :    bellum  V. 

^  se  Kreyssig:   edicto  V. 

'  Herophon  Kreyssig :   Hieroponimo  V. 

178 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVII.  6-xxviii.  i 

while  the  camp  of  the  Macedonians  lay  before  them.  b.c.  ig3 
By  losing  this  added  strength,  Perseus  weakened  to 
no   small   degree   the   morale    of  the    Macedonians, 
who  had  been  dependiiig  on  this  source  of  hope. 

The  same  miserliness  caused  a  rift  with  Gentius. 
For  when  Perseus  had  counted  out  three  hundred 
talents  for  the  envoys  sent  by  Gentius  to  Pella,  he 
permitted  them  to  affix  their  seal  to  the  money  ;  then 
he  sent  ten  talents  to  Pantauchus  and  ordered  this 
paid  at  once  to  the  king.  His  own  people  were 
transporting  the  rest  of  the  money  marked  with  the 
seal  of  the  Illyrians,  and  he  ordered  them  to  convey  it 
by  short  stages,  and  then  when  the  Macedonian 
frontier  was  reached,  to  halt  there  and  wait  for 
messengers  from  him.  After  Gentius  had  received 
a  scant  portion  of  the  money,  he  was  continually 
spurred  on  by  Pantauchus  to  assail  the  Romans  with 
an  act  of  hostility,  and  so  he  threw  into  prison  Marcus 
Perpenna  and  Lucius  Petilius,  the  ambassadors  who 
happened  to  reach  him  at  this  time.^  On  hearing  of 
this  Perseus  thought  that  Gentius  had  committed 
himself  to  fight  the  Romans  in  any  case,  and  sent  a 
recall  to  the  one  conveying  the  money,  as  if  his  only 
concern  was  to  save  as  much  booty  as  possible  for  the 
Romans  after  his  own  defeat. 

Herophon  also  returned  from  the  court  of  Eumenes, 
the  secret  negotiations  being  still  unrevealed.  The 
Macedonians  spread  the  word  that  discussion  about 
prisoners  had  taken  place,  and  Eumenes,  to  avoid 
suspicion,  informed  the  consul  to  this  same  effect. 

XXVIII.  After  the  disappointment  of  Herophon's 
return  from  the  court  of  Eumenes,  Perseus  sent 
Antenor  and  Callippus,  his  naval  commanders,  with 

^  See  below,  xxxii.  2. 

179 


LRT 

fectos  classis  cum  quadrao-inta  lembis — adiectae  ad 
hunc    numerum    quinque    pristes    erant — Tenedum 

2  mittit,  ut  inde  sparsas  ^  per  Cvcladas  insulas  naves, 
Macedoniam    cum    frumento    petentes,    tutarentur. 

3  Cassandreae  deductae  naves  in  portus  primum,  qui 
sub  Atho  monte  sunt,  inde  Tenedum  placido  mari 
cum  traiecissent,  stantis  in  portu  Rhodias  apertas 
naves  Eudamumque,  praefectum  earum,  inviolatos  ^ 

4  atque  etiam  benigne  appellatos  dimiserunt.  Cognito 
deinde  in  latere  altero  quinquaginta  onerarias  suarum 
stantibus  in  ostio  portus  Eumenis  rostratis,  quibus 

5  Damius  praeerat,  inclusas  esse,  circumvectus  propere 
ac  summotis  terrore  hostium  navibus,  onerarias  datis 
qui  prosequerentur  decem  lembis  in  Macedoniam 
mittit,  ita  ut  in  tutum  ^  prosecuti  redirent  Tenedum. 

6  Nono  post  die  ad  classem  iam  ad  Sigeum  ^  stantem 
redierunt.     Inde      Subota — insula      est      interiecta 

7  Elaeae  et  Chio  ^ — traiciunt.  Forte  postero  die  quam 
Subota  classis  tenuit  quinque  et  triginta  naves,  quas 
hippagogus  vocant,  ab  Elaea  profectae  cum  equitibus 
Gallis  equisque  Phanas  promunturium  Chiorum  pete- 
bant,   unde    transmittere    in    Macedoniam   possent. 

8  Attalo  ab  Eumene  mittebantur.  Has  naves  per 
altum  ferri  cum  ex  specula  signum  datum  Antenori 
esset,  profectus  ab  ^  Subotis  inter  Erj'thrarum  pro- 
munturium Chiumque,  qua  artissimum  fretum  est, 

1  sparsas  Drakenhorch :   sparsae  V. 

2  inviolatos  J.  F.  Gronovius :   inviolatus  V. 

3  tutum  Vascosanus :   totum  T\ 
*  Sigeum  Sigonius:    sigrium  V. 

5  Elaeae  et  Chio  Madvig :   eleae  etho  V, 
^  ab  Kreyssig:   ac  V. 
i8o 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVIII.  I-  8 

forty  scout-ships — there  were  five  cutters  ^  added  to  b.c.  16S 
this  number — to  Tenedos,  in  order  to  protect  from 
that  base  the  ships  scattered  through  the  Cyclades 
islands  on  their  way  to  Macedonia  with  grain.  The 
ships  were  launched  at  Cassandrea,  and  after  crossing 
first  to  the  harbours  under  Mount  Athos  and  thence 
on  a  calm  sea  to  Tenedos,  they  sent  away  unharmed 
and  even  with  kind  addresses  some  undecked  Rhodian 
ships  which  were  at  the  port  with  Eudamus  their 
commander.  Then  Antenor  discovered  that  on  the 
other  side  of  the  island  fifty  of  their  freight  ships 
were  blockaded  by  warships  of  Eumenes,  under  com- 
mand of  Damius,  which  were  stationed  at  the  mouth 
of  the  harbour.  Antenor  promptly  sailed  around 
and  by  threat  caused  the  enemy  ships  to  retreat; 
the  freight  ships  were  sent  to  Macedonia  under 
convoy  of  ten  scout-ships,  which  were  instructed  to 
return  to  Tenedos  after  seeing  them  safe.  On  the 
ninth  day  thereafter  they  returned  to  the  fleet,  which 
was  now  anchored  at  Sigeum.  Thence  they  crossed 
to  Subota,  an  island  lying  between  Elaea  and  Chios. 
On  the  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  at  Subota, 
thirty-five  of  the  ships  called  horse-transports,  setting 
out  from  Elaea  with  Galatian  cavalry  and  their 
mounts,  were  making  for  Phanae,  a  cape  of  Chios, 
from  which  they  could  cross  to  Macedonia.  They 
were  being  sent  to  Attains  by  Eumenes.  When  a 
signal  reached  Antenor  from  a  lookout  post  that  these 
ships  were  at  sea,  he  started  from  Subota  and  met 
them  between  the  cape  of  Erythrae  and  Chios,  where 

1  Cf.  XXXV.  xxvi.  1,  Polybius  XVI.  2.  9  and  XVIII  (XVII) 
1.1,  lumps  these  fristes  with  the  lemhi  as  light  fighting  vessels. 
Livy,  quoting  from  the  latter  passage  of  Polybius,  translates 
'pristis  by  "  beaked  ship,"  XXXII.  xxxii.  9. 

l8i 


9  iis  occurrit.  Nihil  minus  credere  praefecti  Eumenis 
quam  Macedonum  classem  in  illo  vagari  mari :  nunc 
Romanes  esse,  nunc  Attalum  aut  remissos  aliquos  ab 

10  Attalo  ex  castris  Romanis  Pergamum  petere.  Sed 
cum  iam  adproprinquantium  forma  lemborum  baud 
dubia  esset  et  concitatio  remorum  derectaeque  in  se 
prorae  ^     hostis     adpropinquare     aperuissent,^     tunc 

11  iniecta  trepidatio  est.  Cum  resistendi  spes  nulla 
esset  inhabilique  navium  genere  et  Gallis  vix  quietem 

12  ferentibus  in  mari,  pars  eorum  qui  propiores  con- 
tinentis  ^  litori  erant  in  Erythraeam  enarunt,  pars  velis 
datis  ad  Chium  naves  eiecere  relictisque  equis  efFusa 

13  fuga  urbem  petebant.  Sed  propius  urbem  lembi 
accessuque  commodiore  cum  exposuissent  armatos, 
partim  in  via  fugientes  Gallos  adepti  Macedones 
ceciderunt,  partim  ante  portam  exclusos.  Clauserant 
enim  Chii  portas  ignari,^  qui  fugerent  aut  sequeren- 

14  tur.  Octingenti  ferme  Gallorum  occisi,  ducenti  vivi 
capti :  equi  pars  in  mari  fractis  navibus  absumpti, 
parti  ^    nervos     succiderunt    in    litore     Macedones. 

15  \lginti  eximiae  equos  formae  cum  captivis  eosdem 
decem  lembos,  quos  ante  miserat,  Antenor  devehere 
Thessalonicam  iussit   et  primo  quoque  tempore   ad 

^  prorae  Fr:    prope  V. 

2  aperuissent  Turnehus:    apparuissent  V. 

3  continentis  ./.  F.  Gronovius:   continenti  V. 

*  Chii  portas  ignari  Madvig :    chio  parta  signari  V. 
'"  parti  Kreyssig:    partim  V. 


1  The  move  by  Eumenes  to  add  to  Attalus'  force  indicates 
that  Liv^-'s  charges  of  treachery  against  Eumenes  were  none  too 
well  founded.  The  exact  course  of  the  action  described  is  not 
clear  from  the  account  in  Livy's  usual  impressionistic  manner; 
but  the  Macedonian  ships  seem  to  have  let  the  transports  pass 

182 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVIII.  8-15 

the  strait  is  narrowest.  Eumenes'  officers  least  ofB.c.  I68 
all  suspected  that  a  Macedonian  fleet  was  at  large  in 
that  sea ;  now  they  thought  them  to  be  Romans,  now 
Attalus,  or  some  men  sent  back  by  Attains  from  the 
Roman  camp  and  on  their  way  to  Pergamum.  But 
when  the  shape  of  the  approaching  scout-ships  was 
unmistakable  and  the  rapid  motion  of  the  oars  and 
the  pointing  of  the  prows  head-on  revealed  that 
enemies  were  approaching,  then  panic  fell  upon 
them.  Since  there  was  no  hope  of  resistance,  both 
because  of  the  unwieldly  type  of  vessel  and  because 
the  Gaiatians  could  hardly  withstand  an  undisturbed 
voyage,  some  of  them,  who  were  nearer  to  the  main- 
land, swam  ashore  at  Erythrae  and  some  set  sail  for 
Chios,  ran  their  ships  aground,  and  abandoning  their 
horses  fled  in  rout  to  the  city.  But  as  the  scout- 
ships  put  troops  ashore  nearer  the  city  at  a  more 
convenient  landing-place,  the  Macedonians  overtook 
the  Gaiatians  and  cut  them  down,  partly  as  they  fled 
along  the  road  and  partly  when  they  were  shut  out  of 
the  city  gates.  For  the  Chians  had  closed  their  gates, 
not  knowing  who  were  fleeing  or  who  pursuing.^ 
About  eight  hundred  of  the  Gaiatians  were  killed 
and  two  hundred  taken  alive ;  some  of  the  horses 
were  destroyed  in  the  sea  as  the  ships  were  wrecked, 
some  were  hamstrung  on  shore  by  the  Macedonians. 
Antenor  ordered  twenty  horses  of  exceptional 
beauty,  along  with  the  prisoners,  to  be  taken  to 
Thessalonica  by  the  same  ten  scout-ships  he  had  sent 
before,  which  he  ordered  to  return  as  soon  as  possible 

Subota,  wherever  that  was,  and  then  pursued,  overtaking  them 
between  Phanae,  the  cape  and  harbour  at  the  south  end  of 
Chios  (cf.  above,  XXXVI.  xliii.  11  and  Strabo  XIV.  1.  35) 
and  Chios  city.     The  Chians  were  allies  of  Rome. 

183 


classem  reverti ;    Phanis  se  eos  expectaturum.     Tri- 
16  duum  ferme  classis  ad  urbem  stetit.^     Phanas  inde 
progress!  sunt  et  spe  celerius  regressis  decern  lembis  ^ 
evecti  Aegaeo  mari  Delum  traiecerunt. 

XXIX.  Dum  haec  geruntur,  legati  Romani,  C.  Po- 
pilius  et  C.  Deciniius  et  C.  HostiliuS;  a  Chalcide  pro- 
fecti  tribus  quinqueremibus  Delum  cum  venissent, 
lembos  ibi  Macedonum  quadraginta  et  quinque  regis 

2  Eumenis  quinqueremis  invenerunt.  Sanctitas  templi 
insulaeque  inviolatos  praestabat  omines.  Itaque 
peraiixti  Romanique  et  Macedones  et  Eumenis 
navales  socii  in  ^  templo  indutias  religione  loci  prae- 

3  bente  versabantur.  Antenor,  Persei  praefectus,  cum 
aliquas    alto    praeferri    onerarias    naves    ex   speculis 

4  significatum  foret,  parte  lemborum  ipse  insequens, 
parte  per  Cyclades  disposita,  praeterquam  si  quae 
Macedoniam  peterent.  omnes  aut  supprimebat  aut 
spoliabat  naves.     Quibus  poterat  Popilius  aut  suis  * 

5  aut  Eumenis  navibus  succurrebat ;  sed  evecti  ^  nocte 
binis  aut  ternis  plerumque  lembis  Macedones  falle- 
bant. 

6  Per  id  fere  tempus  legati  Macedones  Illyriique 
simul  Rhodum  venerunt,  quibus  auctoritatem  addidit 
non  lemborum  modo  adventus  passim  per  Cycladas 
atque  Aegaeum  vagantium  mare,  sed  etiam  coniunc- 
tio  ipsa  regum  Persei  Gentique  et  fama  cum  magno 
numero  peditum  equitumque  venientium  Gallorum. 

7  Et  iam  cum  accessissent  animi  Dinoni  ^  ac  Polyarato, 

^  stetit  add.  Fr:    om.  V. 

2  regressis  decern  lembis  Madvig :   ingressis  ex  lembis  F, 

^  ia  Fr:    et  in  V. 

*  aut  suis  add.  Hertz :    07n.  V. 

°  eyecti  Duker:   vecti  V. 

^  animi  Dinoni  J.  F,  Gronovius :   animinoni  V. 

184 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXVIII.  15-XXIX.  7 

to  the  fleet ;  he  said  he  would  await  them  at  Phanae.  b.c.  I68 
For  about  three  days  the  fleet  anchored  before  the 
city.     Then  they  moved  on  to  Phanae,  and  setting 
sail  on  the   unexpectedly   early  arrival  of  the   ten 
scout-ships,  crossed  the  Aegean  Sea  to  Delos. 

XXIX.  While  these  events  were  taking  place,  the 
Roman  envoys,^  Gaius  Popilius,  Gains  Decimius,  and 
Gains  Hostilius,  set  out  from  Chalcis  in  three  five- 
banked  ships  and  on  arriving  at  Delos  found  there 
forty  Macedonian  scout-ships  and  five  five-bankers 
of  King  Eumenes.  The  holiness  of  the  temple 
and  the  island  kept  them  all  from  harm.  And  so  the 
Roman,  the  Macedonian,  and  Eumenes'  sailors 
mingled  in  the  temple  under  the  truce  provided  by 
the  sacredness  of  the  place.  Whenever  signals  came 
from  the  lookouts  that  any  freight-ships  were  passing 
out  at  sea,  Antenor,  Perseus'  officer,  would  himself 
pursue  with  some  ships,  while  others  of  his  ships  were 
distributed  among  the  Cyclades,  and  either  sank  or 
plundered  every  ship  not  sailing  for  Macedonia. 
Popilius  would  come  to  the  rescue  with  what  ships  he 
had  either  of  his  own  or  Eumenes' ;  but  the  Mace- 
donians would  evade  him  by  sailing  at  night  mostly 
in  groups  of  two  or  three  ships. 

At  about  this  same  time,  the  envoys  from  Macedonia 
and  Illyria  arrived  together  at  Rhodes,  and  weight  was 
lent  their  words  not  only  by  the  arrival  of  the  scout- 
ships  roaming  all  around  the  Cyclades  and  the  Aegean 
Sea,  but  also  by  the  very  fact  of  the  combination 
between  the  kings  Perseus  and  Gentius,  and  the 
rumour  of  the  arrival  of  the  Gauls  in  great  numbers 
both  of  infantry  and  cavalry.  Since,  then,  the 
boldness  of  Dinon  and  Polyaratus,  who  sided  with 

1  To  Alexandria,  cf.  xix.  13. 

185 


LIVY 

qui  Persei  partium  erant,  non  benigne  modo  respon- 
sum  regibus  est,  sed  ^  palam  pronuntiatuni  bello 
8  finem  se  auctoritate  sua  imposituros  esse ;  itaque  ipsi 
quoque  reges  aequos  adhiberent  animos  ad  pacem 
accipiendam. 

XXX.  lam  veris  principium  erat  novique  duces  in 
provincias  ^  venerant,  consul  Aemilius  in  Macedoniam, 
Octavius  Oreum  ad  classem,  Anicius  in  Illyricum,  cui 

2  bellandum  adversus  Gentium  erat.  Gentius  ^  patre 
Pleurato,  rege  Illyriorum,  et  matre  Eurvdica  genitus- 
fratres  duos,  Platorem  utroque'  parente,  Caravantium 

3  matre  eadem  natum,  habuit.  Hoc  propter  ignobili- 
tatem  paternam  minus  suspecto  Platorem  occidit  et 
duos  amicos  eius,  Ettritum   et  Epicadum,  impigros 

4  \-iros,  quo  tutius  regnaret.  Fama  fuit  Monuni,* 
Dardanorum  principis,  filiam  Etutam  ^  pacto  fratri 
eum  invidisse,  tamquam  his  nuptiis  adiungenti  sibi 
Dardanorum  gentem ;   et  simillimum  ^  id  vero  fecit 

5  ducta  ea  virgo  Platore  interfecto.  Gravis  deinde 
dempto  a  "^  fratre  metu  popularibus  esse  coepit ;  et 
violentiam  insitam  ingenio  intemperantia  vini  accen- 

6  debat.  Ceterum,  sicut  ante  dictum  est,  ad  Romanum 
incitatus    bellum    Lissum    omnis    copias    contraxit. 

7  Quindecim  milia  armatorum  fuerunt.     Inde  fratre  in 

^  sed  add.  Fr:   om.  V. 
-  provincias  Kreyssig:   provinciam  V. 
3  erat.     Gentius  a/Zr/.  Madvig:   om.  V. 

^  Monuni  Zeitschr.  f.  Altertumsidssenscli.  1836  p.  833: 
honimi  V.  ^  Etutam  Jr:    metutam  V. 

^  simillimum  Kreyssig:   simillium  V. 
'  a  add.  Valden:    om.  V. 

1  Livy  is  following  Polybius  XXIX.  11  (5).  Polybius  says 
that  the  loss  of  Eumenes"  cavalry  impressed  the  Rhodians, 
but  does  not  mention  the  Gauls  from  the  Xorth ;  he  does  not 
make  the  Rhodians  sound  as  cock-sure  as  does  Livy. 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXIX.  7-xxx.  7 

Perseus,  was  on  the  increase,  not  only  was  a  cordial  b.c. 
response  given  to  the  kings,  but  the  flat  statement 
was  made  that  the  Rhodians  would  by  their  influence 
bring  an  end  to  the  war,  and  that  therefore  the  kings 
themselves  should  make  up  their  minds  calmly  to 
accept  peace. ^ 

XXX.  By  now  spring  was  beginning  ^  and  the  new 
commanders  arrived  in  the  field,  the  consul  Aemilius 
in  Macedonia,  Octavius  with  the  fleet  at  Oreiis,  and 
in  the  region  of  Illyria,  Anicius,  whose  task  was  the 
campaign  against  Gentius.^  This  king,  the  son  of  ■ 
Pleuratus,  king  of  the  Illyrians,  and  Eurydice,  had 
two  brothers,  Plator,  a  full  brother,  and  Caravantius, 
born  of  the  same  mother.  The  latter  Gentius  sus- 
pected less  because  of  the  obscurity  of  his  father,  but 
the  king  killed  Plator  and  two  friends  of  his,  Ettritus 
and  Epicadus,  energetic  men,  for  the  greater  security 
of  his  reign.  The  rumour  was  that  he  envied  his 
brother  his  betrothal  to  Etuta,  daughter  of  Monunius 
the  chieftain  of  the  Dardani,  since  by  this  mar- 
riage Plator  would  secure  the  support  of  the 
Dardani ;  and  Gentius  made  this  really  very  probable 
by  marrying  the  girl  after  the  murder  of  Plator. 
Once  the  fear  of  his  brother  was  removed,  Gentius 
began  to  be  oppressive  to  his  people,  and  the  violence 
innate  in  his  character  was  inflamed  by  overuse  of 
wine.  However,  when  he  had  been  stirred  up  to 
fight  the  Romans,  as  has  been  related  above,  he 
collected  all  his  forces  at  Lissus.  These  were  fifteen 
thousand  men.     From  there  he  sent  his  brother  with 

2  It  was  late  April  by  the  then  Roman  calendar,  but  actually 
early  February,  see  below,  xxxvii.  5-9. 

^  The  characterization  of  Gentius  is  based  on  Polybius 
XXIX.  13  (5). 

187 


Caviorum  gentem  vi  aut  terrore  subigendam  cum 
mille  peditibus  et  quinquaginta  equitibus  misso,  ipse 
ad  Bassaniam  urbem  quinque  milia  ab  Lisso  ducit. 

8  Socii  erant  Romanorum ;  itaque  per  praemissos  ^ 
nuntios  prius  temptati  obsidionem  pati  quam  dedere 

9  sese  maluerunt.  Caravantium  in  Caviis  Durnium 
oppidum  advenientem  benigne  accepit ;  Caravandis, 
altera  urbs,  exclusit ;  et  agros  eorum  cum  ^  effuse 
vastaret,   aliquot  palati  milites   agrestium  concursu 

10  interfecti  sunt.  lam  et  Ap.  Claudius  adsumptis  ad 
eum  exercitum  quem  habebat  Bullinorum  ^  et 
Apolloniatium  et  D}Trachinorum  auxiliis  profectus 
ex  hibernis  circa  Genusum  *  amnem  castra  habebat, 

11  audito  foedere  inter  Persea  et  Gentium  et  legatorum 
violatorum    iniuria    accensus,    bellum    haud    dubie 

12  adversus  eum  gesturus.  Anicius  praetor  eo  tempore 
Apolloniae  auditis  quae  in  Illyrico  gererentur  prae- 
mdssisque  ad  Appium  litteris,  ut  se  ad  Genusum 
opperiretur.  triduo  et  ipse  in  castra  venit  et  ad  ea 

13  quae  habebat  auxilia  a  Parthinorum  iuventute 
adiunctis  duobus  -^  milibus  peditum  et  equitibus 
ducentis — peditibus  Epicadus,  equitibus  Algalsus 
praeerat — parabat  ducere  in  Illyricum,  maxime  ut 
Bassanitas  solveret  obsidione.     Tenuit  impetum  eius 

14  fama  lemborum  vastantium  maritimam  oram.  Octo- 
ginta  erant  lembi,  auctore  Pantaucho  missi  a  Gentio 

^  praemissos  Kreys-sig :   perremissos  V. 
-  cum  add.  Vahhn:    om.  V. 
3  Bullinorum  Drakenborch :   bullaniorum  F. 
^  Gennsnm.  Turneb us:   genuussuum  F. 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXX.  7-14 

a  thousand  infantry  and  fifty  cavalry  to  subdue  the  b.c.  I68 
tribe  of  the  Cavii  either  by  force  or  threats,  while  he 
himself  advanced  from  Lissus  five  miles  to  the  city 
of  Bassania.     The   inhabitants   were    allied   to    the 
Romans ;     and    so    when   overtures    were    made    by 
messengers  sent  ahead  of  Gentius,  they  preferred  to 
stand    siege    rather    than    to    surrender.     As    Cara- 
vantius  arrived  among  the  Cavii,  the  town  of  Durnium 
received  him  hospitably ;    Caravandis,  another  city, 
shut   him   out;     and   while   he   was   ravaging   their 
territory  far  and  wide,  a  few  scattered  soldiers  were 
killed    by    the    rallying    farmers.     By    now    Appius 
Claudius  too  had  added  auxiliaries  of  the  Bullini  and 
the  citizens  of  Apollonia  and  Dyrrachium  to  the  army 
he  had  with  him,  and  had  set  out  from  winter  quarters 
to  a  camp  by  the  Genusus  River,  since  he  had  heard 
of  the  treaty  between  Perseus  and  Gentius  and  was 
incensed    by    the    mistreatment    of    the    molested 
envoys,  so  that  he  was  bent  on  campaigning  against 
Gentius.     About    this    time    Anicius    the    praetor 
heard  at  Apollonia  of  affairs  in  the  region  of  Illyria, 
and  sending  ahead  orders  to  Appius  to  wait  for  him  at 
the  Genusus,  he  himself  arrived  in  camp  in  three 
days.     He    added    to    the    auxiliaries    he    had    two 
thousand  infantry  and  two  hundred  cavalry  of  the 
young  men  of  the   Parthini— Epicadus  commanded 
the  infantry,  Algalsus  the  cavalry — and  made  ready 
to  march  into  the  region  of  Illyria,  especially  in  order 
to  relieve  the  siege  of  Bassania.     His  urgency  was 
restrained  by  a  rumour  of  scout-ships  ravaging  the 
coast.     There  were  eighty  of  these  ships,  sent  by 
Gentius  at  the  suggestion  of  Pantauchus  to  plunder 

^  auxilia     a     Parthinorum     iuventute     adiunctis     duobus 
Madvig :   auxiliapar  tinorumiuuentaduobus  V. 

189 


LRT 

ad  Dyrrachinorum  et  Apolloniatium  agros  populandos. 
15  Turn  classis  ad  ...   .^  to  eo  tradiderunt  se. 

XXXI.  Deinceps  et  urbes  regionis  eius  idem  facie- 
bant,  adiuvante  inclinationem  animorum  dementia 

2  in  2  omnis  et  iustitia  praetoris  Romani.  Ad  Scodram 
inde  ventum  est,  quod  ^  belli  caput  erat,'*  non  eo 
solum  quod  Gentius  earn  sibi  ceperat  velut  regni 
totius    arcem    sed    etiam    quod    Labeatium  gentis 

3  munitissima  longe  est  et  difficilis  aditu.  Duo  cingunt 
eam  flumina.  Clausal  a  latere  ^  urbis  quod  in  orientem 
patet  praefluens.  Barbanna  ab  regione  occidentis,  ex 

4  Labeatide  palude  oriens.  Hi  duo  amnes  confluentes 
incidunt  Oriundi  flumini,  quod  ortum  ex  monte 
Scordo,  multis  et  aliis  auctum  aquis,  mari  Hadriatico 

5  infertur.  Mons  Scordus,^  longe  altissimus  regionis 
eius,   ab   oriente   Dardanicam  '^   subiectam  habet,   a 

6  meridie  Macedoniam,  ab  occasu  Illyrieum.  Quam- 
quam  munitum  situ  naturali  oppidum  erat  gensque 
id  tota  Illyriorum  et  rex  ipse  tuebatur,  tamen  praetor 
Romanus,  quia  prima  successerant  prospere,  for- 
tunam  totius  rei  principia  secuturam  esse  ratus  et 
repentinum  valiturum  terrorem,  instruct©   exercitu 

7  ad  moenia  succedit.  Quod  si  clausis  portis  muros 
portarumque   turris  dispositi  ^    armati   defendissent, 

^  Hie  folium  unura  excidit. 

^  in  add.  Fr:   om.  V . 

^  quod  Kreyssig:    ad  quod  T'. 

^  caput  erat  Drakenhorch  :    capotuerat  V. 

^  Clausal  a  latere  Madvig :   clausalalatere  V. 

^  Scordus  Drahenhorch  :    scodra  et  scodrus  V. 

'  Dardanicam  ii/erae!/.s:    dardaniam  V. 

®  dispositi  J/of/i-/^ :    disposita  I'. 

^  Appian,  Illyrian  Wars  ii.  9  says  that  Anicius  "  captured 
some  of  Gentius'  scout-ships  and  then  engaged  him  in  battle 
on  land,  defeated  him,  and  shut  him  up  in  a  fortress." 

190 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXX.  14-XXX1.  7 

the  territory  of  Dyrrachium  and  Apollonia.     Then  a  b.c.  ig8 
fleet  at  .  .  .^  .  .  .  they  surrendered. 

XXXI.  Thereafter  the  cities  of  the  region  did  the 
same,  the  turn  of  their  thoughts  being  assisted  by 
the  mildness  and  justice  of  the  Roman  praetor. 
Next  he  arrived  at  Scodra,  the  centre  of  resistance 
not  only  because  Gentius  had  appropriated  it  as  the 
citadel  for  his  whole  kingdom,  but  also  because  it  is 
the  best-fortified  town  of  the  Labeate  tribe,  and  is 
hard  to  approach.  Two  rivers  surround  it,  the 
Clausal  flowing  by  on  the  side  of  the  city  which  faces 
eastward,  the  Barbanna  on  the  west  side,  flowing  from 
the  Labeate  Lake.  (These  two  streams  after  joining 
fall  into  the  Oriundes  River  ^  which  rises  on  Mount 
Scordus,  is  swelled  by  many  other  streams,  and  falls 
into  the  Adriatic  Sea.  Mount  Scordus,  by  far  the 
highest  of  that  region,  overlooks  Dardania  to  the 
eastward,  Macedonia  to  the  south,  and  the  Illyrian 
region  to  the  west.)  Although  the  town  was  for- 
tified by  its  surroundings  and  the  whole  nation  of  the 
Illyrians,  as  well  as  their  king,  was  defending  it, 
nevertheless  the  Roman  praetor  decided  that  since 
his  first  moves  had  met  with  success,  good  fortune 
in  the  campaign  as  a  whole  would  follow  these 
beginnings,  and  that  a  fast-moving  threat  would  be 
efficacious ;  so  he  advanced  to  the  wall  with  his  army 
in  formation.  If  well-placed  forces  had  shut  the 
gates  and  defended  the  walls  and  gate-towers,  they 

2  This  river  is  elsewhere  called  the  Drilon  (modern  Drin) ; 
in  1858,  after  a  period  during  which  the  Drilon  emptied  to  the 
south,  and  the  Barbanna  followed  its  own  course  to  the  sea, 
the  Drin,  in  flood,  resumed  the  course  reported  by  Livy,  and 
was  maintaining  it,  except  for  some  water  following  the 
southern  channel,  about  1940  (see  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica, 
1944,  s.v.  Albania). 

191 


A.U.C.         vano  cum  incepto  moenibus  pepulissent    Romanos ; 

8  nunc  porta  egressi  proelium  loco  aequo  maiore  animo 

9  conuniserunt  quam  sustinuerunt.  Pulsi  enim  et 
fuga  conglobati.  cum  ducenti  amplius  in  ipsis  faucibus 
portae  cecidissent,  tantum  intulerunt  terrorem  ut 
oratores  extemplo  ad  praetorem  mitteret  Gentius 
Teuticum  et  Bellum,  principes  gentis,  per  quos 
indutias    peteret,    ut    deliberare    de    statu    rerum 

10  suarum  posset.  Triduo  in  hoc  dato,  cum  castra 
Romana  quingentos  ferme  passus  ab  urbe  abessent, 
navem  conscendit  et  flumine  Barbanna  navigat  ^  in 
lacum  Labeatura,  velut  secretum  locum  petens  ad 

11  consultandum.    sed,   ut    apparuit,    falsa    spe    excitus 

12  Caravantium  fratrem  multis  milibus  armatorum 
coactis  2  ex  ea  regione  in  quam  missus  erat  adventare. 
Qui  postquam  evaiiuit  rumor,  tertio  post  die  navem 
eandem  ^  secundo  amni  Scodram  demisit ;  prae- 
missisque  nuntiis  ut  sibi  appellandi  praetoris  potestas 

13  fieret,  copia  facta  in  castra  venit.  Et  principium 
orationis  ab  accusatione  stultitiae  orsus  suae,  postremo 
ad    preces    lacrimasque    effusus,    genibus    praetoris 

14  accidens  in  potestatem  sese  dedit.  Primo  bonum 
animum  habere  iussus,  ad  cenam  etiam  imitatus  in 
urbem  ad  suos  redit.     Et  cum  praetore  eo  die  honori- 

15  fice    est    epulatus,    deinde    in    custodiam    C.    Cassio 

1  Barbanna  navigat  Kreyssig :   babanonauigant  V. 

2  coactis  J.  F.  Gronovius :    actis  V. 

3  eandem  Sigonius :   ad  earn  V. 

192 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXI.  7-15 

would  have  routed  the  Romans  from  the  wall  and  b.c.  les 
made  their  attempt  worthless ;  as  it  was,  they 
sallied  from  the  gate  and  on  level  ground  joined 
battle  with  more  spirit  than  they  maintained.  For 
they  were  routed  and  huddled  in  flight,  while  over 
two  hundred  fell  in  the  very  mouth  of  the  gate,  and 
they  brought  in  with  them  such  panic  that  Gentius 
at  once  sent  representatives  named  Teuticus  and 
Bellus,  leading  men  of  the  nation,  to  the  praetor  to 
ask  for  a  truce  so  that  the  king  might  deliberate  over 
his  situation.  When  he  was  given  three  days  for 
this  purpose,  he  boarded  a  ship,  since  the  Roman 
camp  was  about  half  a  mile  from  the  city,  and  sailed 
up  the  Barbanna  River  to  Lake  Labeate,  as  if  seeking 
a  secluded  spot  for  taking  council ;  actually,  as  became 
evident,  he  was  stirred  by  an  unfounded  hope  that 
his  brother  Caravantius  ^  would  arrive  with  many 
thousands  of  soldiers  gathered  in  the  region  to  which 
he  had  been  sent.  After  the  talk  about  this  had 
evaporated,  on  the  third  day  he  brought  the  same  ship 
downstream  to  Scodra.  First  sending  messengers  to 
secure  an  opportunity  for  addressing  the  praetor  and 
on  being  given  the  opportunity,  he  came  into  camp. 
At  the  outset  of  his  speech  he  began  by  blaming  his 
own  stupidity,  and  at  the  end  gave  himself  up  to 
entreaties  and  a  flood  of  tears,  and  falling  at  the 
praetor's  knees,  put  himself  into  his  hands.  Imme- 
diately he  was  bidden  to  take  heart,  and  after  being 
invited  to  dinner,  returned  to  his  own  people  in  the 
city.  On  that  day  he  was  banqueted  with  marks  of 
distinction  by  the  praetor,  and  then  put  under  the 
guard  of  Gains  Cassius,  tribune  of  the  soldiers,  after 

^  Possibly  he  had  gone  to  a  different  region  from  that  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  chapter,  and  was  among  friends. 

193 
VOL.  XIII.  II 


LIVY 

tribune  militum  ^  traditus,  vix  gladiatorio  accepto, 
decern  talentis,  ab  rege  rex,  ut  in  earn  fortunam 
recideret. 

XXXII.  Anieius  Scodra  recepta  nihil  prius  quam 
requisites  Petilium  Perpennanique  legates  ad  se  duel 

2  iussit.  Quibus  splendore  suo  restitute  Perpennam 
extemple    mittit    ad    cenprehendendos    amices    ceg- 

3  natesque  regis ;  qui  Meteenem,  Labeatium  gentis 
urbem,  prefectus  Etlevam  uxerem  cum  filiis  duobus, 
Scerdilaede  ^  Pleuratoque,   et  Caravantium  fratrem 

4  Scodram  in  castra  adduxit.  Anieius  belle  Illyrico 
intra  triginta  dies  perfecte  nuntium  victoriae  Per- 
pennam Romam  misit  et  post  dies  pauces  Gentium 
regem   ipsum    cum   parente,    ceniuge    ac   liberis    ac 

5  fratre  aliisque  principibus  lUyrierum.  Hoc  unum 
bellum  prius  perpetratum  quam  ceeptum  Romae 
auditum  est. 

Quibus  diebus  haec  agebantur,  Perseus  queque  in 
magne  terrere  erat  propter  adventum  simul  Aemili 
nevi  censulis,  quem  cum  ingentibus  minis  adventare 

6  audiebat,  simul  Octa\-i  praetoris.  Nee  minus  terroris 
a  classe  Romana  et  periculo  maritumae  orae  habebat. 
Thessalonicae  Eumenes  et  Athenagoras  praeerant 
cum   parvo   praesidie   duorum   milium   caetratorum. 

7  Eo  et  Androclen  praefectum  mittit  iussum  sub  ipsis 

8  navalibus  castra  habere.  Aenean  mille  equltes  et 
Creen  Antigenensis  missi  ^  ad  tutandam  maritumam 

1  militum  Fr. :    pi.  V. 

'  Scerdilaedo  J.  F.  Gronovius:    cerdilio  T'. 
3  equites   et  Creon   Antigonensis  missi   Madvig:    equites- 
creantigonensismisit  V. 

194 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXI.  is-xxxii.  8 


having  received  a  mere  ten  talents,  hardly  the  fee  of  b.c.  16? 
a  gladiator,  though  he  was  a  king  dealing  with  a 
king,  to  induce  him  to  sink  to  such  misfortune. 

XXXII.  On  taking  over  Scodra,  Anicius'  very  first 
order  was  that  the  ambassadors  Petilius  and  Perpenna 
should  be  searched  out  and  brought  to  him.  When 
they  had  been  restored  to  a  properly  dignified  state, 
he  immediately  sent  Perpenna  to  arrest  the  friends  and 
relatives  of  the  king.     Perpenna  set  out  for  Meteon,  / 

the  city  of  the  Labeate  tribe,  and. brought  to  camp 
at  Scodra  Etleva,^  the  queen,  with  her  two  children, 
Scerdilaedus  and  Pleuratus,  and  Caravantius  the  , 
king's  brother.  After  completing  the  Illyrian  cam- 
paign within  thirty  days,  Anicius  sent  Perpenna  to 
Rome  as  messenger  of  this  victory,  and  a  feA\|^days 
later  sent  on  King  Gentius  himself  with  his  moHter, 
wife,  children,  and  brother,  as  well  as  other  leading 
Illyrians.  This  campaign  was  unique  in  that  its  con- 
clusion was  reported  at  Rome  before  its  beginning. 

During  the  time  that  this  was  going  on,  Perseus  also 
was  in  great  fear  because  of  the  arrival  not  only  of 
Aemilius  the  new  consul,  who  he  heard  had  come  on 
the  scene  bringing  dire  threats,  but  also  of  Octavius 
the  praetor.  The  king  was  feeling  equally  keenly 
the  threat  from  the  Roman  fleet  and  the  danger  to 
the  coastal  area.  At  Thessalonica,  Eumenes  and 
Athenagoras  were  in  command  with  a  small  garrison 
of  two  thousand  light  infantry. ^  To  that  place 
Perseus  sent  the  officer  Androcles  also,  under  orders 
to  encamp  right  by  the  dockyards.  To  Aenea  a  thou- 
sand cavalry  under  Creon  of  Antigonea  were  sent  to 

^  We  cannot  determine  whether  this  is  another  queen,  or 
whether  the  name  Etuta  in  xxx.  4  refers  to  the  same  woman. 
-  Cf.  XLII.  11.  4  and  the  note. 

195 


Oram,  ut  quocumque  litore  adplicuisse  naves  hostium 

9  audissent  extemplo  ferrent  agrestibus  opem.     Quin- 

que  milia  ^  Macedonum  missa  ad  praesidium  Pj^thoi 

et    Petrae,    quibus    praepositi    erant    Histiaeus    et 

10  Theogenes  et  Midon.  His  profectis  ripani  munire 
Elpei  fluminis  adgressus  est,  quia  sicco  alveo  transiri 

11  poterat.  Huic  rei  -  ut  omnis  multitude  vacaret, 
feminae  ex  propinquis  urbibus  coactae  cibaria  in 
castra  adferebant ;  miles  iussus  ex  propinquis  silvis 
benigne  .... 

XXXIII ^     conferre,     postremo     sequi     se 

utrarios  ad  mare,  quod  minus  trecentos  passus  aberat, 
iussit  et  in  litore  alios  alibi  modicis  intervallis  fodere. 

2  Montes  ingentis  altitudinis  spem  faciebant,  eo  magis 
quia  nullos  apertos  emergerent  •*  rivos,  occultos  con- 
tineri  ^  latices,  quorum  venae  in  mare  permanantes 

3  undae  miscerentur.  Xix  diducta  ^  summa  harena 
erat,  cum  scaturigines  '  turbidae  primo  et  tenues 
emicare,  dein  liquidam  multamque  fundere  aquam 

4  velut  deum-dono  coeperunt.  Aliquantum  ea  quoque 
res  duci  famae  et  auctoritatis  apud  milites  adicit. 
lussis  deinde  militibus  expedire  aniia  ipse  cum  tribunis 
primisque     ordinibus     ad     contemplandos     transitus 

^  quinque  milia  Fr. :    u  T'. 

2  rei  add.  Harant:   om.  V. 

^  Hie  duo  folia  excideruni. 

*■  emergevent  Georges :   euergentt  V. 

^  c ontmeri  Duler:   continere  T'. 

^  diducta  Drakenhorcli :    deducta  V. 

7  scaturigines  ed.  Bus.  1535:    scaturiges  V. 


^  These  places  guarded  a  pass  north  of  Mount  Olympus  by 
•which  the  position  at  the  Elpeiis  might  have  been  taken  in  the 


196 


BOOK   XLIV.  XXXII.  8-xxxiii.  4 

protect  the  coastal  area,  in  order  to  come  at  once  to  b.c.  I68 
the  aid  of  the  country  folk  at  any  point  on  the  shore 
where  they  heard  that  enemy  ships  had  put  in.  Five 
thousand  Macedonians  were  sent  to  garrison  Pytholis 
and  Petra,^  the  commanders  being  Histiaeus,  Theo- 
genes,  and  Midon.  When  these  forces  had  left, 
Perseus  set  himself  to  fortifying  the  bank  of  the 
Elpeiis,  because  its  dry  bed  could  be  crossed.  In 
order  that  his  entire  force  might  be  free  for  this 
operation,  women  gathered  from  the  near-by  cities 
brought  foodstuffs  into  camp;  the  soldiers,  under 
orders,  from  the  woods  near  by  generously  .  .  .2 

XXXIII.  .  .  .  to  gather,  and  finally  he  ordered  the 
water-carriers  to  follow  him  to  the  sea,  which  was 
less  than  three-tenths  of  a  mile  away,  and  to  dig 
wells  on  the  beach,  some  here,  some  there,  at  slight 
intervals.  The  immense  height  of  the  mountains, '"^ 
especially  inasmuch  as  they  produced  no  visible  rivers, 
gave  him  the  hope  that  underneath  were  hidden 
streams,  the  veins  of  which  trickled  through  to  the 
sea  and  mingled  with  the  salt  water.  Hardly  had  the 
uppermost  sand  been  penetrated  when  jets  of  water 
spurted  out,  at  first  muddy  and  slight,  but  then 
proceeding  to  pour  out,  as  if  by  a  miracle,  with  clear 
and  copious  water.  This  success  too  gave  the  com- 
mander no  little  glory  and  power  of  leadership  with 
the  soldiers.  Then  when  the  soldiers  were  ordered  to 
put  their  weapons  in  condition,  the  consul  with  the 
tribunes  and  ranking  centurions  went  forward  to 
reconnoitre  the  crossings,  in  order  to  find  out  where 

2  Further  preparations  of  Perseus  and  the  arrival  of  Paulus 
at  the  Roman  camp  were  described  in  this  gap. 

^  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xiv.  1,  says  that  the  green  woods  on 
the  slopes  indicated  abundant  ground-water. 

197 


processit,    qua  ^    descensus    facilis    armatis,    qua    in 
ulteriorem    ripani    minime    iniquus    ascensus    esset. 

5  His  satis  exploratis  alia  quoque  nova\'it,2  primum,  ut 
ordine  ac  sine  tumultu  omnia  in  agmine  ad  nutum 

6  imperiumque  ducis  fierent.  pro^idit :  ubi  omnibus 
simul  pronuntiaretur  quid  fieret  neque  omnes 
exaudirent,  incerto  imperio  accepto  alios  ab  se 
adicientes  plus  eo  quod  imperatum  sit  alios  minus 
facere ;   clamores  deinde  dissonos  oriri  omnibus  locis, 

7  et  prius  hostes  quam  ipsos  quid  paretur  scire.  Placere 
igitur  tribunum  militum  primo  pilo  legionis  secretum 
edere  imperium.  ilium  et  dein  singulos  proximo  cuique 
in  ordine  centurioni  dicere  quod  opus  facto  sit  sive  a 
primis  signis  ad  novissimum  agmen,  sive  ab  extremis 

8  ad  primos  perferendum  imperium  sit.  \'igiles  etiam 
novo  more  scutum  in  vigiliam  ferre  vetuit :  non  enim 
in  pugnam  vigilem  ire  ut  armis  utatur  sed  ad  vigilan- 
dum  ut.  cum  senserit  hostium  adventum,  recipiat  se 

9  excitetque  ad  arma  alios.  Scuto  prae  se  erecto  stare 
galeatos ;  deinde  ubi  fessi  sint,  innixos  pilo,  capite 
super  marginem  scuti  posito,  sopitos  stare,  ut  ful- 
centibus  armis  procul  conspici  ab  hoste  possint,  ipsi 

10  nihil  provideant.^  Stationum  quoque  morem  muta- 
vit.  Armati  omnes,  et  frenatis  equis  equites,  diem 
totum  perstabant ;     id   cum   aestivis   diebus  urente 

''■  processit,  qua  add.  JIadvig:    om.  V. 

2  alia  quoque  novavit  JIadvig :   ilia  quoque  V. 

3  possint,   ipsi  nihil  provideant  J.   F.   Gronovius:    possit 
ipse  nihil  provideat  V. 


^  Centurions  ranked  according  to  their  place  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  legion,  of.  e.g.  XLII.  xxxiv.  5-8. 
2  Plutarch,  Aemilins  xiii.  5,  says  a  spear. 

198 


BOOK  XLIV.  xxxiii.  4-IO 

the  way  down  was  easy  for  men  under  arms  and  where  b.c.  16s 
on  the  farther  bank  there  was  the  least  unfavourable 
way  up.  After  gathering  sufficient  information  on 
these  points,  he  introduced  other  changes,  too ;  in 
the  first  place,  he  saw  to  it  that  everything  in  the 
colum.n  should  take  place  in  good  order  and  without 
confusion  at  the  beck  and  call  of  the  commander; 
w^hen  orders  were  given  to  the  whole  army  at  once 
and  not  all  were  within  hearing,  he  said,  some,  after  re- 
ceiving an  unclear  order,  made  additions  of  their  own 
and  did  more  than  was  bidden,  while  others  did  less  ; 
hence  discordant  outcries  arose  everywhere  and  the 
enemy  found  out  what  was  afoot  sooner  than  one's 
own  men.  Therefore  the  consul  decided  that  the 
tribune  of  the  soldiers  should  first  give  an  order 
privately  to  the  chief  centurion  of  the  legion,  and 
he  and  his  subordinates  in  rank  should  then  each  tell 
to  the  next  in  rank  ^  what  was  to  be  done,  whether 
the  order  was  to  be  passed  from  the  head  of  the 
column  to  the  rear,  or  from  the  last  to  the  first.  The 
consul  also  made  the  innovation  of  forbidding  sentries 
to  carry  a  shield  ^  on  post ;  for  he  said  that  a  sentry 
is  not  going  into  combat  to  use  his  weapons,  but  is  to 
keep  on  guard  so  that  when  he  perceives  the  approach 
of  the  enemy,  he  may  retire  and  rouse  the  others  to 
arms.  Men  set  the  shield  before  them  and  stand 
there,  helmet  on  head;  then  when  they  are  tired, 
they  lean  on  the  spear,  rest  the  head  on  the  shield-rim, 
and  stand  there  drowsing,  so  that  with  their  shin- 
ing armour  they  can  be  detected  by  the  enemy  from 
afar,  while  they  themselves  do  not  see  ahead  at  all. 
The  consul  also  changed  the  practice  of  the  outposts. 
All  were  used  to  spending  the  entire  day  under  arms, 
cavalry  with  their  horses  bridled ;    when  this  took 

199 


LIVY 

adsiduo  sole  fieret.  tot  horarum  aestu  et  languore 
ipsos  equosque  fessos  integri  saepe  adorti  hostes  vel 
11  pauci  plures  vexabant.  Itaque  ex  matutina  ^  statione 
ad  meridiem  decedi  et  in  postmeridianam  succedere 
alios  iussit ;  ita  numquain  fatigatos  receiis  hostis 
adgredi  poterat. 

XXXIV.  Haec  cum  ita  fieri  placere  contione  advo- 
cata  pronuntiassetj  adiecit  urbanae  contioni  con- 
venientem  orationem: 

2  Unum  imperatorem  in  exercitu  providere  et  con- 
sulere  quid  agendum  sit  debere,  nunc  per  se,  nunc 
cum  iis  quos  advocaverit  in  consilium ;  qui  non  sint 
advocati.  eos  nee  palam  nee  secreto  iactare  consilia 

3  sua.  Militem  haec  tria  curare  debere,.  corpus  ut 
quam  validissimum  et  pernicissimum  habeat,  arma 

4  apta,  cibum  paratum  ad  subita  imperia :  cetera  scire 
de  se  dis  immortalibus  et  imperatori  suo  curae  esse. 
In  quo  exercitu  milites  consultent,  imperator  rumori- 

5  bus  vulgi  circumagatur,  ibi  nihil  salutare  esse.  Se 
quod  sit  officium  imperatoris  provisurum  ut  bene 
gerendae  rei  occasionem  iis  praebat :  illos  nihil  quid  ^ 
futurum  sit  quaerere,  ubi  datum  signum  sit,  tum 
militarem  navare  operam  debere.^ 

6  Ab  his  praeceptis  contionem  dimisit,  volgo  etiam 
veteranis  fatentibus  se  illo  primum  die,  tamquam 
tirones,  quid  agendum  esset  in  re  militari  didicisse. 

^  matutina  Fr.-.   stativa  T'. 

2  quid  Fr. :    quod  id  V. 

^  operam  debere  axld.  Madvig :    om.  F. 

200 


BOOK   XLIV.  XXXIII.   lo-xxxiv.  6 

place  on  summer  days  under  an  unremitting  and  b.c.  168 
burning  sun,  after  so  many  hours  of  heat  and  weariness 
the  tired  men  and  horses  were  often  attacked  by 
fresh  enemy  troops  and  superior  numbers  thrown 
into  confusion  by  even  a  few.  So  he  gave  orders 
that  men  on  duty  in  the  morning  should  be  relieved 
at  noon  by  a  different  afternoon  detail ;  in  this  way  a 
fresh  enemy  could  never  attack  tired  men. 

XXXIV.  After  he  had  announced  to  an  assembly 
of  the  soldiers  the  decision  to  adopt  these  measures, 
the  consul  added  a  speech  in  the  vein  of  his  address 
in  Rome : 

"  There  should  be  a  single  general  in  an  army  who 
foresees  and  plans  what  should  be  done,  sometimes 
by  himself,  sometimes  with  the  advisers  he  calls  into 
council.  Those  who  are  not  called  into  council  should 
not  air  their  own  views  publicly  or  privately.  A  soldier 
should  concern  himself  with  the  following  :  his  body, 
to  keep  it  as  strong  and  as  nimble  as  possible ;  the 
good  condition  of  his  weapons ;  and  the  readiness  of 
his  food-supply  for  unexpected  orders.  For  the  rest, 
he  should  realize  that  the  immortal  gods  and  his 
general  are  taking  care  of  him.  In  an  army  in  which 
the  soldiers  deliberate  and  the  general  is  led  about 
by  the  gossip  of  the  rank  and  file,  conditions  are 
utterly  unsound.  For  my  part,  I  shall  do  the  duty  of 
a  general— that  is,  see  to  it  that  you  have  an  oppor- 
tunity for  successful  action.  You  ought  not  to  ask 
what  is  going  to  happen,  but  when  the  signal  is  given, 
then  do  your  duty  as  soldiers." 

After  these  instructions,  he  dismissed  the  assembly, 
while  throughout  the  army  even  the  veterans  ad- 
mitted that  they,  like  raw  recruits,  had  for  the  first 
time  learned  how  military  matters  should  be  handled. 


7  Xon  sermonibus  tantum  his  cum  quanto  adsensu 
audissent    verba    consulis    ostenderunt,    sed    rerum 

8  praesens  effectus  erat.  Neminem  totis  mox  castris 
quietum  videres :  acuere  alii  gladios,  alii  galeas 
bucculasque,  scuta  alii  loricasque  ^  tergere,  alii 
aptare  corpori  arma  experirique  sub  his  membrorum 
agilitatem,    quatere    alii    pila,    alii    micare    gladiis 

9  mucronemque  intueri,  ut  facile  quis  cerneret,  ubi 
primum  conserendi  manum  cum  hoste  data  occasio 
esset,  aut  victoria  egregia  aut  morte  memorabili 
finituros  ^  bellum. 

10  Perseus  quoque,  cum  adventu  consulis  simul  et  veris 
principio  strepere  omnia  moverique  apud  hostes 
velut  novo  bello  cerneret,  mota  a  Phila  castra  in 
adversa  ripa  posita,  nunc  ad  contemplanda  opera  sua 
circumire  ducem  haud  dubie  transitus  speculantem, 
nunc  ^  .   .  .  .  Romanorum  *  esse. 

XXX\  .  Quae  res  Romanis  auxit  animos.  Mace- 
donibus    regique    eorum    haud    mediocrem    attulit 

2  terrorem.  Et  primo  supprimere  in  occulto  famam 
eius  rei  est  conatus,  missis,  qui  Pantauchum  inde 

3  venientem  adpropinquare  castris  vetarent.  Sed  iam 
et  pueri  quidam  visi  ab  suis  erant  inter  obsides  lUyrios 

^  bucculasque,  scuta  alii  loricasque  ed.  Bas.  1535: 
buccolasque  scutoru  alii  loricas  V. 

2  memorabili  finituros  Mv.retus:   memorabiHs  inituros  V. 

^  speculantem,  nunc  H.  J.  Muller :  speculan  V.  Hie 
excidit  folium  unum. 

*  Romanorum  Sigonius :   norum  V. 

1  The  Romans  relied  chiefly  on  the  thrust,  cf.  Vegetius  I.  12. 

2  According  to  Plutarch,  Aernilius  xv,  a  period  of  startling 
inactivity  on  both  sides  ensued.     The  words  with  which  the 

202 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXIV.  j-xxxv.  3 

Not  only  did  they  show  by  such  remarks  with  how  b.c.  I68 
much  approval  they  had  heard  the  words  of  the  consul, 
but  there  was  also  an  immediate  response  in  action. 
Soon  you  could  have  seen  no  one  idle  in  the  whole  camp; 
some  were  sharpening  swords,  others  were  polishing 
helmets  and  cheek-pieces,  still  others  shields  and 
coats  of  mail ;  some  were  fitting  their  armour  to  their 
bodies  and  trying  the  nimbleness  of  their  bodies 
under  arms,  others  were  brandishing  spears,  others 
fencing  with  their  swords  and  inspecting  the  point  ^ ; 
so  that  anyone  could  easily  see  that  as  soon  as  an 
opportunity  of  joining  battle  with  the  enemy  had 
been  given,  they  would  put  an  end  to  the  war  either 
by  a  glorious  victory  or  by  a  death  that  would  go 
down  in  history. 

When  Perseus,  too,  noticed  that  on  the  arrival  of 
the  consul  and  the  beginning  of  spring  everything  in 
the  enemy  camp  was  full  of  noise  and  bustle  as  if  the 
war  were  just  beginning,  that  the  camp  had  been 
shifted  from  Phila  to  the  bank  opposite  the  Mace- 
donians, and  the  hostile  commander  was  now  going 
about  to  view  Perseus'  defences,  no  doubt  because 
he  was  reconnoitring  a  passage,  now  .  .  .^  .  .  .  of 
the  Romans  was. 

XXXV.  This  affair  raised  the  spirits  of  the  Romans. 
It  also  brought  no  little  panic  to  the  Macedonians 
and  their  king.  At  first  he  tried  to  hide  the  report 
of  the  event  in  secret,  by  sending  men  to  forbid 
Pantauchus,  who  was  coming  from  there,  to  approach 
the  camp.  But  now  some  boys  were  seen  by  their 
relatives  being  led  along  with  the  Illyrian  hostages 

text  resumes  may  conclude  an  account  of  how  the  news  of 
Gentius'  defeat  arrived  in  the  two  camps. 

203 


LRT 

ducti,  et  quo  quaeque  accuratius  celantur,^  eo 
facilius  loquacitate  regiorum  ministrorum  emanant. 

4  Sub  idem  tempus  Rhodii  legati  in  castra  venerunt 
cum  isdem  de  pace  mandatis,  quae  Romae  ingentem 
iram  patrum  excitaverant.^     Multo  iniquioribus  ani- 

o  mis  a  castrensi  consilio  auditi  sunt.  Itaque  cum  alii 
legates  in  vincula  coniciendos  censerent,^  alii  prae- 
cipites  sine  response  agendos  e  castris,*  pronuntiavit 
consul  ^  post  diem  quintum  decimum  se  responsum 

6  daturum.  Interim,  ut  appareret  quantum  pacifi- 
cantium  Rhodiorum  auctoritas  valuisset,  consultare 
de  ratione  belli  gerendi  coepit.  Placebat  quibus- 
dam  et  maxime  minoribus  ^  natu  per  Elpei  ripam 

7  munitionesque  vim  facere :  confertis  et  uno  agmine 
impetum  '  facientibus  resistere  Macedonas  non  posse, 
ex  tot  castellis  aliquanto  altioribus  ac  munitioribus, 
quae  validis  praesidiis  insedissent,  priore  anno  de- 

8  iectos.  Aliis  placebat  Octavium  cum  classe  Thessa- 
lonicam  petere  et  populatione  maritumae  orae 
distringere  copias  regias,  ut  altero  ab  tergo  se  osten- 
dente  bello  circumactus  ad  interiorem  partem  regni 
tuendam  nudare  aliqua  parte  transitus  Elpei  cogere- 
tur.     Ipsi    natura    et    operibus    inexsuperabilis    ripa 

9  videbatur,  et  praeterquam  quod  tormenta  ubique 
disposita  essent,  missilibus  etiam  melius  et  certiore 

1  celantur  J.  F.  Gronovius:    curatur  V. 

2  excitaverant  Xovdk :   excitare  V. 

3  alii  legates  in  vincula  coniciendos  censerent  add.  Vahlen : 
om.  V.  *  agendos  e  castris  Harant :  age  dos  icastris  V. 

5  consul  add.  VaTden:    om.  V. 

^  minoribus  Crevier  :   maioribus  V. 

'  agmine  impetum  arf^.  Vahlen:    om.  V. 

204 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXV.  3-9 

and  the  more  carefully  the  various  details  were  con-  b.c.  168 
cealed,  the  more  easily  they  leaked  out  through  the 
garrulity  of  the  king's  servants. 

About  the  same  time  envoys  from  Rhodes  came  into 
camp  Mith  the  same  message  about  peace  which  had 
aroused  great  wrath  in  the  senators  at  Rome.  They 
received  a  much  less  favourable  audience  from  the 
council  in  the  camp.  So  while  some  advised  that  the 
envoys  be  thrown  into  chains,  others  that  they  be 
driven  headlong  out  of  camp  without  an  answer,  the 
consul  announced  that  he  would  make  a  reply  a  fort- 
night later.  Meanwhile,  to  make  it  clear  how  much 
influence  the  Rhodian  peace-makers  had  succeeded  in 
exerting,  he  began  to  hold  consultations  as  to  the  plan 
of  campaign.  Some,  especially  the  younger,  wished 
to  force  a  way  through  the  bank  of  the  Elpeiis  and 
the  fortifications ;  a  solid  formation,  they  said, 
attacking  in  single  column  would  be  irresistible  to 
the  Macedonians,  M'ho  had  the  previous  year  been 
driven  out  of  so  many  forts,^  rather  higher  and  better 
fortified  and  held  with  strong  garrisons.  Others 
advised  that  Octavius  with  his  fleet  should  make  for 
Thessalonica  and  by  ravaging  the  coastal  area  create 
a  diversion  of  the  king's  forces,  so  that  on  the  appear- 
ance of  another  attack  in  his  rear  the  king  would  be 
pulled  about  to  guard  the  inner  part  of  his  kingdom 
and  be  compelled  to  open  a  crossing  somewhere  over 
the  Elpeiis.  The  consul  himself  regarded  the  river- 
bank  as  impregnable  by  nature  and  by  fortification 
and,  besides  the  fact  that  artillery  had  been  placed 
everywhere,  he  had  heard  that  the  enemy  employed 

^  This  is  contrary  to  the  picture  given  by  Livy  above,  chs. 
iv-vii,  and  seems  to  be  inserted  to  show  that  the  speakers 
estimated  the  situation  incorrectly. 

205 


10  ictu  hostis  uti  audierat.  Alio  spectabat  mens  tota 
ducis ;  dimissoque  consilio  Perrhaebos  mercatores 
Coenimi  et  Menophilum,  notae  iam  sibi  et  fidei  et  ■'■ 
prudentiae  homines,  accersitos  secreto  percunctatur, 

11  quales  ad  Perrhaebiam  transitus  sint.  Cum  loca 
non  iniqua  esse  dicerent,  praesidiis  autem  regiis  ^ 
obsideri,  spem  cepit,  si  nocte  improvise  valida  manu 
adgressus  necopinantis  esset,  deici  praesidia  posse : 

12  iacula  enim  et  sagittas  et  cetera  missilia  in  tenebris, 
ubi  quid  petatur  procul  provideri  nequeat,  inutilia 
esse ;    gladio  comminus  geri  rem  in  permixta  turba, 

13  quo  miles  Romanus  vincat.  His  ducibus  usurus 
praetorem  Octavium  accersitum,  exposito  quid 
pararet  Heracleum  ^  cum  classe  petere  iubet  et  mille 
hominibus    decem    dierum    cocta  *    cibaria    habere. 

14  Ipse  P.  Scipionem  Nasicam,  Q.  Fabium  Maximum 
filium  suum  cum  quinque  milibus  ^  delectis  militum 
Heracleum  miittit,  velut  classem  conscensuros  ad 
maritumam    oram   interioris    Macedoniae,    quod    in 

15  consilio    agitatum    erat,    vastandam.     Secreto    indi- 

^  notae  iam  sibi  et  fidei  et  Kreyssig :  notae  et  fidei  iam  sibi 
et  V. 

-  regiis  Crivier:   regis  T". 

^  Heracleum  J.  F.  Gronovius :   heraclium  T'. 

•*  cocta  Fr. :    cognita  V. 

^  milibus  add.  Hertz :    om.  V. 

^  Plutarch,  Aernilius  xv  and  xvi.  1,  says  that  the  passes 
were  not  guarded  at  this  time,  but  that  Perseus  sent  a  force 
after  hearing  that  Romans,  under  Xasica,  were  on  the  march 
to  Pythium.  Plutarch  cites  Polybius  and  Xasica  himself  for 
the  story  of  the  dislodging  of  the  Macedonians. 

2  As  explained  by  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xv,  this  was  the 
elder  of  Aemilius'  sons  by  his  first  wife ;  the  younger  became 
Scipio  Africanus  the  Younger,  cf.  below,  xliv.  1-2.  After 
divorcing  his  wife,  remarrying,  and  having  two  more   sons 

2o6 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXV.  9-15 

missile  weapons  better  and  with  more  deadly  aim.  b.c.  I68 
The  whole  thought  of  the  Roman  commander  inclined 
in  a  different  direction;  and  dismissing  his  council, 
he  summoned  the  Perrhaebian  merchants  Coenus 
and  Menophilus,  men  already  known  to  him  for 
loyalty  and  wisdom,  and  secretly  inquired  what  the 
passes  into  Perrhaebia  were  like.  When  they  said 
that  the  terrain  was  not  difficult,  but  was  blocked  by 
the  king's  guard-forces,^  the  consul  conceived  the 
hope  that  the  guards  could  be  dislodged  if  he 
attacked  suddenly  by  night  with  a  strong  force  and 
surprised  them ;  for,  he  argued,  javelins,  arrows, 
and  other  missiles  are  useless  in  the  dark  when 
the  target  cannot  be  sighted  at  a  distance  ;  the  sword 
is  the  weapon  used  at  close  quarters  in  a  con- 
fused throng,  and  with  that  weapon  the  Roman 
soldier  would  win.  Planning  to  use  the  above- 
mentioned  merchants  as  guides,  the  consul  sum- 
moned the  praetor  Octavius,  explained  his  plans,  and 
ordered  him  to  sail  for  Heracleum  with  the  fleet  and 
have  ten  days'  cooked  rations  for  a  thousand  men. 
For  his  own  part,  he  sent  Publius  Scipio  Nasica  and 
his  own  son  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  ^  with  five 
thousand  picked  men^  to  Heracleum,  in  order  to  feign 
an  embarkation  for  the  purpose  of  the  plan  mentioned 
in  the  council,  namely,  of  ravaging  the  coastal  area  of 
inner  Macedonia.     Scipio  and  Fabius  were  privately 

(for  whom  see  below,  XLV.  xl.  7),  Aemilius  gave  the  older 
pair  in  adoption,  Fabius  was  about  eighteen  at  this  time; 
his  adoption  had  taken  place  about  ten  years  before. 

^  Plutarch,  following  Nasica  and  correcting  Poly  bins,  lists 
three  thousand  Italians  ("  special  troops  "■ — iKTog  Ta^ews  = 
extraordinarii  ?),  five  thousand  of  the  "  left  wing  "  (=  sinistra 
ala,  i.e.  cavahy  ?),  120  cavalry,  and  200  mixed  Thracians  and 
Cretans. 

207 


catum  cibaria  his  praeparata  ad  classem  esse,  ne  quid 
eos  moraretur.  Inde  iussi  duces  itineris  ita  dividere 
viam,  ut  quarta  vigilia  tertio  die   Pythoum  adoriri 

16  possent.  Ipse  postero  die,  ut  detineret  regem  ab 
circumspectu  rerum  aliarum,  prima  luce  medio  in 
alveo  cum  stationibus  hostium  proelium  commisit; 
pugnatumique  utrimque  est  levi  armatura.  Nee 
gravioribus    armis    in   tarn   inaequali    alveo    pugnari 

17  poterat.  Desceixsus  ripae  utriusque  in  alveum 
trecentorum  ferme  passuum  erat ;  medium  spatium 
torrentis   alibi   aliter  cavati  paulo  plus   quam  mille 

IS  passus  patebat.  Ibi  in  medio  spectantibus  utrimque 
ex  vallo  castrorum  hinc  rege,-'-  hinc  consule  cum  suis 

19  legionibus  pugnatum  est.  Missilibus  procul  regia 
auxilia  melius  pugnabant ;  comminus  stabilior  et 
tutior  aut  parma  aut  scuto  Ligustico  Romanus  erat. 

20  Meridie  fere  receptui  cani  suis  consul  iussit.  Ita  eo 
die  diremptum  proelium  est  baud  paucis  utrimque 

21  interfectis.  Sole  orto  postero  die  irritatis  certamine 
animis  etiam  acrius  concursum  est.  Sed  Romani  non 
ab  iis  -  tantum,  cum  quibus  contractum  certamen 
erat.  sed  multo  magis  ab  ea  multitudine  quae  disposita 
in  turribus  stabat  omni  genere  missilium  telorum  ac 

22  saxis  maxime  volnerabantur.  Ubi  propius  ripam 
hostium  subissent,  tormentis  missa  etiam  ad  ultimos 
perveniebant.     Multo     pluribus     eo     die  ^     amissis 

23  consul  paulo  serius  recepit  suos.     Tertio  die  proelio 

^  hinc  rege  add.  Fr.:    om.  V. 

-  iis  Kreyssig:    his  T'. 

^  pluribus  eo  die  Fr. :   plurimos  eo  dicto  T'. 


1  This  is  based  on  Polybius  XXIX.   14.  4;    the  Ligurian 
shield  was  long  and  light,  according  to  Diodorus  V.  39.  7. 

2o8 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXV.  15-23 

informed  that  food  was  ready  for  them  at  the  fleet,  b.c.  I68 
so  that  they  would  not  be  delayed.  Next,  the  guides 
were  instructed  to  arrange  the  stages  of  the  journey 
so  that  they  could  attack  Pythoiis  in  the  fourth  watch 
of  the  third  day.  Next  day  at  dawn  the  consul 
himself,  in  order  to  keep  the  king  from  investigating 
the  other  projects,  joined  battle  with  the  enemy's 
outposts  in  the  middle  of  the  river-bed.  The  fight 
was  conducted  with  light-armed  troops  on  both  sides. 
It  was  impossible  to  fight  with  heavier  troops  in  so 
rough  a  stream-bed.  The  slope  of  either  bank  to 
the  bottom  was  about  three  hundred  paces  ;  between 
the  banks,  a  space  of  a  little  over  a  mile  lay  open 
where  the  torrent  had  hollowed  it  out  in  varying 
degrees  from  place  to  place.  There  the  fight  took 
place  in  sight  of  the  watchers  from  the  walls  of  both 
camps,  the  king  on  one  side,  the  consul  and  his 
legions  on  the  other.  The  king's  light  troops  fought 
better  at  long  range  with  missiles ;  at  close  quarters 
the  Romans  were  steadier,  and  better  protected  by 
either  the  cavalry  targe  or  the  Ligurian  rectangular 
shield.^  About  noon  the  consul  ordered  the  recall 
to  be  sounded  for  his  men.  So  that  day  the  fight 
was  broken  off  with  no  small  losses  to  both  sides. 
At  sunrise  the  next  day  an  even  sharper  fight  took 
place,  since  their  spirits  had  been  roused  by  the 
combat.  But  the  Romans  received  a  great  many 
wounds  not  only  from  those  with  whom  the  fight  had 
been  joined,  but  much  more  from  the  large  numbers 
posted  on  the  towers  with  all  sorts  of  missile  weapons 
and  stones.  As  they  came  nearer  to  the  enemy's 
bank,  the  shots  from  the  engines  reached  even  the 
rear  ranks.  After  far  more  severe  losses  that  day, 
the  consul  recalled  his  men  somewhat  later.     On  the 

209 


LIVY 

abstinuit,    degressus  ^   ad   imam   partem   castrorum, 
veluti   per   devexum   in  mare   bracchium   transitum 
24  temptaturus.     Perseus,  quod  in  oculis  erat  .... 

XXXVI.  Tempus  ^  anni  post  circumactum  solsti- 
tium  erat ;  hora  diei  iam  ad  meridiem  vergebat ; 
iter  multo  pulvere  et  incalescente  sole  factum  erat. 

2  Lassitudo  et  sitis  iam  sentiebatur  et  meridiem 
aestum  magis  accensurum  cum  mox  appareret,^ 
statuit  sic  adfectos  recenti  atque  integro  hosti  non 

3  obicere ;  sed  tantus  ardor  in  animis  ad  dimicandum 
utcumque  erat,  ut  consuli  non  minore  arte  ad  suos 

•i  eludendos  quam  ad  hostes  opus  esset.  Nondum 
omnibus  instructis  instabat  tribunis  militum,  ut 
maturarent  instruere  ;    circumibat  ipse  ordines  ;    ani- 

5  mos  militum  hortando  in  pugnam  accendebat.  Ibi 
primo  alacres  signum  poscebant ;  deinde,  quantum 
incresceret  aestus,"*  et  voltus  minus  vigentes  et  voces 
segniores  erant,  et  quidam  incumbentes  scutis  nixique 

6  pilis  stabant.  Turn  iam  aperte  primis  ordinibus 
imperat,  metarentur  frontem  castrorum  et  impedi- 

7  menta  constituerent.  Quod  ubi  fieri  milites  sensere, 
alii  gaudere  palam  quod  fessos  viae  labore  flagrantis- 

8  simo    aestu    non    coegisset    pugnare ;     legati    circa 

^  degressus  J.  F.  Gronovius:  digressus  V. 

2  Exciderunt  iv  folia;  teTa-pus  add.  Sigonius:  om.V. 

^  et  meridiem  aestum  magis  accensurum  cum  mox  appareret 
Gitlbauer:  et  meridie  aestatemagis  accesserunt  tum  mox 
adparebat  V. 

■*  incresceret  aestus  ed.  Bus,  1536:   increscere  aestaset  T\ 


1  Judging  from  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xvi,  the  lost  four  sheets 

told  of  the  success  of  Xasica  in  clearing  the  pass,  Perseus' 
fright  and  retreat,  and  his  subsequent  resolve  to  make  a  stand 
at  Pydna;  also  of  the  joining  of  Xasica  with  Paulus  and  the 
overtaking  of  the  Macedonians. 

210 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXV.  23-xxxvi.  8 

third  clay,  he  desisted  from  battle  and  went  down  to  b.c.  I68 
the  lower  side  of  the  camp  as  if  he  were  going  to 
attempt  the  crossing  through  the  spur  of  the  fortifica- 
tions which  ran  down  to  the  sea.     What  was  before 
Perseus'  eyes  .  .  .^ 

XXXVI.  The  season  was  that  immediately  follow- 
ing the  turn  of  midsummer  ^  ;  the  time  of  day  was 
approaching  noon;  the  journey  had  been  made 
through  much  dust  and  an  ever-hotter  sun.  Weari- 
ness and  thirst  now  began  to  make  themselves  felt, 
and  since  it  was  presently  obvious  that  midday 
would  intensify  the  blazing  heat,  the  consul  decided 
not  to  expose  men  so  weakened  to  a  fresh  and 
unwearied  enemy ;  but  such  zeal  was  in  their  hearts 
for  fighting  at  all  costs  that  the  consul  needed  as 
much  skill  to  outmanoeuvre  his  own  men  as  the 
enemy.  Since  all  were  not  yet  in  formation,  he  urged 
on  the  tribunes  of  the  soldiers  to  hasten  the  deploy- 
ment;  he  himself  went  about  the  ranks  and  was 
engaged  in  rousing  the  spirits  of  the  men  to  battle  by 
exhortation.  At  this  they  first  kept  eagerly  calling  for 
the  signal ;  then,  in  proportion  as  the  heat  increased 
their  countenances  were  less  lively  and  their  cries 
slacker,  and  some  stood  lolling  on  their  shields  and 
leaning  on  their  spears.  Then  the  consul  proceeded 
openly  to  give  the  order  to  the  ranking  centurions  to 
lay  out  the  front  of  the  camp  and  place  the  baggage.^ 
When  the  soldiers  perceived  that  this  was  being  done, 
some  rejoiced  openly  that  he  had  not  compelled  men 
wearied  by  the  toil  of  marching  to  fight  a  battle  in 
scorching  heat.     Surrounding  the  general  were  his 

2  See  below,  xxxvii.  5-8  and  note  1 ;  by  the  then  calendar, 
it  was  Sept.  3. 

^  Which  was  placed  next  the  wall  of  the  camp. 

211 


imperatorem  diicesque  extern!  erant,  inter  quos  et 
Attains,  omnes  approbantes,  dum  pugnaturum  con- 
sulem  credebant— neque  enim  ne  his  quidem  ^ 
9  cunctationem  aperuerat  suam — ;  tunc  mutatione 
consilii  subita  cum  alii  silerent,  Nasica  unus  ex 
omnibus  ausus  est  monere  consulem  ne  hostem  ludifi- 
catum  2  priores  imperatores  fugiendo  certamen  mani- 

10  bus  emitteret  ^  :  vereri  ne,  si  ^  nocte  abeat,  sequendus 
maximo  labore  ac  periculo  in  intima  Macedoniae  sit, 
aestasque,^  sicut  prioribus  ducibus,  per  calles  saltus- 
que  Macedonicorum  montium  vagando  circumagatur. 

11  Se  magnopere  suadere,  dum  in  campo  patenti  hostem 
habeat,  adgrediatur,  nee  oblatam  occasionem  vincendi 

12  amittat.  Consul  nihil  offensus  libera  admonitione 
tarn  clari  adulescentis  : 

"  Et  ego  "  inquit  "  animum  istum  habin,  Nasica, 
quem  tu  nunc  habes,  et  quem  ego  nunc  habeo,  tu 

13  habebis.  Multis  belli  casibus  didici,  quando  pugnan- 
dum,  quando  abstinendum  pugna  sit.  Non  operae 
sit  stanti  nunc  in  acie  docere,  quibus  de  causis 
hodie  quiesse  melius  sit.  Rationes  alias  reposcito ; 
nunc  auctoritate  veteris  imperatoris  contentus  eris." 

14  Conticuit  adulescens :  baud  dubie  videre  aliqua 
impedimenta  pugnae  consulem,  quae  sibi  non 
apparerent. 

XXXVII.  Paulus  postquam  metata  castra  impedi- 
mentaque  conlocata  animadvertit,  ex  postrema  acie 

^  quidem  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius :   cmi.  V. 
2  ne    hostem    ludificatum    Crevier:     ne    hostem    quidem 
ludifieatus  T'. 

2  emitteret  J.  F.  Gronovius:   emittere  F. 

^  si  add.  Krei/ssig :   om.  V. 

^  aestasque  JIadvig:   aesosque  V. 

1  As  far  as  Livy's  account  goes,  this  appUes  only  to  Marcius, 
above,  vi-x. 
212 


BOOK   XLIV.  XXXVI.  8-xxx-v^ii.  i 

staff  and  the  foreign  commanders,  among  whom  was  b.c.  168 
Attains,  all  showing  approval  as  long  as  they  be- 
lieved the  consul  Avas  going  to  fight  (for  he  had  not 
revealed  his  doubts  even  to  them) ;  then  at  the 
sudden  change  of  plan  they  were  all  silent  except 
Nasica,  who  alone  dared  to  advise  the  consul  not 
to  loose  his  grasp  on  an  enemy  who  had  baffled 
previous  generals  by  avoiding  an  encounter.  Nasica 
feared  that  if  the  enemy  departed  by  night,  he 
would  have  to  be  pursued  with  the  greatest  toil 
and  risk  into  the  interior  of  Macedonia,  and  that 
the  summer  would  be  wasted,  as  under  previous 
leaders,^  in  roaming  about  the  bypaths  and  passes  of 
the  Macedonian  mountains ;  for  his  own  part  he 
strongly  urged  attack  while  the  consul  had  the  enemy 
in  open  country,  so  as  not  to  lose  the  opportunity  for 
victory  which  had  been  offered.  The  consul,  nothing 
offended  by  the  outspoken  warning  from  so  famous  a 
young  man,  replied : 

I  too  have  had  the  spirit  which  you  now'  have, 
Nasica,  and  you  will  come  to  have  the  spirit  I  now 
have.  From  many  vicissitudes  of  war  I  have  learned 
when  to  fight  and  when  to  refuse  battle.  There  is 
not  time  to  instruct  you  while  you  are  standing- to 
for  battle  as  to  the  reasons  why  it  is  better  to  be 
inactive  today.  You  shall  ask  for  my  reasoning  at 
another  time ;  now  you  will  be  satisfied  to  take  the 
word  of  an  experienced  general." 

The  young  man  held  his  tongue,  thinking  that  no 
doubt  the  consul  saw  some  obstacles  to  battle  which 
he  himself  did  not  envisage. 

XXXVII,  After  Paulus  saw  that  the  camp  had 
been  laid  out  and  the  baggage  placed,  he  quietly 
withdrew  the  rear  formation  first  from  behind  the 

213 


2  triarios  primos  subducit,  deinde  principes,  stantibus  in 
prima  acie  hastatis.  si  quid  hostis  moveret,  postremo 
hastatos,  ab  dextro  primum  cornu  singuloruni  paula- 

3  tim  signoruni  milites  subtrahens.  Ita  pedites  equiti- 
bus  cum  levi  armatura  ante  aciem  hosti  oppositis  sine 
tumultu  abducti,  nee  ante  quam  prima  frons  valli  ac 
fossa  perducta  est,  ex  statione  equites  revocati  sunt. 

4  Rex  quoque.  cum  sine  detractatione  paratus  pugnare 
eo  die  fuisset,  contentus  eo  quod  ^  per  hostem 
moram  fuisse  scirent.  et  ipse  in  castra  copias  reduxit. 

5  Castris  permunitis  C.  Sulpicius  Gallus,  tribunus 
militum  secundae  legionis,  qui  praetor  superiore  anno 
fuerat.  consulis  permissu  ad  contionem  militibus  voca- 

6  tis  pronuntiavit,  nocte  proxima,  ne  quis  id  pro  portento 
acciperet,  ab  hora  secunda  usque  ad  quartam  horam 
noctis  lunam  defecturam  esse.  Id  quia  naturali 
ordine  statis  temporibus  fiat,  et  sciri  ante  et  praedici 

7  posse.  Itaque  quern  ad  modum,  quia  certi  solis 
lunaeque  et  ortus  et  occasus  sint,  nunc  pleno  orbe, 
nunc  senescentem  ^  exiguo  cornu  fulgere  ^  lunam  non 
mirarentur.  ita  ne  obscurari  quidem,  cum  condatur 

1  eo  quod  Hertz:    equod  T'. 

2  senescentem  Florebellus :   senescente  V. 

3  fulgere  ed.  Bas.  1535 :    fugere  V. 


1  He  is  mentioned  by  Cicero,  De  Senectute  xiv.  49  as  a 
geometer  and  astronomer.  For  his  praetorship,  see  XLIII. 
ii.  5.  Pliny,  Xat.  Hist.  II.  xii.  53,  Frontinus  I.  xii.  8,  and 
Zonaras  9.  23  speak  of  a  prediction  by  Sulpicius;  Justinus 
33.  1.  7,  Cicero,  De  Repuhlica  I.  xv.  23,  Valerius  Maximus 
8.  11.  1,  and  Plutarch,  Aemilius -sxii  say  that  the  explanation 
followed  the  eclipse.  A  fragment  of  Polybius  XXIX.  16  (6) 
states  that  the  echpse  was  interpreted  as  portending  the  fall  of 
a  king;  therefore  it  cheered  the  Romans  and  discouraged  the 
]\Iacedonians,  see  below,  sec.  9.     Modern  reckoning  sets  the 


214 


BOOK  XLIV.  xxx^ii.  1-7 

battle-line,  next  the  chief  formation,  while  the  forward  b.c.  168 
formation  stood  its  ground  at  the  front  of  the  battle- 
line,  in  case  the  enemy  should  make  a  move ;  last  of 
all  he  withdrew  the  forward  formation,  taking  the 
soldiers  of  one  maniple  at  a  time,  starting  with  the 
right  wing.  In  this  way,  while  the  cavalry  and  the 
light-armed  troops  faced  the  enemy  from  in  front  of 
the  battle-line,  the  infantry  were  withdrawn  without 
confusion,  and  the  cavalry  were  not  called  away 
from  their  posts  until  the  facade  of  the  rampart  and 
the  ditch  facing  the  enemy  had  been  completed. 
Although  the  king  would  have  been  prepared  to 
fight  that  day  without  reluctance,  he  was  satisfied 
to  let  it  be  seen  that  the  delay  was  due  to  the 
enemy,  and  he  too  withdrew  his  forces  into  camp. 

After  the  fortification  of  the  camp  was  complete, 
Gaius  Sulpicius  Gallus,^  tribune  of  the  soldiers  with 
the  second  legion,  who  had  been  praetor  the  year 
before,  summoned  the  soldiers  to  an  assembly,  by 
permission  of  the  consul,  and  announced  that  no  one 
should  regard  it  as  a  bad  omen  w  hen  on  the  following 
night  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  would  take  place  from 
the  second  to  the  fourth  hour  of  the  night.  Since 
this  occurred  in  the  regular  order  of  nature  at  certain 
times,  said  Sulpicius,  it  could  be  calculated  ahead  of 
time  and  foretold.  Therefore  just  as  they  were  not 
surprised — inasmuch  as  both  the  risings  and  the 
settings  of  the  sun  and  moon  are  M^ell  understood — 
when  they  saw  the  moon  shining  now  full,  now 
during  its  w^ane  with  a  narrow  arc,  no  more  ought 
they  to  count  it  a  prodigy  that  the  moon  is  darkened 

date  of  the  eclipse  as  June  21,  which  would  mean  that  the 
calendar  was  at  least  70  days  ahead  of  time,  cf.  p.  87, 
Appendix. 


586 


Lu.c.  8  umbra  terrae,  trahere  in  prodigiuni  debere.  Nocte 
quam  pridie  nonas  Septembres  insecuta  est  dies,  edita 
hora  lima  cum  defecisset,  Romanis  militibus  Galli 
9  sapientia  prope  divina  videri ;  Macedonas  ut  triste 
prodigium.  occasumi  regni  perniciemque  gentis 
portendens.  movit  nee  aliter  vates.  Clamor  ulula- 
tusque  in  castris  Macedonum  fuit,  donee  luna  in 
suam  lucem  emersit. 

10  Postero  die — tantus  utrique  ardor  exercitui  ad  con- 
currendum  fuerat,  ut  et  regem  et  consulem  suorum 
quidam,  quod  sine  proelio  discessum  esset,  accusarent 

11  — regi  prompta  defensio  erat,  non  eo  solum  quod 
hostis  prior  aperte  pugnam  detractans  in  castra  copias 
reduxisset,  sed  etiam  quod  eo  loco  signa  constituisset, 
quo  phalanx,  quam  inutilem  vel  mediocris  iniquitas 

12  loci  efficeret,  promoveri  non  posset.  Consul  ad  id 
quod  pridie  praetermisisse  pugnandi  occasionem 
videbatur  et  locum  dedisse  hosti,  si  nocte  abire  vellet, 
tunc  quoque  per  speciem  immolandi  terere  videbatur 
tempus,  cum  luce  prima  ad  signum  propositum  pugnae 

13  exeundum  ^  in  aciem  fuisset.  Tertia  demum  hora 
sacrificio  rite  perpetrato  ad  consilium  vocavit ;  atque 
ibi  quod  rei  gerendae  tempus  esset  loquendo  et 
intempestive  consultando  videbatur  quibusdam  extra- 
here.  Adversus  eos  sermones  talem  ^  consul  ora- 
tionem  habuit. 

XXWIII.  "  P.    Nasica,    egregius    adulescens,    ex 

^  exeundum  Valden:   ad  exeundum  V. 

-  adversus  eos  sermones  talem  Madvig :   sermones  tamen  V. 


^  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xvii.  6,  says  that  the  consul's  sacrifice 
to  Heracles  obtained  good  omens  only  with  the  twenty-first 

2l6 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXVII.  7-xxxviii.  i 

whenever  it  is  hidden  in  the  shadow  of  the  earth.  b.c.  168 
On  the  night  preceding  the  4th  of  September,  when 
the  moon  was  eclipsed  at  the  predicted  hour,  the 
Roman  soldiers  regarded  the  wisdom  of  Gallus  as 
almost  divine ;  the  Macedonians  took  it  as  a  dire 
portent,  foretelling  the  downfall  of  the  kingdom  and 
the  nation,  and  no  soothsayer  shook  their  conviction. 
There  was  uproar  and  wailing  in  the  Macedonian 
camp  until  the  moon  emerged  to  shine  as  usual. 

On  the  following  day,  so  great  was  the  eagerness  of 
both  armies  for  battle  that  some  of  their  followers 
blamed  both  the  king  and  the  consul  for  separating 
without  a  fight.  The  king  had  a  rejoinder  ready  at 
hand:  not  only  that  the  enemy  had  taken  the  lead 
in  openly  declining  battle  and  leading  his  men  back 
to  camp,  but  that  he  had  posted  his  forces  in  a 
position  to  which  the  phalanx  could  not  be  advanced, 
since  even  slightly  unfavourable  terrain  makes  a 
phalanx  useless.  As  for  the  consul,  besides  his 
seeming  loss  of  an  opportunity  for  battle  on  the 
previous  day  and  his  giving  the  enemy  a  chance  of 
withdrawing  by  night  if  they  wished,  he  seemed  on 
this  day  too  to  be  wasting  time  on  the  pretext  of 
offering  sacrifice,  although  he  should  have  given  the 
signal  at  dawn  and  gone  out  to  battle. ^  At  the 
third  hour,  after  due  completion  of  the  sacrifice,  he 
at  last  called  a  council,  and  in  doing  so  seemed  to 
some  to  be  expending  in  talk  and  untimely  advise- 
ment the  time  needed  for  carrying  out  action.  In 
reply  to  such  talk  the  consul  delivered  the  following 
speech  : 

XXXVIII.  "  That  excellent  young  man,  Publius 

victim ;   also  that  the  consul  waited  till  the  afternoon  so  that 
the  sun  would  not  be  in  the  eyes  of  his  troops. 

217 


omnibus  -'■  unus,  quibus  hesterno  die  pugnari  placuit, 
denudavit  mihi  suum  consilium;  idem  postea,  ita  ut 
transisse  in  sententiam  meam  videri  posset,  tacuit. 

2  Quibusdam  aliis  absentem  carpere  imperatorem  quam 

3  praesentem  monere  melius  visum  est.  Et  tibi,  P. 
Nasica,  et  quicumque  idem  quod  tu  ^  occultius  sen- 
serunt,  non  gravabor  reddere  dilatae  pugnae  rationem. 

4  Nam  tantum  abest  ut  me  hesternae  quietis  paeniteat, 
ut  servatum  a  me  exercitum  eo  consilio  credam.  In 
qua  me  opinione  sine  causa  esse  ne  quis  ^  vestrum 
credat,  recognoscat  agedum  mecum,  si  videtur,  quam 

5  multa  pro  hoste  et  adversus  nos  fuerint.  lam  omnium 
primum,  quantum  numero  nos  praestent  neminem 
vestrum  nee  ante  ignorasse  et  hesterno  die  explica- 
tam  *  intuentis  aciem  animadvertisse  certum  habeo. 

6  Ex  hac  nostra  paucitate  quarta  pars  militum  praesidio 
impedimentis  relicta  erat ;   nee  ignavissimum  quem- 

7  que  relinqui  ad  custodiam  sarcinarum  scitis.  Sed 
fuerimus  omnes  :  parvum  hoc  tandem  esse  credimus, 
quod  ex  his  castris,  in  quibus  hac  nocte  mansimus, 
exituri  in  aciem  hodierno  aut  summum  crastino  die, 

8  si  ita  videbitur,  diis  bene  iuvantibus  sumus  ?  nihilne 
interest,  utrum  militem,  quem  neque  viae  labor  eo 
die  ^  neque  operis  fatigaverit,  requietum,  integrum 
in  tentorio  suo  arma  capere  iubeas  atque  in  aciem 
plenum  virium,  vigentem  et  corpore  et  animo  educas, 

1  ex  omnibus  e/l.  Amstelod.  1633:   omnibus  ex  F. 

2  tu  add.  Fr. :    om.  V. 

3  sine  causa  esse  ne  quis  Vahlen :   esse  ne  quis  sine  causa  V. 
*  explicatam  J.  F.  Gronovius:   inplicatam  V. 

5  labor  eo  die  Vahlen:   labore  hodie  I'. 

2i8 


BOOK  XLIV.  xxxviii.  i-8 

Nasica,  alone  among  all  those  who  favoured  fight-  b.c.  168 
ing  yesterday  disclosed  his  opinion  to  me ;  he  too 
kept  silent  later,  so  that  he  may  have  seemed  to 
have  exchanged  his  view  for  mine.  Certain  others 
thought  it  better  to  criticize  their  general  behind 
his  back  rather  than  to  advise  him  openly.  Both  to 
you,  Publius  Nasica,  and  to  any  others  who  less 
openly  shared  your  opinion,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
give  an  accounting  for  having  postponed  the  battle. 
For  I  am  so  far  from  regretting  our  inactivity  yesterday 
that  I  believe  I  saved  the  army  by  so  planning.  That 
none  of  you  may  believe  me  to  hold  this  opinion 
groundlessly,  come  let  each,  if  he  please,  review  with 
me  how  many  factors  weighed  for  the  enemy  and 
against  us.  First  of  all,  of  their  great  superiority  in 
numbers  I  am  sure  that  you  were  all  previously  aware, 
and  that  you  took  notice  of  it  on  seeing  the  battle- 
line  drawn  up  yesterday.  Out  of  this  small  force  of 
ours,  one-fourth  of  the  men  were  left  to  guard  the 
baggage;  and  you  know  that  the  guarding  of  the 
packs  is  not  put  in  the  hands  of  the  most  cowardly. 
But  suppose  we  had  been  united:  can  we  possibly 
consider  it  a  small  advantage  that  we  shall  go  out, 
with  the  good  help  of  the  gods,^  from  this  camp  in 
which  we  have  spent  last  night,  to  do  battle  either 
today  or  at  latest  tomorrow  if  we  so  determine  ? 
Does  it  make  no  difference  whether  you  bid  a  soldier 
take  up  arms  and  lead  him  into  battle  when  he 
is  wearied  neither  by  the  toil  of  a  journey  nor  by 
construction  on  that  day,  when  he  is  rested  and 
refreshed  in  his  own  tent,  when  he  is  full  of  strength 
and  vigorous  in  body  and  in  spirit  ?     Or  whether  he 

1  For  similar  expressions  of  precautionary  piety,  sec  VI. 
xxiii.  10,  VII.  xxxii.  17,  XXI.  xxi.  6. 

219 


LIVY 

9  an  longo  itinere  fatigatum  et  onere  fessum,  madentem 
sudore,  arentibus  ^  siti  faucibus,  ore  atque  oculis 
repletis  pulvere,  torrente  ^  meridiano  sole,  hosti 
obicias  recenti,  requieto,^  qui  nulla  re  ante  consumptas 

10  vires  ad  proeliuni  adferat  r  quis,  pro  deum  fidem,  ita 
comparatus,  vel  iners  atque  imbellis,  fortissimum 
virum  non  *  vicerit  ? 

11  Quid,  quod  hostes  per  sumnium  otium  instruxerant 
aciem,  praeparaverant  animos,  stabant,  compositi 
suis  quisque  ordinibus,  nobis  tunc  repente  trepidan- 
dum  in  acie  instruenda  erat  et  incompositis  con- 
currendum  ?  XXXIX.  At  hercule  acieni  quidem 
inconditam  inordinatamque  habuissemus,  sed  ^  castra 
munita.  provisam  aquationem,  tutum  ad  earn  iter 
praesidiis  impositis,  explorata  circa  omnia;  an  nihil 
nostri  ^   habentes   praeter   nudum   campum,   in   quo 

2  pugnaremus  .  .  .  J  Maiores  vestri  castra  munita 
portum  ad  omnis  casus  exercitus  ducebant  esse,  unde 
ad  pugnam  exirent,  quo  iactati  tempestate  pugnae 

3  receptum  haberent.  Ideo,  cum  munimentis  ea 
saepsissent,^  praesidio  quoque  valido  firmabant,  quod, 
qui  castris  exutus  erat,  etiamsi  pugnando  acie  vicisset, 
pro   victo   haberetur.     Castra   sunt   victori   recepta- 

4  culum,  victo  perfugium.  Quam  multi  exercitus, 
quibus  minus  prospera  pugnae  fortuna  fuit,  intra 
vallum  compulsi  tempore  suo,  interdum  momento 
post,  eruptione  facta  victorem  hostem  pepulerunt  r 

^  arentibus  Florehellus :  ardentibus  V. 
'  torrente  7.  Perizonius:  torrentem  V. 
3  requieto  J.  F.  Gronovius :  quieto  V. 
*  non  add.  Fr. :    om.  V.  °  sed  add.  Madvig:   am.  V. 

^  nostri  Cobet :   vestri  V. 

'  lacunam   suspiciunt   edd. ;     Giarratano  :     "  supple  :     sine 
ullo  consilio  cum  hoste  dimicassemus  ?   vel  aliquid  simile.^' 
^  ea  saepsissent  J.  F.  Gronovius :   eas  saepissent  V. 

220 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXVIII.  9-xxxix.  4 

is  wearied  by  a  long  march  and  tired  by  his  load,  b.c.  I68 
dripping  with  sweat,  his  throat  dry  with  thirst,  his 
mouth  and  eyes  full  of  dust,  with  the  midday  sun 
beating  down  upon  him  ?  Will  you  pit  him  against 
an  enemy  fresh  and  rested,  who  brings  into  battle 
a  strength  unsapped  by  previous  exertion?  Who, 
by  the  gods'  good  faith,  when  he  is  thus  matched, 
sluggish  though  he  be  and  unwarlike,  will  not 
overcome  the  bravest  fighter  ? 

"  What  of  the  fact  that  the  enemy  had  drawn  up 
their  line  completely  at  leisure,  had  made  ready  their 
spirits,  were  standing  each  at  his  post  in  the  ranks, 
while  we  at  that  time  had  to  incur  the  hasty  turmoil  of 
drawing  up  our  line  and  had  to  enter  battle  in  dis- 
order ?  XXXIX.  Oh  yes,  you  say,  we  should  have 
had  a  battle-line  undeployed  and  disorderly  ;  but  our 
camp  was  fortified,  our  water-supply  found,  the  way 
to  it  secured  by  placing  guards,  and  reconnaissance 
made  all  around.  Or  did  our  men  have  nothing  but  the 
bare  ground  on  which  to  fight  .  .  .  ?  Your  ancestors 
regarded  a  fortified  camp  as  a  haven  against  all  the 
mischances  of  an  army,  whence  they  might  go  out  to 
fight,  and  whither  they  might  find  shelter  from  the 
storm  of  battle.  Therefore  when  they  had  walled  in 
their  camp  with  fortifications,  they  used  also  to 
strengthen  it  with  a  powerful  garrison,  because  one 
who  had  been  stripped  of  his  camp,  even  though  he 
had  won  the  battle,  would  be  considered  the  loser. 
Camp  is  the  shelter  of  the  conqueror,  the  refuge  of 
the  conquered.  How  many  armies  meeting  with  none 
too  favourable  fortune  in  battle,  after  being  driven 
within  their  rampart,  have  in  their  own  good  time, 
sometimes  after  only  a  moment,  sallied  forth  and 
routed  the  victorious  enemy  ?    This  abode  is  a  second 


LIVY 

5  Patria  altera  militaris  est  haec  ^  sedes,  vallumque  pro 
moenibus  et  tentorium  suuni  cuique  niiliti  domus  ac 
penates  sunt.  Sine  ulla  sede  vagi  diniicassemus,  ut 
quo  victi,  quo  ^  victores  nos  reciperemus  ? 

6  His  difficultatibus  et  impedimentis  pugnae  illud 
opponitur :  quid,  si  hostis  hac  interposita  nocte 
abisset,  quantum  rursus  sequendo  eo  penitus  in  ulti- 

7  mam  Macedoniam  exhauriendum  laboris  erat  r  Ego 
autem  neque  mansurum  eum  neque  in  aciem  copias 
educturum  fuisse  certum  habeo.  si  cedere  hinc  statuis- 
set.  Quanto  enim  facilius  abire  fuit  cum  procul  abes- 
semus,  quam  nunc  cum  in  cervicibus  sumus,  nee  fallere 

8  nos  interdiu  aut  nocte  abeundo  potest  ?  quid  autem 
est  3  nobis  optatius  quam  ut,  quorum  castra  praealta 
fluminis  ripa  tuta,  vallo  insuper  saepta  ac  *  crebris 
turribus  oppugnare  adorti  sumus,  eos  relictis  muni- 
mentis,  agmine  efFuso  abeuntis  in  patentibus  campis 
ab  tergo  adoriamur  ? 

Hae  dilatae  pugnae  ex  hesterno  die  in  hodiernum 

9  causae  fuerunt.  Pugnare  enim  et  ipsi  mihi  placet ; 
et  ideo,  quia  per  Elpeum  amnem  saepta  ad  hostem 
via  erat,  alio  saltu  deiectis  hostium  praesidiis 
novum  iter  aperui,  neque  prius,  quam  debellavero, 
absistam." 

XL.  Post   banc   orationem   silentium   fuit,   partim 

traductis    in    sententiam     eius,    partim    verentibus 

nequiquam  ofFendere  in  eo,  quod  utcumque  praeter- 

2  missum  revocari  non  posset.     Ac  ne  illo  ipso  quidem 

1  Patria  altera  militaris  est  haec  Wesenherg:  patriam  alteram 
est  militari  est  haec  V. 

-  victi,  quo   add.  H.  J.  Muller:    om.  V. 

2  nos  interdiu  aut  nocte  abeundo  potest  ?    quid  autem  est 
Madvig :  nos  nee  interdiu  aut  nocte  abeundtem  est  V. 

*  ac  add.  Fr. :    om.  V. 


BOOK  XLIV.  XXXIX.  5-xL.  2 

home  for  the  soldier,  its  rampart  takes  the  place  of  b.c.  ig8 
city  walls  and  his  own  tent  is  the  soldier's  dwelling 
and  hearthside.     Should  we  have  fought  like  nomads 
with  no  abode,  so  that,  whether  conquered  or  con- 
querors, we  might  return — where  ? 

"  To  this  statement  of  the  difficulties  and  hindrances 
to  battle,  here  is  the  rejoinder :  what  if  the  enemy 
had  departed  during  the  interval  of  last  night  ? 
How  much  toil  would  we  have  had  to  expend  in  the 
renewed  pursuit  far  into  the  utmost  end  of  Mace- 
donia ?  For  my  part  I  am  sure  that  he  would  never 
have  remained  here  or  led  his  forces  out  into  battle- 
line  had  he  decided  to  retreat  from  here.  For  how 
much  easier  it  would  have  been  to  depart  while  we 
were  at  a  distance  than  now  when  we  are  on  his  neck 
and  he  cannot  trick  us  by  leaving  either  by  night  or 
day  ?  What  more  can  we  wish  than  to  attack  our 
enemy  in  open  country  from  the  rear  of  his  retreating 
and  dispersed  column  after  he  has  left  his  fortifica- 
tions, instead  of  attacking,  as  we  liave  attempted  to 
do,  his  camp  protected  by  the  lofty  bank  of  a  river, 
and  barricaded  as  well  with  a  rampart  and  plenty  of 
towers  ? 

"  These  were  my  reasons  for  postponing  battle  from 
yesterday  to  today.  For  I  too  prefer  to  fight ;  and 
therefore  since  the  way  to  the  enemy  was  barred  by 
the  Elpeiis  River,  I  have  opened  a  new  road  by 
expelling  the  enemy's  guards  from  a  different  pass, 
and  I  will  not  turn  back  till  I  have  fought  to  a  finish," 

XL.  After  this  speech  silence  ensued,  partly 
because  men  had  changed  over  to  his  opinion,  partly 
because  they  shrank  from  offending  him  to  no  pur- 
pose in  a  matter  which  was  in  any  case  a  lost 
opportunity  and  could  not  be   brought   back.     Nor 

223 


die  aut  consul!  aut  regi  pugnare  placebat,  regi,^ 
quod  nee  fessos,  ut  pridie,  ex  via  neque  trepidantis 
in  acie  instruenda  et  vixdum  compositos  adgressu- 
rus  erat,  consuli,  quod  in  novis  castris  non  ligna,  non 
pabulum  convectum  erat,  ad  quae  petenda  ex  pro- 

3  pinquis  agris  magna  pars  militum  e  castris  exierat. 
Xeutro  imperatorum  volente  fortuna,  quae  plus  con- 

4  siliis  humanis  pollet,  contraxit  certamen.  Flumen  erat 
haud  magnum  propius  hostium  castra,^  ex  quo  et 
Macedones  et  Romani  aquabantur  praesidiis  ex 
utraque  ripa  positis,  ut  id  facere  tuto  possent.     Duae 

5  cohortes  a  parte  Romanorum  erant,  Marrucina  et 
Paeligna,  duae  turaaae  Samnitium  equitum,  quibus 

6  praeerat  M.  Sergius  Silus  legatus  ;  et  aliud  pro  castris 
stativum  erat  praesidium  sub  C.  Cluvio  legato,  tres 
cohortes,  Firmana,  Vestina,  Cremonensis,  duae  tur- 

7  mae  equitum,  Placentina  et  Aesernina.^  Cum 
otium  ad  flumen  esset  neutris  lacessentibus,  hora 
circiter    nona  *    iumentum     e     manibus     curantium 

8  elapsum  in  ulteriorem  ripam  effugit.  Quod  cum  per 
aquam  ferme  genus  ^  tenus  altam  tres  miltes  seque- 
rentur,  Thraces  duo  id  iumentum  ex  medio  alveo  in 
suam  ripam  trahentes  caperent,  hos  persecuti  illi  ^ 
altero  eorum  occiso  receptoque  '^  iurnento  ad  stationem 

^  pugnare  placebat,  regi  add.  Kreyssig:   om.  V. 
~  castra  J.  F.  Gronovius :   castris  V. 

^  Placentina  et  Aesemina  Sigonius :    placentis  naeptesser- 
nina  V. 

*  nona  J.  F.  Gronovius:    quarta  T'. 

6  sic  V  :  genibus  Nova  Jr. 

^  caperent,  hos  persecuti  illi  add.  M.  Miiller :   om.  V. 

'  receptoque  .4.  Perizonius :   receptoque  eo  V. 

224 


BOOK  XLIV.  XL.  2-8 

even  on  that  day  did  either  the  consul  or  the  king  b.c.  168 
care  to  fight,  the  king  because  he  would  have  had 
to  attack  men  no  longer  weary  from  travel  as  on  the 
previous  day,  nor  in  turmoil  as  they  marshalled 
their  line  of  battle  and  hardly  in  formation,  the 
consul  because  neither  wood  nor  fodder  had  been 
collected  in  the  new  camp  and  a  large  number  of 
soldiers  had  gone  out  of  camp  to  seek  them  from  the 
near-by  countryside.  Without  either  general  wishing 
it.  Fortune,  which  is  stronger  than  human  planning, 
brought  on  the  battle.  There  was  a  stream  of  no 
great  size  nearer  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  from  which 
both  the  Macedonians  and  the  Romans  were  drawing 
water  after  posting  guards  on  either  bank  in  order  to 
accomplish  this  mission  safely.  There  were  two 
cohorts  on  the  Roman  side,  a  Marrucinian  and  a 
Paelignian,  and  two  troops  of  Samnite  cavalry  under 
the  command  of  the  staff-officer  Marcus  Sergius 
Silus ;  another  fixed  outpost  was  stationed  before 
the  camp  under  the  staff-officer  Gains  Cluvius,  com- 
posed of  three  cohorts,  from  Firmum,  the  Vestini, 
and  Cremona  respectively,  and  two  troops  of  cavalry 
from  Placentia  and  Aesernia.^  While  there  was 
quiet  at  the  river,  since  neither  side  took  the  offensive, 
about  the  ninth  hour  a  baggage-animal  shied  from 
the  hands  of  his  grooms  and  escaped  toward  the  other 
bank.2  While  three  soldiers  were  chasing  him 
through  the  water,  which  was  about  knee-deep,  two 
Thracians  dragged  the  animal  from  mid-stream  to 
their  bank;    the  Romans  pursued  them,  killed  one, 

^  The  Marrucini,  Paeligni,  Samnites,  and  Vestini  were 
Italian  "  allies  "  of  the  Romans ;  Firmum,  Cremona,  Placentia, 
and  Aesernia  were  colonies  with  Latin  rights. 

2  Plutarch  credits  Aemilius  with  ordering  a  horse  to  be  let 
loose,  in  order  to  bring  on  the  battle. 

225 

VOL.  XIII.  I 


9  suorum  se  ^  recipiebant.  Octingentorum  Thracum 
praesidium  in  hostium  ripa  erat.  Ex  his  pauci  primo, 
ae^re  passi  populareni  in  suo  conspectu  caesuni,  ad 
persequendos  interfectores  fluviuni  transgressi  sunt, 
10  dein  plures,  postremo  onmes,  et  cum  praesidio  .  .  .^ 
XLI.  .  .  .2  proelium  ducit.  Movebat  imperii 
maiestas,  gloria  \'iri,  ante  omnia  aetas,  quod  maior 
sexaginta  annis  iuvenum  munia  in  parte  praecipua 
laboris  periculique  capessebat.  Intervallum,  quod 
inter  caetratos  et  phalanges  erat.  implevit  legio  atque 

2  aciem  hostium  interrupit.  A  tergo  caetrati  erant,* 
frontem  adversus  clupeatos  habebat ;  chalcaspides  ^ 
appellabantur.  Secundam  legionem  L.  Albinus 
consularis   ducere   adversus  leueaspidem  phalangem 

3  iussus  :  ea  media  acies  hostium  fuit.  In  dextrum 
cornu,  unde  circa  fluvium  commissum  proelium  erat, 
elephantos  inducit  et  alas  ®  sociorum  ;  et  hinc  primum 

4  fuga  Macedonum  est  orta.  Nam  sicut  pleraque 
nova  commenta  mortalium  in  verbis  vim  habent,  ex- 
periendoJ  cum  agi  non  quem  ad  modum  agatur  ^ 
edisseri  oportet,  sine  ullo  effectu  evanescunt,  ita  tum 

1  se  add.  Fr.  :    om.  V. 

2  Excider ant  duo  folia. 

2  Ihi  finitur  joliura  ;   lacunam  ind.  ed.  Bas.  1531. 
*  caetrati  erant  J/a<7rigr :  cetratis  erant  F. 
°  chalcaspides  J .  F.  Gronovius :   caclaspides  T'. 
^  elephantos  inducit  et  alas  Kreyssig:    elepantos  induciet 
alias  V. 

'  experiendo  Tumebus:    expiedo  V. 
8  agatur  Sigonius :   agatur  V. 


1  Two  leaves  of  the  MS.  are  missing  at  this  point.  Judging 
from  Plutarch,  these  pages  contained  a  description  of  the 
advance  of  the  armies  from  camp,  their  battle-order,  skir- 

226 


BOOK  XLIV.  XL.  8-xLi.  4 

recaptured  the  animal,  and  retired  to  their  post.  b.c.  I68 
There  was  a  guard  of  eight  hundred  Thracians  on  the 
Macedonian  bank.  At  first  a  few  of  these,  angry  at 
the  kilhng  of  their  fellow-countryman  before  their 
eyes,  crossed  the  river  in  pursuit  of  the  killers,  then 
more  went,  and  finally  the  whole  force,  and  with  the 
guard  .  .  .^ 

XLI.  .  .  .  led  .  .  .  the  battle.  The  men  were 
stirred  by  the  prestige  of  his  office,  the  fame  of  the 
man,  and  above  all  by  his  age,  for  though  he  was 
over  sixty  he  kept  assuming  functions  of  men  in  their 
prime  in  undergoing  an  outstanding  amount  of  toil 
and  danger.  The  legion  filled  the  space  betM^een  the 
light  infantry  and  the  phalanxes  and  broke  the  enemy 
line.  In  the  rear  were  the  light  infantry  ;  the  consul 
faced  a  unit  with  metal  shields — these  were  called 
the  Bronze  Shields.  Lucius  Albinus  the  ex-consul 
was  ordered  to  advance  against  the  White  Shield 
phalanx  - ;  this  was  the  centre  of  the  hostile  line. 
On  the  right  wing,  where  the  battle  had  begun  near 
the  river,  the  consul  brought  up  the  elephants  and 
the  squadrons  of  the  allies ;  and  from  this  point  the 
flight  of  the  Macedonians  first  began.  For,  as 
frequently  men's  new  inventions  appear  strong  when 
described,  but  in  actual  trial,  when  there  is  need  for 
action  rather  than  a  description  of  how  they  will  act, 
these  inventions  disappear  without  achieving  any 
result,  so  in  this  battle  the  anti-elephant  corps  was 

mishing  by  the  light-armed  troops  in  which  the  Macedonian^ 
had  the  advantage,  the  charge  of  the  Paelignians  against  some 
Macedonian  light  infantry  and  their  collision  with  the  phalanx 
(cf.  below,  sec.  9),  and  perhaps  the  impression  made  on 
Aemilius  by  the  phalanx,  an  impression  which  he  was  careful 
not  to  show  at  the  time. 

2  Plutarch  speaks  of  this  unit  as  having  gilded  armour. 

227 


LI\T 

elephantomachae  ^  nomen  tantuni  sine  usu  fuerunt. 

5  Elephantorum  impetum  subsecuti  sunt  socii  nominis 

6  Latini  pepuleruntque  laevum  cornu.  In  medio 
secunda  legio  immissr-  dissipavit  phalangem.  Xeque 
ulla  evidentior  causa  victoriae  fait,  quani  quod  multa 
passim  proelia  erant,  quae  fluctuantem  turbarunt 
primo,  deinde  disieeerunt  phalangem,  cuius  confertae 
et  intentis  horrentis  hastis  intolerabiles  vires  sunt ; 

7  si  carptim  adgrediendo  circumagere  immobilem 
longitudine  et  gravitate  hastam  cogas,  confusa  strue 
implicantur  ;  si  vero  aut  ab  latere  aut  ab  tergo  aliquid 

8  tumultus  increpuit,  ruinae  modo  turbantur,  sicut  tum 
adversus  catervatim  incurrentes  Romanos  et  inter- 
rupta  multifariam  acie  obviam  ire  cogebantur ;  et 
Romani,    quacumque    data    intervalla    essent,    insi- 

9  nuabant  ordines  suos.  Qui  si  universa  acie  in  fron- 
tem  adversus  instructam  phalangem  concurrissent, 
quod  Paelignis  principio  pugnae  incaute  congressis 
adversus  caetratos  evenit,  induissent  se  hastis  nee 
confertam  aciem  sustinuissent. 

XLII.  Ceterum     sicut     peditum     passim     caedes 
fiebant,  nisi  qui  abiectis  armis  fugerunt,  sic  equitatus 

^  elephantomachae  Hartel :   elephanto  mace  V. 


^  Zonaras  9.  22  (p.  269)  says  that  these  were  infantry  with 
sharp  spikes  projecting  from  their  helmets  and  shields,  and 
also  cavalry,  both  forces  having  been  drilled  to  fight  elephants; 
dummy  elephants  were  used  to  accustom  the  horses  to  them. 
The  words  of  Livy  at  the  beginning  of  sec.  4  seem  to  be  a 
direct  quotation  from  Polybius  XXIX.  17.  2  (12). 

2  A  variant  account  of  the  battle  is  given  by  Frontinus 
II.  iii.  20,  who  says  that  Paulus  an-anged  his  line  in  wedges, 
and  tried  to  draw  out  the  ]\Iacedonians  by  attacking  with 
skirmishers  (velites);  when  this  failed,  Paulus  retreated,  to 
induce  the  Macedonians  to  break  formation;    when  this  also 

228 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLi.  4-xLii.  i 

a  mere  name  without  practical  effect.^  The  charge  b.c.  168 
of  the  elephants  was  followed  up  by  the  allies  of  the 
Latin  Name,  who  routed  the  left  wing.  In  the 
centre  the  charge  of  the  second  legion  scattered  the 
phalanx.  No  reason  for  the  victory  was  more  obvious 
than  the  fact  that  there  were  many  scattered  engage- 
ments which  first  threw  into  confusion  and  then 
disrupted  the  wavering  phalanx.  The  power  of  this 
formation  when  closed  up  and  bristling  with  spears 
extended  is  irresistible ;  but  if  by  attacks  at  several 
points  you  compel  them  to  swing  their  spears  about, 
unwieldy  because  of  their  length  and  weight,  they 
become  tangled  in  a  haphazard  mass  ;  and  if  indeed 
some  sort  of  uproar  is  heard  on  a  flank  or  from  the 
rear,  they  are  involved  in  utter  confusion.  Such  was 
the  case  on  this  occasion,  when  the  phalanx  was  com- 
pelled to  meet  the  Romans  w^ho  were  attacking  in 
groups,  while  the  Macedonian  line  was  broken  at  many 
points.  The  Romans  for  their  part  kept  infiltrating 
their  units  wherever  gaps  presented  themselves.  If 
they  had  attacked  frontally  in  solid  line  against  an 
orderly  phalanx,  as  happened  to  the  Paelignians  who 
at  the  beginning  of  the  battle  recklessly  met  the 
light  infantry,  the  Romans  would  have  spitted  them- 
selves on  the  spears  and  would  not  have  withstood  the 
solid  line. 2 

XLI  I.  However,  while  the  infantry  were  being- 
slaughtered  all  over  the  field,  except  for  those  who 
cast  away  their  weapons  and  fled,  the  cavalry  on  the 

failed,  the  Roman  cavalry  from  the  left  wing  were  ordered 
to  charge  along  the  front  of  the  phalanx  and  break  off  the 
spear-points  with  their  shields ;  when  this  manoeuvre  suc- 
ceeded, the  Macedonians  broke  and  fled.  Livy  seems  to  have 
a  far  preferable  account. 

229 


2  prope  integer  pugna  excessit.  Princeps  fugae  rex 
ipse  erat.  lam  a  Pydna  cum  sacris  alls  equitum 
Pellam  petebat ;    confestim  eos  Cotys  ^  sequebatur 

3  Odrysarumque  equitatus.  Ceterae  quoque  Mace- 
donum  alae  integris  abibant  ordinibus,  quia  interiecta 
peditum     acies,     cuius     caedes     victores     tenebat,^ 

4  immemores  fecerat  sequendi  equites.  Diu  phalanx 
a  fronte,  a  lateribus.  ab  tergo  caesa  est.  Postremo 
qui  ex  hostium  manibus  elapsi  erant,  inermes  ad 
mare  fugientes,  quidam  aquam  etiam  ingressi,  manus 
ad    eos    qui    in    classe    erant   tendentes,   suppliciter 

5  vitam  orabant ;  et  cum  scaphas  concurrere  undique 
ab  na\-ibus  cernerent,  ad  excipiendos  scse  venire  rati, 
ut  caperent  potius  quam  occiderent,  longius  in  aquam, 

6  quidam  etiam  natantes,  progressi  sunt.  Sed  cum 
hostiliter  e  ^  scaphis  caederentur  retro  qui  poterant 
nando  repetentes  terram  in  aliam  foediorem  pestem 
incidebant ;  elephanti  enim  ab  rectoribus  ad  litus 
acti  exeuntis  obterebant  elidebantque. 

7  Facile  convenit  ab  Romanis  "*  numquam  una  acie 
tantum  Macedonum  interfectum.  Caesa  enim  ad 
viginti  milia  hominum  sunt;  ad  sex  milia,^  qui  Pyd- 
nam  ex  acie  perfugerant,  vivi  in  potestatem  pervene- 
runt,  et  vagi  ex  fuga  quinque  milia  ^  hominum  capta. 

8  Ex  victoribus  ceciderunt  non  plus  centum,  et  eorum 
multo  maior  pars  Paeligni ;  volnerati  aliquanto  plures 

9  sunt.     Quod  si  maturius  pugnari  coeptum  esset,  ut 

^  confestim  eos  Cotys  Jac.  Gronovius  :  confesti  costocus  V. 
-  tenebat  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  tenebant  V. 
3  e  add.  Fr. :    om.  V. 

*  convenit  ab  Romanis  ]yeissenhorn :    conueniebat  romanis 
V. 

5  milia  add.  Fr. :    om.  V. 

^  ex  fuga  quinque  milia  Kreyssig :  et  fuga  u  m  V, 

230 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLii.  1-9 

other  hand  retired  from  the  fight  almost  unscathed,  b.c.  168 
The  king  himself  was  the  leader  in  the  flight. 
Directly  from  Pydna  he  set  out  for  Pella  with  the 
Sacred  Squadrons  of  cavalry  ;  immediately  Cotys  and 
the  Odrysan  cavalry  followed  them.  The  other 
Macedonian  squadrons  also  continued  to  retreat  in 
orderly  formation  because  the  line  of  the  infantry  in 
between  kept  the  victors  busy  with  slaughter  and 
caused  them  to  forget  the  pursuit  of  the  cavalry. 
For  a  long  time  the  phalanx  was  cut  to  pieces  from 
the  front,  from  the  flanks,  and  from  the  rear.  Finally 
those  who  slipped  through  the  hands  of  the  Romans 
fled  weaponless  to  the  sea,  and  some  even  entered 
the  water  and  raising  their  hands  to  the  men  on  board 
ship  humbly  begged  for  life.  When  they  saw  small 
boats  gathering  from  all  around  the  fleet,  they 
thought  that  these  were  coming  to  pick  them  up,  to 
take  them  prisoner  rather  than  to  kill  them,  and  so 
they  advanced  farther  into  the  water,  some  even 
swimming.  But  \vhen  they  were  mercilessly  cut 
down  from  the  boats,  those  who  could  made  for  shore 
again  by  swimming  and  ran  into  a  more  dreadful 
form  of  destruction ;  for  the  elephants,  guided  by 
their  mahouts  to  the  shore,  trampled  and  crushed  the 
men  coming  out  of  the  water. 

It  is  readily  agreed  that  the  Romans  never  killed 
so  many  Macedonians  in  any  other  single  battle. 
For  about  twenty  thousand  men  were  slain ;  about 
six  thousand  who  escaped  from  the  battlefield  to 
Pydna  were  taken  alive,  and  five  thousand  stragglers 
were  captured  in  flight.  Of  the  victors  not  more  than 
one  hundred  fell  and  by  far  the  greater  part  of  them 
were  Paeligni ;  somewhat  more  were  wounded.  If 
fighting  had  broken  out  earlier,  so  that  sufficient 

231 


satis  diei  victoribus  ad  persequendum  superesset, 
deletae  omnes  copiae  forent :  nunc  imminens  nox  et 
fugientes  texit  et  Romanis  pigritiem  ad  sequendum 
locis  ignotis  fecit. 

XLIII.  Perseus  ad  Pieriam  silvam  via  militari  fre- 
quenti    agmine    equitum    et    regio    comitatu    fugit. 

2  Simul  in  silvam^  ventum  est,  ubi  plures  diversae 
semitae  erant,  et  nox  adpropinquabat,  cum  perpaucis 

3  maxime  fidis  via  devertit.  Equites  sine  duce  relicti 
alii  alia  in  civitates  suas  dilapsi  sunt ;  perpauci  inde 
Pellam   celerius   quam   ipse   Perseus,   quia  recta    et 

4  expedita  via  ierant,  pervenerunt.  Rex  ad  mediam 
ferme  noctem  errore  ^  et  variis  difficultatibus  viae  est 

5  vexatus ;  in  regia  Perseo,^  qui  Pellae  praeerant 
Euctus  Eulaeusque  et  regii  *  pueri  praesto  erant. 
Contra  ea  amicorum,  qui  alii  alio  casu  servati  ex 
proelio  Pellam  venerant,  cum  saepe  arcessiti  essent, 

6  nemo  ad  eum  venit.  Tres  erant  tantum  cum  eo 
fugae  comites,  Euander  Cretensis,  Neo  Boeotus  ^  et 

7  Archidamus  Aetolus.  Cum  iis  iam  metuens  ne,  qui 
venire  ad  se  abnuerent,  mains  aliquid  mox  auderent, 

8  quarta  vigilia  profugit.  Secuti  eum  sunt  admodum 
quingenti  Cretenses.  Petebat  Amphipolim :  sed 
nocte  a  Pella  exierat,  properans  ante  lucem  Axium 
amnem  traicere,  eum  finem  sequendi  propter  diffi- 
cultatem  transitus  fore  ratus  Romanis. 

^  in  silvam  Fr. :   inviam  silvam  V. 

2  errore  Madvig :    terrore  V. 

^  viae  est  vexatus ;  in  regia  Perseo  Xovdk :  uidex  vexatus 
in  regia  estaperseo  T. 

*  Euctus  Eulaeusque  et  regii  H.  J.  Muller:  coactusque 
regi  V. 

°  Neo  Boeotus  Madvig:   en.  euboetius  V. 

^  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxiii,  calls  them  "  the  mintmasters," 
and  says  that  Perseus  put  them  to  death. 
232 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLii.  9-XLiii.  8 

daylight  would  have  remained  for  the  victors  to  b.c.  16S 
pursue,  the  entire  Macedonian  force  would  have 
been  ^\dped  out ;  as  it  was,  the  approach  of  night 
both  sheltered  the  fugitives  and  inspired  in  the 
Romans  a  reluctance  to  pursue  over  unknown 
terrain. 

XLIII.  Perseus  fled  to  the  Pierian  Forest  along 
the  military  road  with  a  large  column  of  cavalry  and 
the  royal  entourage.  As  soon  as  they  arrived  in  the 
forest,  where  there  were  many  divergent  ways,  and 
night  was  approaching,  the  king  left  the  road  with  a 
very  few  of  his  most  trusty  men.  The  cavalry,  left 
without  a  commander,  took  various  routes  in  dis- 
persing to  their  own  cities ;  a  very  few  went  on  to 
Pella  more  rapidly  than  the  king,  since  they  had  gone 
by  the  direct  and  clear  way.  The  king  was  bothered 
till  about  midnight  by  losing  his  way  and  by  various 
difficulties  of  the  route.  At  the  palace  Perseus  was 
waited  upon  by  the  commanders  of  Pella,  Euctus, 
and  Eulaeus,^  and  the  royal  pages.  On  the  other 
hand,  of  his  friends  who  by  various  haps  had  come 
safely  from  the  battle  to  Pella,  not  one  came  to 
him,  though  they  were  summoned  many  times. 
There  were  only  three  companions  in  flight  with  him, 
Evander  the  Cretan,  Neon  the  Boeotian,  and  Archi- 
damus  the  Aetolian.  With  these  he  escaped  in  the 
fourth  watch,  being  now  afraid  that  those  who  re- 
fused to  come  to  him  would  presently  venture  on  a 
bolder  stroke.  His  escort  was  composed  of  about  five 
hundred  Cretans.  He  was  making  for  Amphipolis ; 
but  he  had  left  Pella  at  night  because  of  his  anxiety 
to  cross  the  Axius  River  before  dawn,  since  he  thought 
that  because  of  the  difficulty  of  crossing  this  would 
be  the  limit  of  the  Roman  pursuit. 


LIVY 

XLIV.  Consulem.  cum  se  in  castra  victor  recepisset, 
ne  sincero  gaudio  frueretur,  cura  de  minore  filio  sti- 
mulabat.  P.  Scipio  is  erat,  Africanus  et  ipse  postea 
deleta  Carthagine  appellatus,  naturalis  consulis  Pauli 
filius,^  adoptione  Africani  nepos.  Is  septimum  deci- 
mum  tunc  annum  agens,  quod  ipsum  curam  augebat, 
dum  effuse  sequitur  hostes,  in  partem  aliam  turba 
ablatus  erat ;  et  serius  cum  redisset,  tunc  demum, 
recepto  sospite  filio,  victoriae  tantae  gaudium  consul 
sensit. 

Amphipolim  cum  iam  fama  pugnae  pervenisset  con- 
cursusque  matronarum  in  templum  Dianae,  quam 
Tauropolon  vocant,  ad  opem  exposcendam  fieret, 
Diodorus,  qui  praeerat  urbi,  metuens  ne  Thraces, 
quorum  duo  milia  in  praesidio  erant,  urbem  in  tumultu 
diriperent,  ab  subornato  ab  se  per  fallaciam  in  tabel- 
larii  speciem  litteras  in  foro  medio  accepit.  Scriptum 
in  iis  erat  ad  Emathiam  classem  Romanam  appulsam 
esse  agrosque  circa  vexari ;  orare  praefectos  Emathiae 
ut  praesidium  adversus  populatores  mittat.  His 
lectis  hortatur  Thracas  ut  ad  tuendam  Emathiae  oram 
proficiscantur :  magnam  eos  caedem  praedamque 
palatis  passim  per  agros  Romanis  facturos.  Simul 
elevat  famam  adversae  pugnae :  quae  si  vera  foret, 
alium  super  alium  recentes  ex  fuga  ventures  fuisse. 

1  filius  Z)»A"er:    consulis  V. 

1  The  soldiers  hailed  him  as  imperator  for  the  third  time 
(Mommsen,  Milnzivesen  633,  number  486). 

2  The  district  west  of  Amphipolis,  toward  the  Chalcidic 
peninsula. 

234 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLiv.  1-7 

XLIV.  When  the  consul  returned  victorious  to  b.c.  168 
camp,  he  was  prevented  from  enjoying  an  unalloyed 
delight  by  the  sting  of  worry  over  his  3'^ounger  son. 
This  was  Publius  Scipio,  who  was  also  called  Africanus 
later  after  the  destruction  of  Carthage,  born  son  to 
the  consul  Paulus  and  by  adoption  grandson  of 
Africanus.  This  son  was  then  in  his  seventeenth 
year,  a  fact  which  in  itself  increased  the  anxiety  for 
him,  and  had  been  carried  away  in  another  direction 
by  a  crowd  while  in  hot  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  When 
he  returned  very  late,  then  at  last  on  the  safe 
recovery  of  his  son  the  consul  felt  the  joy  of  so  great 
a  victory.^ 

At  Amphipolis  the  news  of  the  battle  had  by  now 
arrived ;  there  was  a  gathering  of  the  matrons  in  the 
temple  of  Diana  whom  they  call  Tauropolos,  to  pray 
for  help.  Diodorus,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  city, 
feared  that  the  Thracians,  two  thousand  of  whom  were 
in  the  garrison,  would  plunder  the  city  during  the 
confusion.  Hence  he  craftily  hired  a  man  to  play 
the  part  of  dispatch  bearer,  from  whom  he  received 
papers  in  the  middle  of  the  market  place.  The 
message  in  these  despatches  was  that  the  Roman 
fleet  had  put  in  at  Emathia  ^  and  was  harassing  the 
surrounding  countryside,  and  that  the  officers  in 
charge  of  Emathia  requested  him  to  send  a  force 
against  the  ravagers.  After  reading  this,  he  urged 
the  Thracians  to  start  out  to  defend  the  coast  of 
Emathia,  telling  them  that  they  Mould  cause  great 
slaughter  and  get  great  booty  among  the  Romans 
scattered  all  over  the  fields.  At  the  same  time  he 
minimized  the  report  of  the  loss  of  a  battle ;  if  this 
were  true,  he  said,  man  after  man  would  have  been 
arriving  direct  from  the  rout.     Having  got  rid  of 

235 


LIVY 

S  Per  hanc  causam  Thracibus  ablegatis,  simul  trans- 
gresses eos  Strymonem  vidit,  portas  clausit. 

XLV.  Tertio  die   Perseus,  quam  pugnatum   erat, 

2  Amphipolim  venit.  Inde  oratores  cum  caduceo  ad 
Paulum  misit.  Interim  Hippias  et  Midon  et  Pan- 
tauchusj  principes  amicorum  regis,  Beroea,^  quo  ex 
acie  confugerant,  ipsi  ad  consulem  profecti  Romanis 
se  dedunt.    Hoc  idem  et  alii  deinceps  metu  perculsi  ^ 

3  parabant  facere.  Consul  nuntiis  victoriae  Q.  Fabio 
filio  et  L.  Lentulo  et  Q.  Metello  cum  litteris  Romam 
missis    spolia    iacentis    hostium    exercitus    peditibus 

4  concessit,  equitibus  praedam  circumiecti  agri,  dum 
ne  amplius  duabus  noctibus  a  castris  abessent.     Ipse 

5  propius  mare  ad  Pydnam  castra  movit.  Beroea 
primum,   deinde  Thessalonica   et   Pella   et  deinceps 

6  omnis  ferme  Macedonia  intra  biduum  dedita.  Pyd- 
naei,  qui  proximi  erant,  nondum  miserant  legates ; 
multitudo  incondita  plurium  simul  gentium  turbaque,^ 
quae  ex  acie  fuga  in  unum  compulsa  erat,  consilium  et 
consensum  civitatis  impediebat ;    nee  clausae  modo 

7  portae,  sed  etiam  inaedificatae  erant.  Missi  Midon 
et  Pantauchus  sub  muros  ad  conloquium  Solonis  qui 
praesidio  praeerat ;  •*  per  eum  emittitur  militaris  turba. 
Oppidum  deditum  militibus  datur  diripiendum. 

8  Perseus  una  tantum  spe  Bisaltarum  auxilii  ternp- 
tata,^  ad  quos  nequiquam  miserat  legatos,  in  con- 

^  Beroea  Kreyssig:   ueroeam  T'. 

2  alii  deinceps  metu  perculsi  J.  F.  Gronovius :  aliae  deinceps 
metu  perculsae  V. 

3  turbaque,  quae  Fr. :   turbaeque  V. 
^  praeerat  J.  F.  Qronoviv-s :   erat  V. 

'"  temptata  J.  F.  Gronovius :  temptati  V. 

1  A  tribe  living  just  west  of  AmphipoUs. 
236 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLiv.  8-xLv.  8 

the  Thracians  on  this  pretext,  he  barred  the  gates  as  b.c.  16S 
soon  as  he  saw  that  they  had  crossed  the  Strymon. 

XLV.  On  the  second  day  after  the  battle  Perseus 
arrived  at  Amphipolis.  From  there  he  sent  ambassa- 
dors with  the  staff  of  Mercury  to  Paulus.  Meanwhile 
Hippias,  Midon,  and  Pantauchus,  the  chief  among  the 
king's  friends,  set  out  of  their  own  accord  from  Beroea, 
where  they  had  taken  refuge  after  the  battle,  and 
surrendered  to  the  Romans  at  the  consul's  camp. 
Others  too,  overcome  with  fear,  were  thereafter 
preparing  to  do  the  same.  The  consul  sent  as 
messengers  of  his  victory  his  son  Quintus  Fabius, 
Lucius  Lentulus,  and  Quintus  Metellus  with  de- 
spatches to  Rome  and  granted  the  spoils  of  the  slain 
enemy  to  the  infantry,  and  to  the  cavalry  the  right 
to  plunder  the  surrounding  territory,  provided  that 
they  were  not  absent  from  camp  for  more  than  two 
nights.  He  himself  moved  camp  nearer  to  the  sea 
by  Pydna.  Beroea  first,  then  Thessalonica  and  Pella, 
and  then  almost  all  Macedonia  was  surrendered 
within  two  days.  The  people  of  Pydna  who  were 
nearest  had  not  yet  sent  envoys ;  a  heterogeneous 
crowd  of  numerous  nationalities  together  and  the 
mob  which  had  been  amalgamated  by  flight  from  the 
battlefield  were  standing  in  the  way  of  planning  and 
agreement  among  the  citizens.  The  gates  m  ere  not 
only  closed  but  built  up  solid.  Midon  and  Pan- 
tauchus were  sent  up  to  the  walls  to  confer  with 
Solon,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  garrison ;  through 
him  dismissal  of  the  mob  of  soldiers  was  arranged. 
The  city  when  surrendered  was  given  to  the  Roman 
troops  to  plunder. 

After  Perseus  had  tried  his  only  expedient,  to  get 
aid  from  the  Bisaltae,^  to  whom  he  sent  envoys  with- 

237 


LIYY 

9  tionem  processit  Philippum  secuni  filium  habens,.  lit 
et  ipsos  Amphipolitanos  et  equitura  peditumque  qui 
aut  se  ^  persecuti  aut  fuga  eodem  delati  erant  adhor- 

10  tando  animos  confirmaret.  Sed  aliquotiens  dicere 
incipientem  cum  lacrimae  praepedissent,  quia  ipse 
hiscere   nequiit.^   Euandro  Cretensi  editis,  quae  agi 

11  cum  multitudine  vellet,  de  templo  descendit.  Mul- 
titude, sicut  ad  conspectum  regis  fletumque  tam 
m.iserabilem  et  ipsa  ingemuerat  lacrimaveratque,  ita 
Euandri  orationem  aspernabatur ;  et  quidam  ausi 
sunt  media  ex  contione  succlamare  "  abite  hinc,  ne. 
qui     pauci     supersumus,     propter     vos     pereamus." 

12  Horum  ferocia  vocem  Euandri  clausit.  Rex  inde 
domum  ^  se  recepit  pecuniaque  et  auro  argentoque 
in  lembos  qui  in  Strvmone  stabant  delatis  et  ipse  ad 

13  flumen  descendit.  Thraces  navibus  se  committere 
non  ausi  domos  dilapsi  et  alia  militaris  generis  turba  ;  ^ 
Cretenses  spe  ^  pecuniae  secuti.  Et  quoniam  in 
dividendo  plus  offensionum  quam  gratiae  erat,  quin- 
quaginta  talenta  iis  posita  sunt  in  ripa  diripienda. 

14  Ab  hac  direptione  cum  per  tumultum  naves  con- 
cenderent,  lembum  unum  in  ostio  amnis  multitudine 
gravatum   merserunt.     Galepsum  ^    eo  die,    postero 

15  Samothracam,  quam  petebant,  perveniunt ;  ad  duo 
milia  talentum  pervecta  eo  dicuntur. 

XL\'I.  Paulus  per  omnes  deditas  civitates  dimissis 

^  se  Mad  fig:    sem  T'. 

2  ipse  hiscere  nequiit  Madvig :  ipse  scire  nequid  V. 
^  inde  domum  J.  F.  Gronovius :  in  domum  V. 
*  alia  .   .   .  turba  Madvig :    aliae  .  .   .  turbae  T'. 
^  Cretenses  spe  H.  J.  Muller :   cretensis  spem  T'. 
^  Galepsum  Sigonius :    ealipsum  V. 

1  I.e.,  the  speakers'  stand,  cf.  VIII.  xiv.  12,  describing  the 
consecration  of  the  Roman  Rostra. 

238 


BOOK  XLIV.  XLv.  8-xLvi.  i 

out  result,  he  appeared  before  an  assembly  bringing  b.c  ics 
his  son  Philip  with  him,  in  order  to  strengthen  by 
exhortation  the  spirits  of  the  people  of  Amphipolis 
themselves,  and  of  the  cavalry  and  infantry  who  had 
either  accompanied  him  or  had  in  their  flight  reached 
the  same  goal.  He  began  to  speak  several  times, 
but  tears  choked  him,  and  when  he  could  not  open 
his  mouth  he  instructed  Evander  the  Cretan  in  the 
matters  which  he  wished  to  discuss  with  the  people 
and  went  down  from  the  sacred  spot.^  At  the 
sight  of  the  king  and  his  truly  pitiable  weeping  the 
crowd  itself  groaned  and  wept ;  but  with  equal 
readiness  they  would  have  none  of  Evander's 
speech;  and  some  dared  to  shout  from  the  midst 
of  the  assembly,  "  Get  away  from  here  so  that  we 
few  survivors  may  not  perish  on  your  account." 
The  vehemence  of  these  interruptions  choked  off 
Evander's  speech.  Thereafter  the  king  went  home, 
put  his  money,  his  gold,  and  his  silver  into  the 
scout-ships  which  were  moored  in  the  Strymon  and 
himself  went  down  to  the  river.  The  Thracians 
and  the  rest  of  the  mob  of  soldiers,  not  daring  to 
trust  themselves  to  ships,  slipped  away  to  their 
homes ;  the  Cretans  followed  Perseus  in  hopes  of 
cash.  Because  apportionment  would  create  more 
hard  feelings  than  gratitude,  fifty  talents  were  set 
out  on  the  river-bank  for  them  to  scramble  for. 
When  after  this  scramble  they  were  boarding  the 
ships  in  riotous  fashion,  they  sank  one  scout-ship  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  by  overcrowding  it.  On 
that  day  the  party  reached  Galepsus,  on  the  next 
Samothrace,  their  destination ;  it  is  said  that  two 
thousand  talents  were  brought  there. 

XLVI.  Paulus  sent  men  to  take  charge  of  all  the 

239 


A.U.C. 
586 


qui  praeessent,  ne  qua  iniuria  in  nova  pace  victis 
fieret.  retentisque  apud  se  caduceatoribus  reofis  P. 
Nasicam,  ignarus  fugae  regis,  Amphipolim  niisit  cum 

2  modica  peditum  equitumque  manu,  simul  ut  Sinticen 
evastaret  et  ad  omnes  conatus    regi  -"-  impediniento 

3  esset.  Inter  haec  Meliboea  a  Cn.  Octavio  capitur 
diripiturque ;  ad  Aeginium,  ad  quod  oppugnandum 
Cn.  Anicius  legatus  missus  erat,  ducenti  ^  eruptione 
ex  oppido  facta  amissi  sunt  ignaris  Aeginiensibus 
debellatum  esse, 

4  Consul  a  Pydna  profectus  cum  toto  exercitu  die 
altero  Pellam  pervenit  et  cum  castra  mille  passus  inde 
posuisset,  per  aliquot  dies  ibi  stativa  habuit,  situm 
urbis  undique  aspiciens,  quam  non  sine  causa  delec- 

5  tam  esse  regiam  animadvertit.^  Sita  est  in  tumulo 
vergente  in  occidentem  hibernum ;  cingunt  paludes 
inexsuperabilis    altitudinis    aestate    et    hieme,    quas 

6  restagnantes  faciunt  amnes.*  Arx  Phacus  in  ipsa 
palude,  qua  proxima  urbi  est,  velut  insula  eminet, 
aggeri  operis  ingentis  imposita,  qui  et  murum  sustineat 

7  et  umore  circumfusae  paludis  nihil  laedatur.  Muro 
urbis  coniuncta  procul  videtur  ;  divisa  est  intermurali 
amni  et  eadem  ponte  iuncta,  ut  nee  oppugnante 
externo  aditum  ab  ulla  parte  habeat,  nee,  si  quem 
ibi  rex  includat,  ullum  nisi  per  facillimae  custodiae 

8  pontem  effugium.  Et  gaza  regia  in  eo  loco  erat ;  sed 
turn  nihil  praeter  trecenta  talenta  quae  missa  Gentio 

9  regi,  deinde  retenta  fuerant.  inventum  est.     Per  quos 

^  regi  J.  F.  Gronovius :  regis  V. 

2  ducenti  add.  Fr. :   om.  V. 

3  animadvertit  Wesenherg :   advertit  T'. 

*  faciunt    anmes.     Arx    Phacus   Madvig :    faciunt    padcus 
V. 


240 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLvi.  1-9 

surrendered  cities,  so  that  no  wrong  should  be  done  b.c.  igs 
to  the  conquered  in  the  first  days  of  peace ;  he  kept 
the  king's  ambassadors  with  him  and,  since  he  did 
not  know  of  the  king's  flight,  sent  Pubhus  Nasica  to 
AmphipoHs  with  a  small  force  of  infantry  and  cavalry, 
both  to  ravage  Sintica  and  to  interfere  with  any 
moves  of  the  king.  Meanwhile  Meliboea  was 
captured  and  plundered  by  Gnaeus  Octavius.  At 
Aeginium,  to  besiege  which  the  staff-officer  Gnaeus 
Anicius  had  been  sent,  two  hundred  men  w  ere  lost  in 
a  sally  from  the  town  because  the  people  of  Aeginium 
did  not  know  that  the  war  was  over. 

The  consul  set  out  from  Pydna  with  his  whole  army 
and  on  the  second  day  reached  Fella,  pitched  camp  a 
mile  from  there,  and  remained  in  this  camp  for  a  few 
days,  examining  the  site  of  the  city  from  all  sides  and 
noticing  that  it  had  not  been  chosen  to  be  the  capital 
without  good  reason.  It  is  situated  on  a  hill  sloping 
to  the  south-west ;  swamps  of  a  depth  impenetrable 
in  summer  or  winter  surround  it,  formed  by  the 
ponding  of  rivers.  The  citadel  Phacus  projects  like  an 
island  fi-om  the  swamp  itself,  where  it  comes  nearest 
the  city,  and  is  set  on  an  embankment,  a  huge  con- 
struction designed  to  bear  the  weight  of  a  wall  and 
remain  undamaged  by  the  water  of  the  surrounding 
swamp.  At  a  distance  it  appears  to  be  joined  to  the 
city  wall,  but  it  is  separated  by  a  river  within  the 
walls  and  likewise  connected  by  a  bridge,  so  that  there 
is  no  approach  for  a  besieger  from  without  nor  is  there 
any  escape  for  anyone  imprisoned  by  the  king  within, 
except  over  a  very  easily  guarded  bridge.  The  royal 
treasury  was  located  there  ;  but  at  that  time  nothing 
w-as  found  except  the  three  hundred  talents  which 
had  been  sent  to  King  Gentius  and  then  withheld. 

241 


dies  ad  Pellam  stativa  fuerunt..  legationes  frequentes 
quae  ad  gratulandum  convenerant..  maxime  ex  Thessa- 

10  lia,  auditae  sunt.  Nuntio  delude  accepto  Persea 
Saniothracam    traiecisse,    profectus    a    Pella    consul 

11  quartis  castris  Amphipolim  pervenit.  EfFusa  omnis 
obviam  ^  turba  cuivis  indicio  erat  non  bono  ac  iusto 
rege  orbavisse  se  Paulum  .  .   .^ 

1  obviam  6(7.  Bas.  1635 :   obvia  T'. 

2  orbavisse      se      Paulum      Weaely  :      obrauiss.s  ,  .   .   V : 
lacuna  j>arva. 


242 


BOOK  XLIV.  xLvi.  9-II 

During  the  days  in  camp  at  Pella,  numerous  embassies  b.c.  168 
were  received  which  came,  especially  from  Thessaly, 
to  offer  congratulations.  Then  on  receiving  the 
news  that  Perseus  had  crossed  to  Samothrace,  the 
consul  set  out  from  Pella  and  arrived  at  Amphipolis 
on  the  fourth  day's  march.  The  pouring  out  of  the 
entire  populace  to  meet  him  showed  to  any  one  that 
Paulus  had  not  robbed  them  of  a  just  and  good 
king  .  .  .^ 

^  Lost  at  this  point  is  the  account  of  Paulus'  entry  into 
Amphipolis  and  his  subsequent  march  to  the  eastward,  cf. 
XLV.  iv.  2. 


243 


PERIOCHA   LIBRI    XLIV 

Q.  ]\Iae€IUs  Philtppus  perinvios  saltus  penetravit  Mace- 
doniam  et  complures  urbes  occupavit.  Rhodii  misenint 
legates  Romam  minantes  ut  Perseo  auxilio  essent,  nisi 
populus  Romanus  cum  illo  pacem  atque  amicitiam 
iungeret.  Indigne  id  latum.  Cum  id  bellum  L.  Aemilio 
Paulo,  sequentis  amii  consuli  iterum,  mandatum  esset 
Paulus  in  contione  precatus,  ut  quidquid  diri  populo 
Romano  immineret,  in  suam  domum  converteretur,  et  in 
]yiacedoniam  profectus  vicit  Persen  totamque  Macedoniam 
in  potestatem  redegit.  Antequam  confligeret,  praedixit 
exercitui  ne  miraretur  quod  luna  proxima  nocte  defectura 
erat.^  Gentius  quoque,  rex  Ulyricomm,  cum  rebellasset, 
a  L.  Anicio  praetore  victus  venit  in  deditionem  et  cum 
uxore  ac  liberis  et  propinquis  Romam  missus  est.  Legati 
Alexandrini  a  Cleopatra  et  Ptolemaeo  regibus  venerunt 
querentes  de  Antiocho  rege  Syriae,  quod  is  bellum  inferret. 
Perseus  sollicitatis  in  auxilium  Eumene  rege  Pergami  et 
Gentio  rege  Ill\Ticorum,  quia  iis  pecuniam  quam  pro- 
miserat  non  dabat,  relictus  ab  his  est. 

^  erat  Rosshach:  erait  J\'  [Palatinus  Latinus  894),  esset 
Boenderrnakerianus,  Fr. 


244 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XLIV 

QuiNTUS  ]VLa.rcius  Philippus  entered  Macedonia  over 
trackless  passes  and  seized  a  number  of  cities.  The 
Rhodians  sent  envoys  to  Rome  threatening  to  help  Perseus 
unless  the  Roman  People  established  peace  and  friendship 
with  him.  This  was  regarded  as  an  insult.  When  the 
campaign  in  Macedonia  was  put  in  charge  of  Lucius 
Aemilius  Paulus,  consul  for  the  second  time  in  the  following 
year,  Paulus  prayed  before  an  assembly  that  any  disaster 
which  threatened  the  Roman  People  might  be  turned 
against  his  own  household, ^  and  after  setting  out  for 
Macedonia,  he  conquered  Perseus  and  brought  all  Mace- 
donia under  control.  Before  the  battle,  he  ^  announced 
beforehand  to  the  army,  to  forestall  surprise,  that  the 
moon  was  to  be  eclipsed  on  the  following  night.  Gentius 
also,  the  king  of  Illyria,  broke  the  peace  with  Rome 
and  after  being  beaten  by  Lucius  Anicius  the  praetor 
offered  his  submission  and  was  sent  to  Rome  with  his 
wife,  his  children,  and  his  relatives.  Envoys  from 
Alexandria  came  from  Queen  Cleopatra  and  King  Ptolemy 
complaining  of  Antiochus,  the  king  of  Syria,  because 
he  was  attacking  them.  Although  Perseus  had  urged 
Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamum,  and  Gentius,  king  of  Illyria, 
to  help  him,  he  was  abandoned  by  them  because  he 
withheld  the  money  which  he  had  promised  them. 

^  This  prayer  of  Paulus  is  mentioned  below,  XLV.  xli.  8. 
2  Livy  says  Gallus,  a  staff-officer;    Zonaras  9.  23,  perhaps 
following  this  epitome,  says  Paulus  made  the  announcement. 


245 


BOOK  XLV 


LIBER   XLV 

I.  VicTORiAE  nuntii;  Q.  Fabius  et  L.  Lentulus  et  Q. 
Metellus,  quanta  potuit  adhiberi  festinatio,  celeriter 
Romam  cum  venissent.  praeceptam  ^  tamen  eius  rei 

2  laetitiani  invenerunt.  Quarto  post  die  quam  cum 
rege  est  pugnatum,  cumi  in  circo  ludi  fierent,  murmur 
repente  populi  tota  spectacula  pervasit  pugnatum  in 

3  Macedonia  et  devictum  regem  esse ;  dein  fremitus 
increvit :  postremo  clamor,  plausus  velut  certo  nuntio 

4  victoriae  allato  est  exortus.  Mirari  magistratus  et 
quaerere  auctorem  repentinae  laetitiae ;  qui  post- 
quam  nullus  erat,  evanuit  quidem  tamquam  certae 
rei  gaudium,  omen  tamen  laetum  insidebat  animis. 

5  Quod  postquam  verius  nuntiis  Fabi  Lentulique  et 
Metelli  adventu  firmatum  est,  cum  ^■ictoria  ipsa,  turn 

6  augurio  animorum  suorum  laetabantur.  Et  altera 
traditur  ^  circensis  turbae  non  minus  similis  verl 
laetitia.     Ante    diem    quintum    decimum    kalendas 

^  praeceptam  Baperfi  :   praeceptum  T'. 
2  et  altera  traditur  Vahlen  :    et  aliter  editus  T'  :    et  aliter 
traditur  Fr. 


^  As  the  battle  took  place  on  Sept.  4,  Livv  thinks  of  these 
games  as  occurring  on  Sept,  7  by  the  then  calendar  factually 
June  25,  see  above,  pp.  87-89).  It  is  not  possible  to  estab- 
lish exactly  for  this  period  the  date  of  the  Roman  Games 
mentioned  below;  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  they  extended 
from  Sept.  4  to  Sept.  19,  but  were  probably  extended  as  time 
went  on.     The  storv  of  the  mvsterious  announcement  is  told. 


248 


BOOK    XLV 

I.  The  messengers  of  victory,  Quintus  Fabius,  u.c.  ig8 
Lucius  Lentulus,  and  Quintus  Metellus,  summoned 
up  the  utmost  possible  speed  and  quickly  arrived  in 
Rome.  Yet  they  found  that  the  joy  of  their  an- 
nouncement had  been  anticipated.  On  the  third 
day  1  after  the  battle  with  the  king,  while  games  were 
being  celebrated  in  the  circus,  a  rumour  in  the 
audience  suddenly  swept  over  the  whole  auditorium 
that  a  battle  had  been  fought  in  Macedonia  and  the 
king  beaten  ;  then  the  buzz  increased  ;  finally  there 
arose  shouting  and  clapping,  as  if  a  definite  report  of 
victory  had  arrived.  The  magistrates  were  aston- 
ished and  sought  after  the  originator  of  this  sudden 
rejoicing.  When  no  such  person  was  found,  the  re- 
joicing as  if  for  an  established  fact  died  away,  but 
the  happy  omen  lurked  nevertheless  in  men's  minds. 
After  confirmation  came  through  the  genuine  report 
on  the  arrival  of  Fabius,  Lentulus,  and  Metellus, 
men  rejoiced  both  in  the  actual  victory  and  in  the 
prophetic  power  of  their  spirits.  The  story  is  told 
of  a  second  rejoicing  by  the  mob  at  the  circus,  which 
seemed    no    less    genuine.     On    the    sixteenth    of 

also  by  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxiv,  who  agrees  with  Livy  in 
eliminating  the  gods  from  direct  action  on  this  occasion; 
according  to  Cicero,  N.D.  II.  ii.  6,  Valerius  Maximus  I.  viii.  I, 
and  Pliny,  N.H.  VII.  xxii.  86,  the  news  was  proclaimed  by 
Castor  and  Pollux. 

249 


LI\'Y 

Octobres.-'-ludorum  Romanorumsecundo die,  C.  Licinio 
consul!  ad  quadrigas  mittendas  escendenti  ^  tabel- 
larius.  qui  se  ex  Macedonia  venire  diceret,  laureatas 

7  literas  reddidisse  ^  dicitur.  Quadrigis  missis  consul 
cuiTum  conscendit  et.  cum  per  circum  reveheretur 
ad  foros  publicos,  laureatas  tabellas  populo  ostendit. 

8  Quibus  conspectis  repente  immemor  spectaculi  popu- 
lus  in  medium  decurrit.  Eo  senatum  consul  vocavit 
recitatisque  tabellis  ex  auctoritate  patrum  pro  foris 
publicis   denuntiavit  populo   L.   Aemilium  collegam 

9  signis  conlatis  cum  rege  Perseo  pugnasse :  Mace- 
donum  exercitum  caesum  fusumque ;  regem  cum 
paucis  fugisse ;   civitates  omnes  Macedoniae  in  dicio- 

10  nem  populi  Romani  venisse.  His  auditis  clamor 
cum  ingenti  plausu  ortus ;  ludis  relictis  domos 
magna  pars  hominum   ad  coniuges,  liberos  laetum 

11  nuntium  portabant.  Tertius  decimus  dies  erat  ab 
eo.  quo  in  Macedonia  pugnatum  est. 

11.  Postero  die  senatus  in  curia  habitus,  supplica- 
tionesque  decretae  et  senatus  consultum  factum  est, 
ut  consul,  quos  praeter  milites  sociosque  navales 
2  coniuratos  haberet,  dimitteret :  de  militibus  soci- 
isque  navalibus  dimittendis  referretur,  cum  legati 
ab  L.  Aemilio  consule,  a  quibus  praemissus  tabel- 
larius    esset,   venissent.'*      Ante    diem    sextum    kal. 

^  ante  diem  quintum  decimum  kalendas  Octobres  Jlanu- 
tius  :   ad  ix.  k.  octobrium  V. 

2  escendenti  Turnehiis  :   extendenti  V. 
^  reddidisse  add.  Sigonius  :   om.  V. 
*  venissent  add.  Sigonius  :   om.  V. 

1  These  men  under  oath  might  be  volimteers  or  veterans 
specially  summoned  (evocati);  Servius,  ad  Aen.  VIII.  1, 
describes  coniaratio  as  a  process  of  enrolling  such  special 
soldiers,  as  contrasted  with  a  regular  levy.  But  the  reason 
for  large  numbers  at  this  time  may  be  the  failure  of  the  consul 
2^0 


BOOK  XLV.  I.  7-11.  2 

September,  on  the  second  day  of  the  Roman  Games,  b.c.  168 
it  is  said  that  a  messenger  who  said  he  came  from 
Macedonia  handed  despatches  wreathed  with  laurel 
to  the  consul  Gaius  Licinius  as  he  was  going  up  to 
start  the  chariot-race.  When  the  race  was  over,  the 
consul  mounted  his  chariot  and  as  he  was  being  driven 
back  to  the  reserved  seats,  showed  the  despatches 
to  the  people.  At  the  sight  of  them  the  people  at 
once  forgot  the  show  and  rushed  down  into  the  arena. 
On  the  spot,  the  consul  summoned  the  senate,  had 
the  despatches  read,  and  on  motion  of  the  Fathers, 
announced  to  the  people  before  the  magistrates' 
seats  that  his  colleague  Lucius  Aemilius  had  fought  a 
pitched  battle  with  King  Perseus,  that  the  Mace- 
donian army  had  been  slaughtered  and  routed,  that 
the  king  had  fled  with  but  few  followers,  and  that 
all  the  cities  of  Macedonia  had  come  under  the  sway 
of  the  Roman  people.  On  hearing  this,  shouting 
with  great  clapping  of  hands  began  ;  the  games  were 
deserted  and  most  of  the  people  took  home  the  glad 
news  to  their  wives  and  children.  This  was  the 
twelfth  day  after  the  battle  had  taken  place  in 
Macedonia. 

II.  Next  day  the  senate  met  in  the  senate-house,  a 
thanksgiving  was  voted,  and  a  resolution  passed  that 
the  consul  should  discharge  men  whom  he  had  under 
oath,^  except  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  that  the 
question  of  dismissing  soldiers  and  sailors  should  be 
put  when  the  envoys  who  had  sent  the  messenger 
ahead  should  arrive  from  the  consul  Lucius  Aemilius. 
On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  September,  about  the 

in  Italy  to  qualify  as  commander  of  Roman  troops  (see  below, 
xii.  12)  and  the  consequent  holding  at  Rome  of  Roman  levies 
intended  for  him. 

251 


3  Octobres  hora  fere  secunda  legati  urbem  ingressi 
sunt :  ingentem  secum  occurrentium,  quacumque 
ibant,  prosequentiumque  trahentes  turbam  in  forum 

4  perrexerunt.-^  Senatus  forte  in  curia  erat ;  eo  legatos 
consul  introduxit.  Ibi  tantuni  temporis  retenti 
dum  exponerent,  quantae  regiae  copiae  peditum  ^ 
equitumque  fuissent,  quot  milia  ex  iis  ^  caesa,  quot 

5  capta  forent.  quam  paucorum  niilitum  iactura  tanta 
hostium  strages  facta,  quam  praeceps  •*  rex  fugisset ; 
existimari  Samothraciam  petiturum ;  paratam  clas- 
sem  ad  persequendum  esse,  neque  terra  neque  mari 

6  elabi  posse.  Eadem  haec  paulo  post  in  contionem 
traducti  exposuerunt ;  renovataque  laetitia,  cum 
consul  edixisset,  ut  omnes  aedes  sacrae  aperirentur, 
pro  se  quisque  ex  contione  ad  gratias  agendas  ire  dis, 

7  ingentique  turba  non  \-irorum  modo  sed  etiam 
feminarum  compleri  tota  urbe  ^  deorum  immortalium 
tempi  a. 

8  Senatus  revocatus  in  curiam  supplicationes  ob  rem 
egregie  gestam  ab  L.  Aemilio  consule  in  quinque 
dies  circa  omnia  puMnaria  decre\"it  hostiisque  maiori- 

9  bus  sacrificari  iussit.  Naves,  quae  in  Tiberi  paratae 
instructaeque  stabant,  ut,  si  res  posceret,^  in  Mace- 

1  in  forum  perrexerunt  Hitler  :  inforumaturbiperrexerunt 
V  :  in  forum  ad  tribunal  p.  Fr  :  in  forum  ad  curiam  p. 
Wei^senborn. 

2  quantae  regiae  copiae  peditum  Fr  :  quartae  regiae 
peditum  T'. 

^  iis  Wesenberg  :    his  V. 

*  praeceps  Heraeus  :  pauci  V  :  paride  JIadvig  :  cum  quam 
paucis  Kreyssig  :   raptim  Giarratano. 

°  compleri  tota  urbe  Xeugebauer  :  conperta  urbe  V  :  con- 
ferta  tota  urbe  Fr. 

^  si  res  posceret  Vahlen  :  si  res  possit  resistere  V  :  si  res 
poscere  videretur  Madvig. 

2^2 


BOOK  XLV.  II.  3-9 

second  hour  the  envoys  entered  the  city,-'^  and  made  b.c.  ig8 
their  way  to  the  forum,  drawing  after  them  a  huge 
crowd  of  people  who  met  them  at  every  point  on 
their  way,  and  proceeded  to  escort  them.  The 
senate  happened  to  be  in  the  senate-house ;  the 
consul  presented  the  envoys  there.  They  were  kept 
there  just  long  enough  to  explain  how  large  the 
king's  forces  of  infantry  and  cavalry  had  been,  how 
many  thousand  of  them  had  been  slain  and  how  many 
captured,  with  the  loss  of  how  few  of  our  men  this 
great  slaughter  of  the  enemy  had  been  accomplished, 
and  how  hastily  the  king  had  fled;  it  was  thought, 
the  envoys  said,  that  he  would  make  for  Samothrace  ; 
the  fleet  was  ready  to  pursue,  and  it  would  be  im- 
possible for  him  to  slip  away  either  by  land  or  sea. 
On  being  brought  before  a  meeting  shortly  there- 
after, the  envoys  related  the  same  facts.  Joy  broke 
out  anew  when  the  consul  proclaimed  that  all  sacred 
buildings  should  be  opened ;  from  the  meeting,  each 
citizen  went  of  his  own  accord  to  off'er  thanks  to  the 
gods,  and  all  over  the  city  the  temples  of  the  im- 
mortal gods  were  filled  with  a  huge  throng,  not  only 
of  men,  but  of  women  too. 

The  senate  was  recalled  to  the  senate-house,  voted 
that  thanksgiving  for  the  glorious  achievement  of  the 
consul  Lucius  Aemilius  should  be  observed  for  five 
days  at  all  the  banquet-tables  of  the  gods,  and 
ordered  sacrifice  offered  with  the  larger  victims.  The 
ships  which  were  moored  in  the  Tiber  ready  and  ^ 

equipped  to  be  sent  to  Macedonia,  if  circumstances 

^  Tne'  envoys  seem  not  to  have  hurried,  or  to  have  been 
delayed  by  adverse  winds  in  crossing  the  Adriatic;  Paulus 
went  from  Brundisium  to  Phila  in  eleven  days,  with  a  visit  to 
Delphi  included,  below,  xli.  3. 


LR'Y 

doniani  mitterentur.  subduci  et  in  navalibus  conlo- 

10  cari,  socios  navalis  dato  annuo  stipendio  dimitti  et 

11  cum  iis  ^  omnes,  qui  in  consulis  verba  iuraverant ;  et 
quod  militum  Corcyrae,  Brundisi,  ad  mare  superum 
aut  in  agro  Larinati  esset — omnibus  his  locis  disposi- 
tus  exercitus  fuerat,  cum  quo,  si  res  posceret,  C. 
Licinius  collegae  ferret  opem  — ,  hos  omnes  milites 

12  dimitti  placuit.  Supplicatio  pro  contione  populo  ^ 
indicta  est  ex  ante  diem  quintum  idus  Octobres  cum 
eo  die  in  quinque  dies. 

III.  Ex  Illvrico  duo  legati.  C.  Licinius  Nerva  et 
P.  DeciuS;  nuntiarunt  exercitum  Illyriorum  caesum, 
Gentium  regem  captum,  in  dicione  populi  Romani 

2  Illyricum  ^  esse.  Ob  eas  res  gestas  ductu  auspicioque 
L.  Anici  praetoris  senatus  in  triduum  supplicationes 
decre\-it.  Indictae  ■*  a  consule  sunt  in  ante  diem  ^ 
quartum  et  tertium  et  pridie  idus  Novembres. 

3  Tradidere  quidam  legatos  Rhodios  nondum  di- 
missos  ^  post  victoriam  nuntiatam  velut  ad  ludibrium 

•4  stolidae  superbiae  in  senatum  vocatos  esse ;  ibi 
Agepolirn.  principem  eorum,  ita  locutum :  missos 
esse  legatos  ab  Rhodiis  ad  pacem  inter  Romanos  et 

5  Persea  faciendam,  quod  id  iDellum  grave  atque  in- 

^  iis  Wesenberg  :   his  V. 

2  populo  J.  F.  Crronovius  :   populi  V. 

^  Romani  Illvricum  Madvig  :    Romani  et  Illyricum  T'. 

*  decrevit.  Indictae  Heraens  :  decrevit.  Iterum  Latinae 
edictae  Mommsen  :  decrevitur  latinae  dictae  V  :  decrevit. 
indictae  Latinae  Hertz. 

^  diem  add.  Sigoniiis  :   om.  V. 

®  dimissos  Drakenborch  :   missos  V. 

254 


BOOK  XLV.  II.  9-III.  5 

demanded  it,  were  to  be  put  ashore  and  housed  in  b.c.  ic8 
the  ship-sheds ;  the  sailors  were  to  be  discharged 
after  receiving  their  year's  pay,  and  with  them,  all 
those  who  had  taken  the  oath  before  the  consul.  It 
was  voted  to  discharge  all  soldiers  who  were  in 
Corcyra,  at  Brundisium,  along  the  Adriatic,  or  in  the 
territory  of  Larinum — for  an  army  had  been  dis- 
tributed among  all  these  places,  to  enable  Gains 
Licinius  to  bring  aid  to  his  colleague,  if  the  situation 
demanded  it.  At  a  meeting  a  thanksgiving  was  pro- 
claimed to  the  people  for  the  eleventh  of  October  and 
the  four  days  following. 

III.  From  Illyricum  two  envoys,  Gaius  Licinius 
Nerva  and  Publius  Decius,^  announced  that  the 
army  of  the  Illyrians  had  been  slaughtered,  King 
Gentius  was  captured,  and  Illyricum  was  under  the 
sway  of  the  Roman  people.  For  this  achievement 
under  the  leadership  and  auspices  of  the  praetor 
Lucius  Anicius,  the  senate  voted  thanksgiving  for 
three  days.  The  date  was  proclaimed  by  the  consul 
as  the  tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth  of  November. 

Some  historians  ^  relate  that  the  ambassadors  of 
the  Rhodians,  who  had  not  yet  been  dismissed  after 
the  announcement  of  victory,  were  summoned  to  the 
senate,  as  if  in  mockery  of  their  foolish  pride,  and 
that  there  Agepolis,  their  chief,  spoke  as  follows : 
the  envoys  had  been  sent  by  the  Rhodians  to  bring 
about  peace  between  the  Romans  and  Perseus,  since 
the  war  between  them  was  the  cause  of  hardship 

1  In  XLIV.  xxxii.  4,  Perpenna  is  given  as  the  messenger, 
instead  of  these  two. 

2  Apparently  Polybius  XXIX.  19  (7);  in  XLIV.  xiv.  8-xv, 
Livy,  following  a  Roman  source,  places  the  embassy  a  year 
too  early. 


commodum  Graeciae  omni.  sumptuosum  ac  damno- 

6  sum  ipsis  Romanis  esset.  Fortunam  populi  Romani 
bene  feeisse,  quod  ^  finito  aliter  bello  gratulandi  ^ 
sibi  de  victoria  egregia  Romanis  opportunitatem 
dedisset.     Haec  ab  Rhodio  dicta. 

Responsum  ab  senatu  esse :  Rhodios  nee  utili- 
tatium  Graeciae  cura  neque  ^  impensarum  populi 
Romani,  sed  pro  Perseo  legationem  eam  mississe. 

7  Nam  si  ea  fuisset  cura,  quae  simularetur,  tum  mit- 
tendos  legates  fuisse,  cum  Perseus  in  Thessaliam 
exercitu  inducto  per  biennium  Graecas  urbes  alias 
obsideret,    alias    denuntiatione    armorum    terreret ; 

8  tum  nullam  pacis  ab  Rhodiis  mentionem  factam. 
Postquam  superatos  saltus  transgressosque  in  Mace- 
donian! Romanos  audissent  *  et  inclusum  teneri 
Persea,  tunc  Rhodios  legationem  misisse,  non  ad 
ullam  aliam  rem  quam  ad  Persea  ex  imminenti 
periculo  eripiendum.  Cum  hoc  responso  legatos 
dimissos. 

IV.  Per  eosdem  dies  et  M.  Marcellus,  ex  provincia 
Hispania  decedens  Marcolica  nobili  urbe  capta, 
decem  pondo  auri  et  argenti  ad  summam  sestertii  ^ 
deciens  in  ^  aerarium  rettulit. 
2  Paulus  Aemilius  consul  cum  castra,  ut  supra  dictum 
est,  ad  Siras  terrae  Odomanticae  haberet,  litterae  ab 

1  fortunam  populi  Romani  bene  feeisse,  quod  Wesenberg: 
fortunambper  benefieiis  sequendo  T'. 

2  finito  aliter  bello  gratulandi  Fr :  finito  aliter  bello 
sequendo  aliter  gratulandi  V. 

2  cura  neque  Madvig  :   neque  cura  T'. 
*  audissent  Vahhn  :   audirent  V. 
5  sestertii  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  sestertium  V. 
^  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 
256 


BOOK  XLV.  III.  5-iv.  2 

and  injury  to  all  Greece,  and  of  expense  and  loss  to  b.c.  ig8 
the  Romans  themselves.  The  good  fortune  of  the 
Roman  people  had  been  kind  to  the  Rhodians  in 
giving  them  the  opportunity,  now  that  the  war  had 
been  brought  to  an  end  by  other  means,  of  congratu- 
lating the  Romans  on  their  glorious  victory.  This 
was  the  speech  of  the  Rhodian. 

The  answer  of  the  senate  was  that  the  Rhodians 
had  sent  that  embassy  through  concern  neither  for 
the  welfare  of  Greece  nor  for  the  outlays  of  the 
Roman  People,  but  on  behalf  of  Perseus.  For  had 
their  concern  been  as  alleged,  their  envoys  should 
have  been  sent  w^hen  Perseus  had  led  his  army  into 
Thessaly  and  for  two  years  was  besieging  some  Greek 
cities  and  alarming  others  with  the  threat  of  attack. 
At  that  time,  there  had  been  not  a  word  about  peace 
from  the  Rhodians.  After  they  had  heard  that  the 
Romans  had  overcome  the  passes  and  crossed  into 
Macedonia,  and  that  Perseus  was  surrounded,  then 
the  Rhodians  sent  an  embassy  for  no  other  purpose 
than  to  snatch  Perseus  from  the  impending  disaster. 
With  this  reply,  the  envoys  were  dismissed. 

IV.  About  the  same  time  Marcus  Marcellus,  on  his 
return  from  Spain  after  taking  the  noted  city  of 
Marcolica,  also  deposited  in  the  treasury  ten  pounds  ^ 
of  gold  and  silver  of  a  value  of  one  million  sesterces. 

As  the  consul  Aemilius  Paulus  was  encamped  near 
Sirae  in  the  Odomantian  territory,  as  was  mentioned 

^  The  weight  of  metal  is  obviously  too  small  for  the  value 
given,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  propose  an  emendation.  The  lb. 
of  silver  probably  =  336  sesterces ;  the  lb.  of  gold  probably 
=  4000  sesterces  (cf.  Vol.  XI.  192,  note  4).  Could  MDC  pondo 
become  decern  pondo  by  scribal  error  ?  It  is  perhaps  easier  to 
assume  the  loss  of  the  first  figures  of  the  correct  number ;  but 
the  number  suggested  is  of  the  proper  order. 

257 
VOL.  XIII.  K 


LIVY 

rege  Perseo  per  ignobiles  tres  legates  ei  adlatae  sunt. 
Quos  cum  flentes  ac  sordidatos  ^  cerneret,  et  ipse  in- 

3  lacrimasse  dicitur  sorti  ^  humanae,  quod  qui  paulo 
ante  non  contentus  regno  Macedoniae  Dardanos 
Illyriosque  oppugnasset,  Bastarnarum  adci\-isset  ^ 
auxilia,  is  turn  amisso  exercitu,  extorris  regno,  in 
parvam  insulam  compulsus,  supplex,  fani  religione 

4  non  viribus  suis  tutus  esset.  Sed  postquam  regeni 
Persea  consuli  Paulo  salutem  legit,  miserationem 
omnem  stuftitia  ignorantis  fortunam  suam  exemit. 

5  Itaque,  quamquam  in  reliqua  parte  litterarum 
niinime  regiae  preces  erant,  tanien  sine  responso  ac 
sine  litteris  ea  legatio  dimissa  est.     Sensit  Perseus, 

6  cuius  nominis  obliviscendum  \icto  esset ;  itaque 
alterae  litterae  cum  privati  nominis  titulo  missae  et 
petiere  et  impetravere,  ut  aliqui  ad  eum  mitterentur, 
cum  quibus  loqui  de  statu  et  condicione  suae  fortunae 

7  posset.  Missi  sunt  tres  legati,  P.  Lentulus,  A. 
Postumius  Albinus,  A.  Antonius.  Nihil  ea  legatione 
perfectum  est,  Perseo  regium  nomen  omni  vi  amplec- 
tente,  Paulo  ut  se  suaque  omnia  in  fidem  et  clemen- 
tiam  populi  Romani  permitteret  tendente.* 

V.  Quae  ^  dum  aguntur,  classis  Cn.  Octavi  Samo- 
thracam  est  appulsa.  Is  quoque  praesenti  admoto 
terrore  modo  minis,  modo  spe  perlicere  ut  se  traderet 
cum  ^  conaretur,   adiuvit  in  hoc   eum  res  seu  casu 


^  ei  adlatae  sunt.  Quos  cum  flentes  ac  sordidatos  add. 
H.  J.  Mailer  :   om.  V. 

-  sorti  Vascosayius  :  sortis  T'. 

^  adcivisset  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    ciuisse  V. 

*  et  clementiam  populi  Romani  permitteret  tendente 
Kreyssig :   et  pr.  permitterecletendente  I'. 

=  Quae  add.  Heraeus  :   om.  V. 

^  cum  add.  Fr  :   om.  I'. 


BOOK  XLV.  IV.  2-v.  I 

above, 1  despatches  from  King  Perseus  were  brought  b.CvIgs 
to  him  by  three  envoys  of  no  rank.  When  Paulus 
perceived  them  in  soiled  garb  and  with  tears  stream- 
ing, it  is  said  that  he  himself  wept  for  the  lot  of  man, 
since  that  king  who  shortly  before,  discontented  with 
the  kingdom  of  Macedonia,  had  attacked  the  Dar- 
danians  and  Illyrians  and  summoned  the  Bastarnae  to 
his  aid,  had  now  lost  his  army,  and,  stripped  of  his 
kingdom  and  driven  to  a  small  island,  was  a  suppliant,  . 
protected  by  the  sanctity  of  a  temple,  not  by  his  own 
powers.  But  after  he  read  "  King  Perseus  to  the 
Consul  Paulus,  greeting,"  the  folly  of  the  man  who 
did  not  realize  the  state  of  his  fortunes  erased  all 
pity.  Therefore,  although  the  body  of  the  letter 
contained  entreaties  far  from  royal,  yet  that  embassy 
was  dismissed  without  an  answer  and  without 
dispatches.  Perseus  understood  what  title  the  con- 
quered must  forget ;  therefore  other  dispatches,  sent 
under  his  name  without  title,  requested  and  obtained 
the  sending  of  certain  persons  with  whom  he  might 
discuss  the  status  and  the  terms  of  his  new  lot.  Three 
envoys  were  sent,  Publius  Lentulus,  Aulus  Postu- 
mius  Albinus,  and  Aulus  Antonius.  Nothing  was 
accomplished  by  that  embassy,  since  Perseus  clung 
with  all  his  might  to  the  title  of  king,  while  Paulus 
urged  him  to  entrust  himself  and  all  he  had  to  the 
discretion  and  mercy  of  the  Roman  People. 

V.  While  these  negotiations  were  under  way,  the 
fleet  of  Gnaeus  Octavius  put  in  at  Samothrace.  He 
too  was  attempting  to  entice  the  king  to  surrender  now 
by  menaces,  now  by  hope,  while  the  threat  of  force 
was  kept  imminent,  when  a  matter  brought  about 
either  by  chance  or  plan  lent  him  assistance  in  his 

1  The  mention  of  Sirae  has  been  lost  at  the  end  of  XLIV. 

259 


LIVY 

2  contracta  seu  consilio.  L.  Atilius,  illustris  adulescens, 
cum  in  contione  esse  populiim  Samothracum  ani- 
mum  advertisset,  a  magistratibus  petit,^  ut  sibi 
paucis  adloquendi  populi  potestatem  facerent, 

3  Permisso  "  utrum  nos,  hospites  Samothraces,  vere 
accepimus  an  falso  sacram  hanc  insulam  et  augusti 

4  totam  atque  in\-iolati  soli  esse  ?  "  cum  creditae  sancti- 
tati  adsentirentur  omnes,  "  cm-  igitur  "  inquit 
"  polluit  -  eam  homicida,  sanguine  regis  Eumenis 
violavit.  et  cum  omnis  praefatio  sacrorum  ^  cos  quibus 
non  sint  purae  manus  sacris  arceat,  vos  penetralia 
vestra  contaminari  cruento  latronis  corpore  sinetis  ?  " 

5  Nobilis  fama  erat  apud  omnes  Graeciae  civitates 
Eumenis  regis  per  Euandrum  Delphis  prope  perpe- 

6  trata  caedes.  Itaque,  praeterquam  quod  in  potestate 
Romanorum  sese  insulamque  totam  et  templum 
cernebant  esse,  ne  inmerito  quidem  ea  sibi  expro- 
brari  rati,  Theondan  qui  summus  magistratus  apud 
eos  erat — regem  ipsi  appellant — ,  ad  Persea  mittunt, 
qui  nuntiaret   argui  caedis   Euandrum   Cretensem ; 

7  esse  autem  indicia  apud  sese  more  maiorum  com- 
parata    de    iis,    qui    incestas    manus    intulisse    intra 

8  terminos  sacratos  templi  dicantur ;  si  confideret 
Euander  innoxium  se  rei  capitalis  argui,  veniret  ad 
causam  dicendam ;  si  committere  se  iudicio  non 
auderet,  liberaret  religione  templum  ac  sibimet  ipse 
consuleret. 

^  Samothracum  animum  advertisset,  a  magistratibus  petit 
Fr :  samotra  crumanimumadversossedadmagistratibuspetit 
V. 

:     2  polluit     V allien  :     pollui     T'  :      poUutam    Fr  :      pollutus 
Madvig. 

2  sacrorum  Fr  :   rum  V. 

^  Described  in  XLII.  xv-xvi. 
260 


BOOK  XLV.  V.  2-8 

undertaking.     Lucius    Atilius,    a    prominent    young  b.c.  168 
man,  noticing  that  the  people  of  Samothrace  were  in 
meeting,  requested  the  magistrates  for  permission 
to    address    the    people    briefly.     Permission   being 
granted,  he  asked. 

My  hosts  of  Samothrace,  is  our  understanding 
correct  or  false  that  this  island  is  sacred,  and  all  its 
soil  is  revered  and  unprofaned?  "  When  all  agreed 
that  it  was  as  sacred  as  he  believed,  he  said,  "  Why 
then  has  a  murderer  polluted  it,  profaned  it  with  the 
blood  of  King  Eumenes,  and  although  the  preamble 
to  every  rite  warns  away  from  the  holy  things  those 
whose  hands  are  not  pure,  why  do  you  yet  permit 
your  sanctuary  to  be  defiled  by  the  blood-stained 
person  of  a  brigand  ? 

The  story  how  Evander  had  nearly  succeeded  in 
murdering  King  Eumenes  at  Delphi  ^  had  been 
bruited  abroad  throughout  all  the  cities  of  Greece. 
Consequently,  the  Samothracians  decided  that,  apart 
from  the  fact  that  they  saw  that  they  and  their  whole 
island  and  shrine  were  in  the  power  of  the  Romans, 
the  reproach  against  them  was  a  just  one.  They  sent 
Theondas,  the  chief  magistrate  of  their  community — 
they  call  him  "  king  " — to  Perseus  to  announce  that 
Evander  the  Cretan  was  being  accused  of  murder ; 
that  there  was  a  court  of  theirs  established  by 
ancestral  custom  to  try  those  who  were  alleged  to 
have  brought  unclean  hands  within  the  sacred 
precincts  of  the  temple  ;  and  that  if  Evander  trusted 
that  he  was  innocent  of  the  capital  charge  brought 
against  him,  he  should  appear  to  defend  himself, 
whereas,  if  he  dared  not  entrust  himself  to  the  court, 
he  should  free  the  temple  of  profanation,  and  provide 
for  his  own  safety. 

261 


9  Perseus  sevocato  ^  Euandro  iudicium  subeundi 
nullo  pacto  auctor  ^  esse  :  nee  causa  nee  gratia  parem 
fore.  Suberat  et  ille  metus,  ne  damnatus  auctorem 
se  nefandi  facinoris  protraheret.     Reliqui  ^  quid  esse, 

10  nisi  ut  fortiter  moriatur  ?  Nihil  palam  abnuere 
Euander ;  sed  cum  veneno  se  malle  mori  quam  ferro 
dixisset,  occulte  fugam  parabat.  Quod  cum  re- 
nuntiatum  regi  esset,  metuens,  ne  tamquam  a  se 
subtracto  poenae  reo  iram  Samothracum  in  se  con- 

11  verteret,  interfici  Euandrum  iussit.  Qua  perpetrata 
temere  caede  subit  extemplo  animum,  in  se  nimirum 
receptam  labem,  quae  Euandri  fuisset ;  ab  illo 
Delphis  volneratum  Eumenen.  ab  se  Samothracae 
Euandrum  occisum ;  ita  duo  sanctissima  in  terris 
templa   se    uno    auctore    sanguine    humano    violata. 

12  Huius  rei  crimen  corrupto  pecunia  Theonda  avertit, 
ut*  renuntiaret  populo  Euandrum  sibi  ipsum  mortem 
conscisse. 

VI.  Ceterum  tanto  facinore  in  unicum  relictum  ami- 
cum  admisso,^  per  tot  casus  expertum  proditumque, 
quia  non  prodiderat,  omnium  ab  se  abalienavit 
animos.  Pro  se  quisque  transire  ad  Romanos, 
2  fugaeque  consilium  capere  solum  prope  relictum 
coegerunt ;  Oroandem  denique  ®  Cretensem,  cui 
nota  Threciae  ora  erat  quia  mercaturas  in  ea  regione 
fecerat.  appellat    ut    se    sublatum    in '^    lembum    ad 


^  sevocato  Drakenhorch  :   evocato  V. 
2  auctor  Fr  :  res  V. 
^  reliqui  Sigonias  :   reliquid  T'. 

*  Theonda  avertit,  ut  Madvig  :   Theodonavertiturut  V. 
^  admisso  Madvig  :   amisson  V. 

^  Oroandem    denique    Harant :    oroeandemque    V :     Oro- 
andemque  Fr  : 

'   in  add.  Fr  :    orn.  V. 

262 


BOOK  XLV.  V.  9-vi.  2 

Perseus  called  Evander  aside  and  said  that  he  by  b.c.  168 
no  means  advised  him  to  stand  trial,  for  he  would  have 
neither  a  good  case  nor  sufficient  influence.  (Behind 
his  words  was  the  fear  that  Evander,  if  condemned, 
would  reveal  the  king  as  the  sponsor  of  the  abomin- 
able crime.)  What  was  there  left,  said  Perseus, 
except  to  die  bravely?  Evander  made  no  open 
refusal,  but  saying  that  he  preferred  to  die  by 
poison  rather  than  the  steel,  he  secretly  made  ready 
for  escape.  When  this  was  reported  to  the  king,  he 
feared  that  the  anger  of  the  Samothracians  would 
turn  against  him,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  caused 
the  guilty  party  to  escape  punishment ;  so  he 
ordered  Evander  killed.  W^hen  this  murder  had  been 
hastily  perpetrated,  it  suddenly  occurred  to  Perseus 
that  he  had  beyond  doubt  taken  on  himself  the  guilt 
of  Evander.  The  latter  had  wounded  Eumenes  at 
Delphi,  he  had  killed  Evander  at  Samothrace ;  and 
so  two  of  the  most  sacred  shrines  on  earth  had  been 
profaned  with  human  blood  at  his  sole  instigation. 
He  turned  aside  accusation  on  this  score  by  bribing 
Theondas  to  report  to  the  people  that  Evander  had 
committed  suicide. 

VL  However,  when  he  committed  this  terrible 
crime  against  his  pre-eminent  remaining  friend,  who 
had  been  tested  in  so  many  vicissitudes  and  had  been 
betrayed  because  he  had  not  betrayed  the  king, 
Perseus  turned  all  hearts  against  him.  Each  one 
individually  deserted  to  the  Romans. 

By  fleeing  they  forced  the  king  too,  left  almost 
alone,  to  adopt  some  plan  of  flight ;  finally  he 
appealed  to  Oroandes  the  Cretan,  who  knew  the 
coast  of  Thrace  from  having  made  trading  voyages 
there,  to  take  him  aboard  a  scout-ship  and  carry  him 

263 


3  Cotym  deveheret.  Demetrium  est  portus  in  promun- 
turio  quodam  Samothracae ;  ibi  lembus  stabat.  Sub 
occasum  soils  deferuntur  quae  ad  usum  necessaria 
erant ;     defertur    et    pecunia    quanta    clam    deferri 

4  poterat.  Rex  ipse  nocte  media  cum  tribus  consciis 
fugae  per  ^  posticum  aedium  in  propinquum  cu-^ 
biculo    hortum    atque    inde   maceriam    aegre   trans- 

5  gressus  ad  mare  pervenit.  Oroandes  tantum  mora- 
tus.-  dum  pecunia  deferretur,  primis  tenebris  solverat 

6  navem  ac  per  altum  Cretam  petebat.  Postquam  in 
portu  navis  non  inventa  est,  vagatus  Perseus  ali- 
quamdiu  in  litore,  postremo  timens  lucem  iam  adpro- 
pinquantem,  in  hospitium  redire  non  ausus  in  latere 
templi  prope  angulum  obscurum  delituit. 

7  Pueri  regii  apud  Macedonas  vocabantur  principum 
liberi  ad  ministerium  electi  regis ;  ea  cohors  per- 
secuta  regem  fugientem  ne  tum  quidem  abscedebat, 
donee  iussu  Cn.  Octavi  pronuntiatum  est  per  prae- 

8  conem  regios  pueros  Macedonasque  alios,  qui  Samo- 
thracae essent,  si  transirent  ad  Romanos,  incolumi- 
tatem  libertatemque  et  sua  omnia  servaturos,  quae 
aut  secum  haberent  ^  aut  in  Macedonia  reliquissent. 

9  Ad  banc  vocem  transitio  omnium  facta  est,  nominaque 
dabant  ad  C.  Postumium  tribunum  militum.     Liberos 

^  per  add.  Fr  :    orn.  V. 

^  moratus  add.  Kreyssig  :    om.  V. 

2  quae  aut  secum  haberent  Fr  :   baud  aecum  habere  V. 

^  A  temple  of  Demeter  stood  there,  cf.  below,  sec.  6.  The 
temple  is  mentioned  in  I.G.  XII.  8.  The  promontory  of 
Kamariotissa  marks  the  site  approximately. 

-  Perseus'  wife  accompanied  him,  according  to  Plutarch, 

264 


BOOK  XLV.  VI.  2-9 

to  Cotys.  There  is  a  harbour  Demetrium  on  a  b.c.  168 
certam  headland  of  Saniothrace ;  ^  the  scout-ship 
was  anchored  there.  At  sun-down  the  needful 
equipment  was  carried  to  the  shore ;  all  the  money 
that  could  be  brought  secretly  was  also  carried  down. 
In  the  middle  of  the  night,  the  king  himself  with 
three  companions  of  his  flight  went  by  a  back  door  of 
the  house  into  a  garden  next  to  his  bedroom  and 
thence,  after  scrambling  with  difficulty  over  a  wall, 
reached  the  sea.^  Oroandes  had  waited  just  long 
enough  for  the  money  to  be  brought  down,  and  in  the 
early  darkness  had  weighed  anchor  and  was  sailing 
directly  for  Crete.  When  the  ship  was  not  found 
at  the  harbour,  Perseus  w^andered  about  for  some 
time  on  the  shore  and,  finally,  fearing  the  imminent 
approach  of  dawn,  did  not  dare  to  return  to  the 
house  where  he  was  entertained,  but  took  cover  near 
an  out-of-the-way  corner  on  one  side  of  the  temple. 

Among  the  Macedonians  there  were  Royal  Pages,^ 
so-called,  sons  of  the  chief  men  chosen  to  wait  upon 
the  king ;  this  troop,  having  accompanied  the  king 
in  his  flight  had  not  even  then  left  him,  until  by  order 
of  Gnaeus  Octavius,  announcement  was  made  by  a 
herald  that  if  the  Royal  Pages  and  the  other  Mace- 
donians who  were  in  Samothrace  surrendered  to  the 
Romans,  they  would  secure  their  safety,  their  free- 
dom, and  all  their  possessions  which  they  either  had 
with  them,  or  had  left  in  Macedonia.  At  this  w^ord, 
they  all  made  their  way  to  the  Romans,  and  reported 
their  names  to  Gaius  Postumius,  a  military  tribune. 
The  king's  young  children  were  also  handed  over  to 

Aemilius  xxvi,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  of  delay,  being  quite 
unathletie. 

^  These  pages  are  also  described  by  Curtius  VIII.  vi.  2. 

265 


quoque  parvos  regies   Ion  Thessalonicensis  Octavio 
tradidit.  nee  quisquam  praeter  Philippum,  maximum 

10  natu  e  ^  filiis,  cum  rege  relictus.  Tum  sese  filiumque 
Octavio  tradidit,  fortunam  deosque,  quorum  in 
templo  erat,2  nulla  ope  supplicem  iuvantis  accusans. 

11  In  praetoriam  navem  imponi  iussus,  eodem  et  pecunia 
quae    superfuit    delata    est ;      extemploque    classis 

12  Amphipolim  repetit.  Inde  Octavius  regem  in  castra 
ad  consulem  misit  praemissis  Htteris,  ut  in  potestate 
eum  esse  et  adduci  sciret. 

VII.  Secundam  eam  Paulus,  sicut  erat,  victoriam 
ratus  victimas  cecidit  eo  nuntio,  et  consilio  advocate 
litteras  ^  praetoris  cum  recitasset,  Q.  Aelium  Tubero- 
nem  obviam  regi  misit,  ceteros  manere  in  praetorio 

2  frequentis  iussit.  Non  alias  ad  ullum  spectaculum 
tanta  multitude  occurrit.  Patrum  aetate  Syphax 
rex  captus  in  castra  Romana  adductus  erat ;  praeter- 
quam  quod  nee  sua  nee  gentis  fama  cemparandus, 
tantum  accessie  *  Punici  belli  fuerat,  sicut  Gentius 

3  Macedenici ;  Perseus  caput  belli  erat,  nee  ipsius 
tantum  patris  avique  ceterorumque,^  quos  sanguine 
et  ^  genere  contingebat,  fama  conspectum  eum 
efficiebat,  sed  effulgebant  Philippus  ac  magnus 
Alexander,  qui  summum  imperium  in  erbe  terrarum 

4  Macedenum     fecerant.     Pullo     amictu     cum     filie  "^ 

1  natu  e  Kreyssig  :   natum  et  V. 

2  quorum  in  templo  erat  Drakenborch  :  quorum  te  ploerant- 
nullotemplo  I'  :  quorum  templum  erat  J.  F.  Gronovius : 
quorum  in  templo  erant,  nulla  tutela  Gitlhauer. 

^  litteras  cuM.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

*  tantum  accessio  Giarratano  :   time  quod  nee  sua  accessio 
T'  :   tunc  quoque  accessio  Fr  :   etiam  quod  accessio  Harant. 
^  ceterorumque  add.  Madvig  :   om.  V. 
6  et  H artel  :   at  V. 
'  amictu  cum  filio  Graevius  :   amictus  illo  V. 

266 


BOOK  XLV.  VI.  9-vii.  4 

Octavius  by  Ion  of  Thessalonica,  and  no  one  was  left  b.c.  I68 
with  the  kmg  except  Philip,  his  oldest  son.  Then 
Perseus  surrendered  hiniseljp  and  his  son  to  Octavius, 
railing  at  his  fortune  and  the  gods  in  whose  temple  he 
was,  who  had  done  nothing  to  aid  their  suppliant.^ 
He  was  ordered  to  be  placed  in  the  flagship,  and  w^hat 
was  left  of  the  money  was  brought  there.  The 
fleet  immediately  sailed  back  to  Amphipolis.  Thence 
Octavius  sent  the  king  to  the  consul's  camp,  sending 
ahead  dispatches  to  inform  the  consul  that  the  king 
was  a  prisoner  and  was  being  brought  to  him. 

VII.  Thinking  that  this  was  a  second  victory,  as 
indeed  it  w^as,  Paulus  offered  sacrifice  at  this  message  ; 
he  read  the  letter  of  the  praetor  before  his  assembled 
council,  sent  Quintus  Aelius  Tubero  ^  to  meet  the 
king,  and  ordered  the  others  to  remain  in  full  num- 
bers at  headquarters.  So  great  a  crowTi  never 
gathered  elsewhere  for  any  sight.  In  the  previous 
generation  King  Syphax  ^  had  been  brought  as 
prisoner  into  a  Roman  camp,  but  apart  from  the  fact 
that  he  was  not  comparable  either  as  to  his  own 
reputation  or  that  of  his  nation,  he  was  a  mere 
appendage  to  the  war  with  Carthage,  as  Gentius  was 
to  this  one  with  Macedonia.  Perseus  was  the  chief 
enemy,  and  not  only  his  own  reputation  and  that  of 
his  father,  grandfather,  and  the  rest  to  whom  he  was 
related  by  blood  and  stock  made  him  a  cynosure,  but 
the  glory  of  Philip  and  Alexander  the  Great,  who 
made  the  Macedonians  masters  of  the  world,  radiated 

^  Diodorus  XXIX.  28  points  out  that  he  had  forfeited  his 
claim  on  the  gods  by  his  disloyalty  toward  his  brother. 

2  The  son-in-law  of  Paulus,  according  to  Plutarch,  Aemilius 

V. 

3  His  story  is  told  in  XXX.  xiii. 

267 


Perseus  ingressus  est  castra  nullo  suorum  alio  comite, 
qui  socius  calamitatis  miserabiliorem  eum  faceret. 
Progredi  prae  turba  occurrentium  ad  spectaculum 
non  poterat,  donee  a  consule  lictores  missi  sunt,^  qui 
summoto  iter  ad  praetorium  facerent.  Consurrexit 
consul  iussis  ^  sedere  aliis  progressusque  paulum 
introeunti  regi  dextram  porrexit  summitTtentemque 
se  ad  pedes  sustulit  nee  attingere  genua  passus 
introductum  in  tabernaculum  adversus  advocates  in 
consilium  considere  iussit. 

VIII.  Prima  percontatio  fuit,  qua  subactus  iniuria 
contra  populum  Romanum  bellum  tarn  infesto  animo 
suscepisset,  quo  se  regnumque  suum  ad  ultimum 
discrimen  adduceret :  Cum  responsum  expect- 
antibus  cunctis  terram  intuens  diu  tacitus  fleret, 
rursus  ^  consul:  "si  iuvenis  regnum  accepisses, 
minus  equidem  mirarer  ignorasse  te,  quam  gravis  aut 
amicus  aut  inimicus  esset  populus  Romanus ;  nunc 
vero.  cum  et  bello  patris  tui  quod  nobiscum  gessit 
interfuisses,  et  pacis  postea.quam  cum  summa  fide  ad- 
versus eum  coluimus.meminisses.quod  fuit  consilium,* 
quorum  et  vim  in  ^  bello  et  fidem  in  pace  expertus 
esses,  cum  iis  tibi  bellum  esse  quam  pacem  malle  ?  " 
Nee  interrogatus  nee  accusatus  cum  responderet, 
utcumque  tamen  haec,  sive  errore  humano  seu  casu 
seu    necessitate   inciderunt,   bonum    animum   habe. 

^  missi  sunt  Madvig  :   misissent  V. 
2  consul  iussis  Liderhacher  :   consul  et  iussis  T'. 
^  rursus  Wesenberg  :   iussu  V. 

*  meminisses,    quod   fuit   consilium   JIadvig :    meminisset 
consilium  I'. 

^  in  add.  Drakenhorch  :   om.  V. 

268 


BOOK  XLV.  VII.  4-viii.  5 

from  him.  Perseus  entered  the  camp  in  dark-  b.c.  I68 
coloured  garb,  with  his  son,  but  unattended  by  any- 
other  of  his  people  whose  presence  as  a  sharer  of  his 
downfall  might  have  made  him  more  pitiable.  He 
was  unable  to  proceed  because  of  the  crowd  rushing 
to  gaze  at  him,  until  lictors  were  sent  by  the  consul 
to  clear  a  path  to  the  headquarters.  The  consul 
rose  to  meet  him,  though  he  ordered  the  others  to 
keep  their  seats,  and  advancing  a  few  steps  offered 
his  hand  to  the  king  as  he  entered,  raised  him  when 
he  fell  at  his  feet,  not  allowing  him  to  clasp  his  knees, 
brought  him  into  the  tent,  and  bade  him  be  seated 
opposite  the  officers  called  as  council. 

VIII.  The  first  question  put  was,  by  what  wrong 
had  he  been  driven  to  make  war  on  the  Roman 
People  with  such  determined  enmity  as  to  bring  him- 
self and  his  kingdom  into  utmost  danger  ?  While 
all  awaited  an  answer,  he  gazed  silently  at  the 
ground  for  a  long  time  and  wept. 

Then  the  consul  asked  again:  "  If  you  had  re- 
ceived the  kingdom  as  a  young  man,  I  should  indeed 
be  less  surprised  that  you  were  unaware  how  power- 
ful the  Roman  People  is  as  a  friend  or  as  an  enemy. 
As  it  is,  since  you  had  a  part  in  the  war  which  your 
father  waged  with  us,  and  since  you  were  aware  of  the 
peace  that  followed,  which  we  observed  with  the 
utmost  faithfulness  toward  him,  what  reasoning  led 
you  to  prefer  war  rather  than  peace  with  men  whose 
power  in  war,  whose  good  faith  in  peace,  you  had 
alike  tested?  " 

When  no  reply  either  to  the  question  or  the  accusa- 
tion was  forthcoming,  the  consul  continued,  "  How- 
ever that  may  be,  whether  it  has  occurred  through 
human  mistake  or  chance  or  law  of  nature,  be  of  good 

269 


Multorum  regum  populorumque  ^  casibus  cognita 
populi  R-omani  dementia  non  modo  spem  tibi.  sed 
prope  certain  fiduciam  salutis  praebet." 

Haec  Graeco  sermone  Perseo ;  Latine  deinde  suis 
"  exemplum  insigne  cernitis  "  inquit  "  mutationis 
rerum  humanarum.  Vobis  hoc  praecipue  dico, 
iuvenes.  Ideo  in  secundis  rebus  nihil  in  quemquam 
superbe  ac  violenter  consulere  decet  nee  praesenti 
credere  fortunae,  cum  quid  vesper  ferat  incertum  sit. 
Is  demum  vir  erit.  cuius  animum  neque  prosperae  res 
flatu  ^  suo  efferent^  nee  adversae  infringent." 

ConsiUo  dimisso  tuendi  cura  regis  Q.  Aelio  man- 
datur.  Eo  die  et  invitatus  ad  consulem  Perseus  et 
alius  omnis  ei  honos  habitus  est,  qui  haberi  in  tali 
fortuna  poterat. 

Exercitus  deinde  in  hiberna  dimissus  est.  IX. 
Maximam  partem  copiarum  Amphipolis.  reliquas  pro- 
pinquae  urbes  acceperunt. 

Hie  finis  belli,  cum  quadriennium  continuum  bella- 
tum  esset,  inter  Romanos  ac  Persea  fuit  idemque  finis 
incluti  per  Europae  plerumque  atque  Asiam  omnem 
regni.  Vicensimum  ab  Carano,  qui  primus  regnabat, 
Persea  numerabant.  Perseus  Q.  Fulvio  L.^  Manlio 
consulibus  regnum  accepit,  a  senatu  rex  est  appellatus 
M.  lunio  A.  Manlio  consulibus ;  regnavit  undecim 
annos.     Macedonum  gens  ^  obscura  admodum  fama 

^  populorumque  H.  J.  Midler  :   popiilonim  V. 

2  prosperae  res  flatu  Wesenberg  :   prospere  flatu  V. 

^  efferent  Madvig  :   efferet  F. 

*  L.  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

5  gens  add.  Madvig  :    om.  V. 

1  Justinus  XXXin.  2.  6  says  the  thirtieth  king,  Eusebius 
(Schone  I,  col.  242j,  the  thirty-ninth.  Herodotus  VIIT.  138, 
names  Perdiccas  as  the  founder  of  the  dynasty. 

270 


BOOK  XLV.  VIII.  5-ix.  4 

cheer.     The  misfortunes  of  many  kings  and  of  many  b.c.  I68 
peoples  have  shown  that  the  mercy  of  the  Roman 
People    offers    you   not   only   hope,   but    an    almost 
positive  assurance  of  safety." 

This  the  consul  said  in  Greek  to  Perseus ;  then  he 
continued  in  Latin  to  his  staff:  "  You  see  before  you 
a  notable  example  of  the  changefulness  of  human 
affairs.  I  say  this  especially  for  you,  young  men. 
Therefore  it  is  proper  to  offer  no  insult  or  violence 
to  anyone,  while  one  is  in  favourable  circumstances, 
and  not  to  trust  to  one's  present  fortune,  since  no  one 
knows  what  evening  will  bring.  He  will  be  truly  a 
man,  in  a  word,  whose  spirit  is  neither  deflected  from 
its  course  by  the  breath  of  prosperity,  nor  broken  by 
misfortune." 

When  the  meeting  was  dismissed,  the  task  of 
guarding  the  king  was  assigned  to  Quintus  Aelius. 
On  that  day  Perseus  was  entertained  by  the  consul, 
and  every  other  token  of  respect  was  shown  him 
which  could  be  shown  under  such  circumstances. 

The  army  was  then  released  to  winter  quarters. 
IX.  Amphipolis  received  most  of  the  troops,  the 
nearby  cities  the  rest. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  war  between  the  Romans 
and  Perseus,  after  four  years  of  steady  campaigning, 
and  also  the  end  of  a  kingdom  famed  over  a  large 
part  of  Europe  and  all  of  Asia.  They  reckoned 
Perseus  as  the  twentieth  after  Caranus,  who  founded 
the  kingdom. -"^  Perseus  ascended  the  throne  in  the 
consulship  of  Quintus  Fulvius  and  Lucius  Manlius, 
and  was  recognized  as  king  by  the  senate  in  the 
consulship  of  Marcus  Junius  and  Aulus  Manlius ; 
his  reign  lasted  eleven  years.  The  Macedonian 
nation  was  of  no  great  reputation  until  the  time  of 

271 


usque  ad  Philippum,  Amyntae  lilium,  fuit ;  inde  ac 
per  eum  crescere  cum  coepisset,  Europae  se  tamen 
linibus     continuit,     Graeciam     omnem     et     partem 

5  Threciae  atque  Illyrici  amplexa.  Superfudit  deinde 
se  in  Asiam,  et  tredecim  annis,  quibus  Alexander 
regna\-it,  primum  omnia,  qua  Persarum  prope  im- 
menso  spatio  imperium  fuerat,  suae  dicionis  fecit ; 

6  Arabas  hinc  Indiamque,  qua  terrarum  ultimos  ^  finis 

7  rubrum  mare  amplectitur,  peragravit.  Tum  maxi- 
mum in  '^  terris  Macedonum  regnum  nomenque ; 
inde  morte  Alexandri  distractum  in  multa  regna,  dum 
ad  se  quisque  opes  rapiunt.  laceratis  viribus  ^  a  summo 
culmine  fortunae  ad  ultimum  finem  centum  quin- 
quaginta  annos  stetit. 

X.  Victoriae   Romanae   fama   cum   pervasisset   in 
Asiam,  Antenor,  qui  cum  classe  lemborum  ad  Phanas 

2  stabat,  Cassandriam  inde  traeicit.  C.  Popilius,  qui 
ad  Delum  ^  in  praesidio  navibus  Macedonian! 
petentibus  erat,  postquam  debellatum  in  Mace- 
donia ,et  statione  summotos  hostium  lembos  audivit, 
dimissis  et  ipse  Attaii  ^  navibus  ad  susceptam  lega- 

3  tionem  peragendam  navigare  Aegyptum  pergit,  ut 
prius  occurrere  Antiocho  posset  quam  ad  Alexandreae 

4  moenia  accederet.  Cum  praeterveherentur  Asiam 
legati  et  Loryma  ^  venissent,  qui  portus  viginti  paulo 
amplius  milia  ab  Rhodo  abest,  ex  adverso  urbi  ipsi 


^  ultimos  J.  F.  Gronocias  :   ultimiis  V. 

2  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

2  laceratis  viribus  J.  F.  Gronocias:  lacerea  lesuiribua 
V. 

*  ad  Delum  Fr  :   delun  V. 

^  Attali  sive  Attalicis  Luterbacher :  adticis  V :  Asiaticis 
Harant  :   adventieiis  Madvig. 

^  Loryma  Fr  :  loriam  T'. 

272 


BOOK  XLV.  IX.  4-x.  4 

Philip,  son  of  Amyntas.  Later,  when  it  had  proceeded  b.c.  I68 
to  expand  under  him,  it  was  still  confined  within  the 
bounds  of  Europe,  though  embracing  all  Greece  and 
part  of  Thrace  and  lUyricum.  Thereafter  it  over- 
flowed into  Asia,  and  Alexander,  in  the  thirteen  years 
of  his  reign,  first  brought  under  his  sway  all  the  well- 
nigh  boundless  empire  that  had  belonged  to  the 
Persians,  and  then  traversed  Arabia  and  India, 
where  the  Indian  Ocean  embraces  the  uttermost  ends 
of  the  earth.  At  that  time  the  empire  and  name  of 
the  Macedonians  was  greatest  on  earth ;  thereafter 
at  the  death  of  Alexander  it  was  torn  into  many 
kingdoms,  as  each  leader  snatched  at  resources  for 
his  own  account,  and  its  strength  was  dismembered ; 
yet  it  endured  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  ^ 
from  the  topmost  pinnacle  of  its  fortune  to  its  final 
end. 

X.  When  a  report  of  the  Roman  victory  pene- 
trated to  Asia,  Antenor,  who  was  lying  off  Phanae 
with  his  fleet  of  scout-ships,  crossed  from  there  to 
Cassandria.2  When  Gains  Popilius,  who  was  at 
Delos  to  protect  ships  making  for  Macedonia,  heard 
that  the  war  had  been  brought  to  an  end  in  Mace- 
donia and  that  the  enemy  scout-ships  had  left  their 
post,  he  for  his  part  dismissed  the  ships  of  Attains 
and  proceeded  to  sail  for  Egypt  to  complete  the 
mission  on  which  he  had  started,  so  that  he  might  be 
able  to  meet  Antiochus  before  he  reached  the  walls 
of  Alexandria.  As  the  ambassadors  were  sailing 
past  Asia  and  came  to  Loryma,  a  harbour  slightly 
more  than  twenty  miles  from  Rhodes  and  situated 

1  Polybius  XXIX.  21  (6c)  gives  this  figure;  it  was  155 
years  from  the  death  of  Alexander. 

2  This  naval  activity  was  described  in  XLIV.  xxix.  1-5. 

273 


5  positus,  principes  Rhodiorum  occurrunt — iam  enim 
eo  quoque  victoriae  fama  perlata  erat — orantes,  ut 
Rhodum  deveherentur :  pertinere  id  ad  famam 
salutemque  civitatis,  noscere  ipsos  omnia  quae  acta 
essent  quaeque  ^  agerentur  Rhodi,  et  comperta  per 

6  se,  non  volgata  fama  Romam  referre.  Diu  negantes 
pepulerunt,  ut  moram  navigationis  brevem  pro  salute 
sociae  urbis  paterentur.  Postquam  Rhodum  ventum 
est,  in  contionem  quoque  eos  iidem  precibus  pertra- 

7  xerunt.  Adventus  legatoruni  auxit  potius  timorem 
civitati  quam  minuit ;  omnia  enim  Popilius  quae 
singuli     universique     eo     bello     hostiliter     dixerant 

8  fecerantque  rettulit,  et  vir  asper  ingenio  augebat 
atrocitatem   eorum   quae   dicerentur  voltu  truci   et 

9  accusatoria  voce,  ut,  cum  propriae  simultatis  nulla 
causa  cum  ci\'itate  ei  ^  esset,  ex  unius  senatoris 
Romani  acerbitate,  qualis  in  se  universi  senatus 
animus  esset,  coniectarent. 

10  C.  Decimi  moderatior  oratio  fuit,^  qui  in  plerisque 
eorum  quae  commemorata  a  Popilio  essent  culpam 
non  penes  populum,  sed  penes  paucos  concitores  volgi 

11  esse  dixit:  eos  venalem  linguam  habentis  decreta 
plena  regiae  adsentationis  fecisse  et  eas  legationes 
misisse,  quarum  Rhodios  semper  non  minus  puderet 
quam  paeniteret.  Quae  omnia,  si  sana  mens  •*  populo 
foret,  in  capita  noxiorum  versura. 

^  quaeque  Madvig  :    q.  T'. 
-  eivitate  ei  Harant :  civitates  V. 

^  coniectarent.  C.  Decimi  moderatior  oratio  fuit,  qui  Fr  : 
coniectarentur  cum  Decimi  moderatio  fuitque  T'. 
*  sana  mens  Weissenborn  :   tamen  V. 


1  On  the  peninsula  northward  from  Rhodes ;  mentioned  by 
Thucydides  VIII.  43,  and  Strabo  XIV.  ii.  4  and  14  (652,  655). 

2/4 


BOOK  XLV.  X.  5-1 1 

exactly  opposite  to  the  city,^  the  chief  men  of  Rhodes  b.c.  168 
met  them  (for  the  report  of  the  victory  had  by  now 
been  brought  to  that  city  also)  with  the  request  that 
they  put  in  at  Rhodes  ;  for,  said  the  Rhodians,  it  was 
a  matter  touching  the  reputation  and  safety  of  their 
city  that  the  envoys  should  personally  become 
acquainted  with  everything  which  had  been  done  and 
was  being  done  at  Rhodes,  and  that  they  should  carry 
back  to  Rome  facts  ascertained  by  themselves,  not 
popular  rumours.  After  many  refusals,  they  induced 
the  envoys  to  endure  a  short  delay  of  their  voyage 
for  the  sake  of  the  safety  of  an  allied  city.  After 
their  arrival  at  Rhodes,  the  same  leaders  also  dragged 
them  by  entreaty  before  an  assembly.  The  arrival 
of  the  envoys  increased  rather  than  diminished  the 
fear  of  the  city  ;  for  Popilius  rehearsed  every  hostile 
word  or  act  during  this  war  either  on  the  part  of 
individuals  or  of  the  commonwealth,  and  being  a 
man  of  harsh  temperament,  he  increased  the  savage 
effect  of  his  remarks  by  his  grim  face  and  prosecutor's 
tone,  so  that,  since  he  had  no  reason  for  a  personal 
quarrel  with  Rhodes,  the  people  guessed  from  the 
bitterness  of  one  Roman  senator  what  the  attitude 
of  the  whole  senate  was  toward  them. 

The  speech  of  Gains  Decimius  was  milder,  for  he 
laid  the  blame  for  many  of  the  offences  mentioned  by 
Popilius  not  at  the  door  of  the  people  as  a  whole,  but 
at  that  of  a  few  agitators ;  these,  he  said,  whose 
tongues  were  for  sale,  had  written  the  decrees  full  of 
fawning  upon  the  king  and  had  sent  those  embassies 
concerning  which  the  Rhodians  had  always  felt  as 
much  shame  as  regret.  All  these  acts,  said  Decimius, 
would,  if  the  people's  reason  was  sound,  recoil  upon 
the  heads  of  the  guilty. 

275 


12  Cum  magno  adsensu  auditus  est,  non  niagis  eo 
quod  multitudinem  noxa  levabat  quam  quod  culpani 

13  in  auctores  verterat.  Itaque  cum  principes  Rhodi- 
orum  Romanis  responderent,  nequaquam  tarn  ^  grata 
oratio  eorum  fuit  qui  quae  Popilius  obiecerat  diluere 
utcumque  conati  sunt,  quam  eorum  qui  Decimio  in 
auctoribus  ad  piaculum  noxae  obieiendis  adsensi  sunt. 

14  Decretum  igitur  extemplo  ut  qui  pro  Perseo  adversus 
Romanos  dixisse  quid  aut  fecisse  convincerentur, 
capitis  ^  condemnarentur.  Excesserant  ^  urbe  sub 
adventum  ^    Romanorum   quidam,  alii   mortem   sibi 

15  consciverunt.  Legati  non  ultra  quam  quinque  dies 
Rhodi  morati  Alexandream  proficiscuntur.  Nee 
eo  segnius  indicia  ex  decreto  coram  iis  ^  facto  Rhodii 
exercebant :  ^  quam  perseverantiam  in  exsequenda 
re  tam  Decimi  lenitas  quam  Popili  effecerat  asperitas/ 

XI.  Cum  ^  haec  gererentur,  Antiochus  frustra 
temptatis  moenibus  Alexandreae  abscesserat  cetera- 
que  Aegj-pto  potitus,  relicto  Memphi  maiore  Ptole- 
maeo,  cui  ^  regnum  quaeri  suis  viribus  simulabat,  ut 
victorem  mox  adgrederetur,  in  Syriam  exercitum 
2  abduxit.  Nee  huius  voluntatis  eius  ignarus  Ptole- 
maeus,  dum  conterritum  obsidionis  metu  minor  em 
fratrem    haberet,    posse    se    recipi    Alexandreae    et 

^  tam  Doering  :   tamentam  V. 

2  capitis  Fr  :    faciliscapitis  C. 

^  excesserant  Madvig  :   excesserunt  T". 

•*  adventum  Bas  :   adventu  V. 

^  iis  Wesenherg  :   hi  T'. 

^  facto  Rhodii  exercebant  Valden  :  facti  Rhodii  exerce- 
bantur  V. 

'  perseverantiam  in  exsequenda  re  tam  Decimi  lenitas 
quam  Popili  effecerat  asperitas  H.  J.  Midler  :  perseverabant 
tam  in  exsequenda  re  tam  Decimae  lenitas  quam  V. 

8  Cum  add.  Fr  :    orn.  T'. 

276 


BOOK  XLV.  X.  I2-XI.  2 

There  was  great  approval  felt  for  his  speech,  but  no  b.c.  168 
more  because  he  relieved  the  commons  of  blame 
than  because  he  assigned  responsibility  to  the  guilty. 
And  so  when  the  leaders  of  the  Rhodians  answered 
the  Romans,  their  speeches  were  by  no  means  as 
pleasing  when  the  speaker  tried  at  all  costs  to  ex- 
tenuate the  charges  made  by  Popilius,  as  when  he 
agreed  with  Decimius  in  urging  that  the  responsible 
persons  should  expiate  their  wrong.  A  decree  was 
therefore  passed  at  once  that  anyone  convicted  of  say- 
ing or  doing  anything  against  the  Romans  in  behalf 
of  Perseus  should  be  put  to  death.  Some  had  left  the 
city  on  the  arrival  of  the  Romans,  others  committed 
suicide.  After  a  delay  of  not  more  than  five  days  at 
Rhodes,  the  ambassadors  left  for  Alexandria.  The 
Rhodians  proceeded  no  less  zealously  to  prosecute 
trials  according  to  the  decree  passed  in  the  presence 
of  the  Romans.  This  unflagging  zeal  in  carrying  the 
matter  out  was  produced  as  much  by  the  mildness  of 
Decimius  as  by  the  harshness  of  Popilius. 

XI.  While  this  w^as  going  on,  Antiochus  had  left 
Alexandria  after  an  unsuccessful  trial  of  the  fortifica- 
tions and  had  taken  control  of  the  rest  of  Egypt. 
He  left  at  Memphis  the  elder  Ptolemy  ^  whose  claim 
to  the  throne  he  was  pretending  to  support  with  his 
army,  in  order  that  he  might  attack  the  winner 
presently,  and  led  his  army  off  into  Syria.  Ptolemy 
was  well  aware  of  this  ulterior  motive  too,  and  thought 
that,  as  long  as  his  younger  brother  was  cowed  by 
fear  of  a  siege,  he  might  be  restored  to  Alexandria 

^  I.e.,  Ptolemy  VI  Philometor;   the  younger  was  Euergetes 

^  potitus,  relicto  Memphi  maiore  Ptolemaeo,  cui  Fr : 
petitusrelic  tutemplimatioremptolemeocum  V. 

277 


sorore  adiuvante  et  non  repiignantibus  fratris  amicis 

3  ratus  primum  ad  sororem,  deinde  ad  fratreni  ^  ami- 
cosque  eius  non  prius  destitit  mittere,  quam  pacem 

4  cum  iis  confirmaret.  Suspectum  Antiochum  effece- 
rat,  quod  cetera  Aegvpto  sibi  tradita  Pelusi  -  validum 

5  relictum  erat  praesidium.  Apparebat  claustra 
Aegypti  teneri,  ut,  cum  vellet,^  rursus  exercitum 
induceret ;  bello  intestino  cum  fratre  eum  exitum 
fore,    ut    \ictor    fessus    certamine    nequaquam    par 

6  Antiocho  futurus  esset.  Haec  prudenter  ani- 
madversa  a  maiore  cum  adsensu  minor  frater  quique 
cum  eo  erant  acceperunt ;    soror  plurimum  adiuvit 

7  non  consilio  modo,  sed  etiam  precibus.  Itaque 
consentientibus  cunctis  pace  facta  Alexandream 
recipitur.  ne  multitudine  quidem  adversante,  quae  in 
bello  non  per  obsidionem  modo,  sed  etiam  postquam 
a  moenibus  abscessum  est,  quia  nihil  ex  Aegvpto 
subvehebatur,  omnium  rerum  adtenuata  inopia  erat. 

8  His  cum  laetari  Antiochum  conveniens  esset,  si 
reducendi"*  eius  causa  exercitum  Aegyptum  induxis- 
set,  quo  specioso  titulo  ad  omnis  Asiae  et  Graeciae 
civitates  legationibus  recipiendis  Htterisque  dimit- 
tendis  usus  erat,  adeo  est  offensus  ut  multo  acrius 
infestiusque  adversus  duos  quam  ante  adversus  unum 

9  pararet  bellum.     Cyprum   extemplo  classem  misit ; 

^  fratrem  Fr  :   patres  V. 

2  Pelusi  Fr  :   peculisi  V. 

^  vellet  J.  P.  Gronovius  :   velit  V, 

^  esset,  si  reducendi  Fr  :   essetiretiretducendi  V. 


1  Who  had  proclaimed  the  younger  brother  king. 

2  Of  168  B.C.;  he  had  made  preparations  in  171,  XLII. 
xxix.  5 ;  the  first  invasion  was  in  170,  the  reconciliation  of  the 
brothers  presumably  in  169  B.C.  Polybius,  on  whom  Livy  based 

278 


BOOK  XLV.  XI.  2-9 

with  the  aid  of  his  sister  and  without  opposition  on  b.c.  168 
the  part  of  his  brother's  friends.  He  therefore  kept 
sending,  first  to  his  sister,  then  to  his  brother  and  his 
friends,  until  he  made  an  amicable  settlement  with 
them.  Suspicion  was  directed  against  Antiochus 
because,  though  he  had  turned  over  the  rest  of  Egypt 
to  Ptolemy,  he  had  left  a  strong  garrison  at  Pelusium. 
It  was  evident  that  the  key  to  Egypt  was  in  An- 
tiochus' hands,  so  that  he  could  reinvade  it  when  he 
wished.  The  upshot  of  a  civil  war  between  the 
brothers  would  be  that  the  winner,  worn  out  by  the 
struggle,  would  be  no  match  for  Antiochus.  This 
wise  reasoning  by  the  elder  brother  was  gratefully 
accepted  by  the  younger  brother  and  his  associates ; 
the  sister  gave  much  assistance  not  only  by  her 
advice,  but  by  her  entreaties.  Accordingly,  peace 
was  made  by  general  agreement,  and  the  elder 
Ptolemy  returned  to  Alexandria,  without  opposition 
even  on  the  part  of  the  mob,^  which  had  suffered 
throughout  the  war  from  a  scarcity  of  all  supplies 
not  only  during  the  siege,  but  after  the  enemy  had 
left  the  walls,  because  nothing  came  in  from  Egypt. 

It  would  have  been  in  order  for  Antiochus  to  re- 
joice at  this  conclusion  had  he  led  his  army  into 
Egypt  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  Ptolemy — -the 
specious  plea  that  he  had  employed  in  statements  to 
all  the  states  of  Asia  and  Greece  either  when  he 
received  embassies  or  sent  out  messages.  But  he 
was  so  incensed  that  he  prepared  for  war  against  the 
two  brothers  with  much  more  urgency  and  bitterness 
than  against  the  one.  He  immediately  sent  a  fleet 
to  Cyprus  ;  and  in  early  spring  ^  he  himself  advanced 

this  account,  records  these  events  in  XXVIII.  19-23 ;   XXIX. 

23  (8).  26-7  (7a,  11). 

279 


586 


.y.c.         ipse  primo  vere  cum  exercitu  Aegyptum  petens  in 

10  Coelen  Syriam  processit.  Circa  Rhinocolura  ^  Ptole- 
maei  legatis  agentibus  gratias,  quod  per  eum 
regnum  patrium  recepisset,  petentibusque  ut  suum 
munus  tueretur  et  diceret  potius  quid  fieri  vellet 
quam  hostis  ex  socio  factus  vi  atque  armis  ageret, 

11  respondit  non  aliter  neque  classem  revocaturum 
neque  exercitum  reducturum,  nisi  sibi  et  tota  Cypro 
et  Pelusio  agroque,  qui  circa  Pelusiacum  ostium  Niii 
esset,  cederetur,^  diemque  praestituit  intra  quam  de 
condicionibus  peractis  responsum  acciperet. 

XII.  Postquam  dies  data  indutiis  praeteriit,  navi- 
gantibus  ostio  Nili  ^  ad  Pelusium  praefectis  ipse  "* 
per  deserta  Arabiae  est  profectus  receptusque  et  ab 

2  iis,  qui  ^  ad  Memphim  incolebant,  et  ab  ceteris 
Aegyptiis,  partim  voluntate  partim  metu,  ad  Alex- 

3  andream  modicis  itineribus  descendit.  Ad  Eleusi- 
nem  ^  transgresso  fiumen,  qui  locus  quattuor  milia 
ab    Alexandrea    abest,   legati   Romani   occurrerunt. 

4  Quos  cum  advenientis  salutasset  dextramque  Popilio 
porrigeret,  tabellas  "^  ei  Popilius  senatus  consultum  ^ 
scriptum  habentis  tradit  atque  omnium  primum  id 

5  legere  iubet.  Quibus  perlectis  cum  se  conside- 
raturum  adhibitis  amicis  quid  faciendum  sibi  esset 
dixisset,  Popilius  pro  cetera  asperitate  animi  virga 

^  Rhinocolura  Fr  :  rinocarala  V. 

-  cederetur  Bekker  :   cederet  V. 

3  Xili  Fr  :    nihil  V. 

*  praefectis  ipse  add.  H.  J.  MiiUer  :   o?n.  V. 

^  est  profectus  receptusque  et  ab  iis,  qui  add.  H.  J.  Jliiller : 
om.  V. 

^  Eleusinem  Turnebus  :   leunsinem  V. 

"  porrigeret,  tabellas  Fr  :   pollicereturabellas  T'. 
280 


BOOK  XLV.  XI.  9-xii.  5 

with  his  army  into  Hollow  Syria  on  his  way  to  Egypt,  b.c.  16S 
Near  Rhinocolura  envoys  from  Ptolemy  met  him, 
offering  thanks  for  his  assistance  in  recovering 
Ptolemy's  ancestral  throne  and  requesting  that  he 
should  not  undo  his  act  of  kindness  and  rather  say 
what  he  wanted  done  than  shift  from  ally  to  enemy 
and  act  by  force  of  arms.  Antiochus  replied  that  he 
would  recall  his  fleet  and  lead  back  his  army  on  no 
other  terms  than  the  cession  to  him  of  all  Cyprus, 
Pelusium,  and  the  region  which  hes  around  the 
Pelusian  mouth  of  the  Nile.  He  also  named  a  day 
before  which  he  must  receive  the  report  of  the 
execution  of  his  terms. 

Xn.  After  the  time  allotted  for  the  truce  had  ex- 
pired, Antiochus'  officers  sailed  to  Pelusium  via  the 
mouth  of  the  Nile,  while  he  marched  through  the 
Arabian  Desert  and,  after  being  received  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Memphis  and  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians, 
partly  through  good-will  and  partly  through  fear,  he 
came  down  to  Alexandria  by  short  marches.^  When 
he  had  crossed  the  river  at  Eleusis,  a  place  four  miles 
away  from  Alexandria,  the  Roman  envoys  met  him. 
As  they  approached,  he  greeted  them  and  offered 
his  hand  to  Popilius ;  whereat  Popihus  handed  him 
the  tablets  containing  the  decree  of  the  senate  in 
writing,  and  bade  him  read  this  first  of  all.  On 
reading  the  decree,  he  said  that  he  would  call  in  his 
friends  and  consider  what  he  should  do ;  Popihus,  in 
accordance  with  the  usual  harshness  of  his  temper, 

^  Antiochus  crowned  himself  king  of  Egypt,  and  issued 
coins  in  that  capacity,  see  Naphtali  Lewis,  Classical  Philo- 
logy 44  (1949),  pp.  32-3. 

8  senatus  consultum  add.  Schweighaiiser  :  om.  V. 

281 


LIVY 

quam    in    manu    gerebat    circumscripsit    regem    ac 
"  priusqiiam    hoc    circulo    excedas  "    inquit    "  redde 

6  responsum,  senatui  quod  referam."  Obstupefactus 
tam  violento  imperio  parumper  cum  haesitasset, 
"  faciam  "  inquit  "  quod  censet  senatus."  Turn 
demum  Popilius  dextram  ^  regi  tamquam  socio  atque 
amico  porrexit. 

7  Die  deinde  finita  cum  excessisset  Aegypto  Antio- 
chus.  legati  concordia  etiam  auctoritate  sua  inter 
fratres  firmata,  inter  quos  vixdum  convenerat  pax,"^ 
Cvprum  navigant  et  inde,  quae  iam  \-icerat  proelio 

8  Aegyptias  naves,  classem  Antiochi  dimittunt.  Clara 
ea  per  gentis  legatio  fuit,  quod  haud  dubie  adempta 
Antiocho  Aegyptus  habenti  iam  redditumque  pa- 
trium  regnum  stirpi  Ptolemaei  fuerat. 

9  Consulum  eius  anni  sicut  alterius  clarus  consulatus 
insigni  victoria,  ita  alterius  obscura  fama,  quia  ma- 

10  teriam  res  gerendi  non  habuit.  Iam  primum  cum 
legionibus  ad  conveniendum  diem  edixit,'"^  non 
auspicato  templum  intravit.  Vitio  diem  ^  dictam 
esse  augures,  cum  ad  eos  relatum  esset,^  decreverunt. 

11  Profectus  in  Galliam  circa  Macros  campos  ad  montis 
Siciminam  et  Papinum  stativa  habuit ;  deinde  circa 
eadem  loca  cum  sociis  nominis   Latini  hibernabat ; 

^  dextram  Fr  :    senatum  dextram  V. 

2  pax  I.  Perizonius  :   pars  T. 

^  diem  edixit  Luterbacher  :   dixit  V. 

*  intravit.     Vitio  diem  Fr  :  intui  tiodiem  I'. 

^  asset  Madvig  :   est  V. 


1  According  to   Polybius   XXIX.  27.  10,   this   victory   of 
Antiochns'  forces  was  on  land. 

282 


BOOK  XLV.  XII.  5-11 

drew  a  circle  around  the  king  with  a  rod  that  he  b.c.  168 
carried  in  his  hand,  and  said,  "  Before  you  step  out 
of  this  circle,  give  me  an  answer  which  I  may  take 
back  to  the  senate."  After  the  king  had  hesitated 
a  moment,  struck  dumb  by  so  violent  an  order,  he 
replied,  "  I  shall  do  what  the  senate  decrees."  Only 
then  did  Popilius  extend  his  hand  to  the  king  as  to 
an  ally  and  friend. 

Later,  when  Antiochus  had  quitted  Egypt  by  the 
appointed  day,  and  the  envoys  had  also  confirmed  by 
their  own  weighty  approval  the  agreement  of  the 
brothers,  who  with  great  difficulty  had  settled  on  terms 
of  peace,  the  Romans  sailed  for  Cyprus,  whence  they 
sent  away  the  fleet  of  Antiochus  which  had  already 
defeated  the  Egyptian  ships  in  battle.^  This  em- 
bassy gained  a  great  reputation  among  the  nations, 
because  Egypt  had  clearly  been  taken  away  from 
Antioehus  after  he  had  possession  of  it,  and  their 
ancestral  kingdom  had  been  restored  to  the  House  of 
Ptolemy. 

The  term  of  one  of  the  consuls  of  this  year  was  dis- 
tinguished by  a  notable  victory ;  the  reputation  of 
the  other  was  correspondingly  undistinguished, 
because  he  did  not  have  the  w^herewithal  for  achieve- 
ment. At  the  very  outset,  when  he  proclaimed  a 
day  for  his  legions  to  assemble,  he  entered  the  sacred 
enclosure  ^  without  taking  the  auspices.  When  the 
augurs  w^ere  consulted  on  this  matter,  they  declared 
that  the  day  had  been  wrongfully  set.  The  consul 
set  out  for  Gaul,  and  had  a  fixed  camp  near  Campi 
Macri  ^  close  to  Mounts  Sicimina  and  Papinus. 
Later  he  spent  the  winter  in  the  same  region  with 


2  Perhaps  a  special  one  laid  out  for  this  ceremony. 
^  Also  mentioned  above,  XLI.  xviii.  5-6. 


283 


1-  legiones  Romanae,  quod  vitio  dies  exercitui  ad 
conveniendum  dicta  erat,  Romae  manserant. 

13  Et  praetores  praeter  C.  Papirium  Carbonem,  cui 
Sardinia  evenerat,  in  provincias  iere.  Eum  ius  ^ 
dicere  Romae — nam  earn  quoque  sortem  habebat — 
inter  cives  et  peregrinos  patres  censuerant. 

XIII.  Et  Popilius  et  ea  legatio,  quae  missa  ad  An- 
tiochum  erat.  Romam  redit ;  rettulit  controversias 
inter  reges  sublatas  esse  exercitumque  ex  Aegypto 

2  in  Syriam  reductum.  Post  ipsorum  regum  legati 
venerunt ;  Antiochi  legati  referentes  omni  victoria 
potiorem  pacem  regi,  senatui  quae  placuisset,  visam,^ 
eumque  baud  secus  quam  deorum  imperio  legatorum 
Romanorum    iussis     paruisse ;     gratulati  ^    dein    de 

3  victoria  sunt,  quam  ope  sua,"*  si  quid  imperatum 
foret,  adiuturum  ^  regem  fuisse. 

4  Ptolemaei  legati    communi  nomine  regis  et  Cleo- 

5  patrae  gratias  egerunt ;  plus  eos  senatui  populoque 
Romano  quam  parentibus  suis,  plus  quam  diis  im- 
mortalibus  debere,  per  quos  obsidione  miserrima 
liberati  essent,  regnum  patrium  prope  amis  sum 
recepissent. 

^  eum  ius  Fr  :   eumdumius  T'. 

^  victoria  potiorem  pacem  regi,  senatui  quae  placuisset, 
visam  Bekker :  victoria  potiorempaceregisenatuiqueplacuis- 
setvisa  V. 

^  gratulati  Kreyssig  :   legati  V. 

^  sua  add.  Madvig  :   om.  V. 

^  adiuturum  Kreyssig  :   adfuturum  T. 

^  Anicius,  the  commander  in  Illyricum,  had  first  been 
assigned  as  praetor  peregrinus.  The  praetor  for  Sardinia  was 
often   assigned   to    special  tasks    (of.   XXXIX.    xxxviii.    3; 

284 


BOOK  XLV.  XII.  ii-xiii.  5 

the  allies  of  the  Latin  Name  ;  the  Roman  legions  had  b.c.  168 
remained  at  Rome,  because  the  day  for  the  assembly 
of  the  army  was  wrongfully  appointed. 

The  praetors  also  went  to  their  provinces,  except 
Gaius  Papirius  Carbo,  to  whom  Sardinia  had  fallen. 
The  senate  decreed  that  he  should  conduct  at  Rome 
the  court  for  suits  between  citizens  and  aliens,  for 
this  also  had  been  allotted  to  him.^ 

XIII.  Popilius,  too,  and  the  embassy  which  had 
been  sent  to  Antiochus- returned  to  Rome.  They 
reported  that  the  disputes  between  the  kings  had 
been  settled  and  the  army  led  out  of  Egypt  into 
Syria.  Afterwards  the  envoys  of  the  kings  them- 
selves arrived.  Antiochus'  envoys  reported  that  to 
the  king  peace  had  seemed  preferable  to  any  con- 
quest, since  it  was  the  wish  of  the  senate,  and  that 
Antiochus  had  obeyed  the  orders  of  the  Roman 
envoys  as  if  they  had  been  gods.  Then  they  pre- 
sented congratulations  on  the  victory,  to  which  the 
king  would  have  contributed  his  aid,  they  said,  if 
any  demand  had  been  made  upon  him. 

Ptolemy's  envoys  ^  offered  thanks  in  the  names  of 
the  king  and  Cleopatra  together;  they  owed,  they 
said,  more  to  the  Roman  senate  and  people  than  to 
their  own  parents,  more  than  to  the  immortal  gods, 
since  they  had  been  freed  by  the  Romans  from  a 
most  wretched  state  of  siege,  and  had  recovered 
the  ancestral  kingdom  w^hich  they  had  almost 
lost. 

XL.  xxxvii.  4;  xliii.  2),  while  his  predecessor,  in  this  case  P. 
Fonteius  Capito  (cf.  XLIII.  xv.  3),  continued  in  office;  see 
also  below,  xvi.  4. 

2  The  embassy  was  from  both  Ptolemies,  according  to 
Polybius  XXX.  16. 

285 


6  Responsum  ^  ab  senatu  est  Antiochum  recte  atque 
ordine  fecisse,  quod  legatis  paruisset,  gratumque  id 

7  esse  senatui  populoque  Romano :  regibus  Aegypti, 
Ptolemaeo  Cleopatraeque.  si  quid  per  se  boni  com- 
modique  evenisset,  id  magno  opere  senatum  laetari, 
daturumque  operam,  ut  regni  sui  maximuTn  semper 
praesidium  positum  esse  in  fide  populi  Romani  ducant. 

8  Munera  legatis  ut  ex  institute  mittenda  curaret,  C. 

9  Papirio  praetori  mandatum.  Litterae  deinde  e  - 
Macedonia  allatae.  quae  \1ctoriae  laetitiam  gemina- 
rent :   Persea  regem  in  potestatem  consulis  venisse. 

10  Dimissis  legatis  regiis  ^  disceptatum  inter  Pisanos 
Lunensesque  legatos  est,-*  Pisanis  querentibus  agro  se 
a  colonis  Romanis  pelli,  Lunensibus  adfirmantibus 
eum,  de  quo  agatur,  ab  trium%'iris  ^  agrum  sibi  adsi- 

11  gnatum  esse.  Senatus,  qui  de  finibus  cognoscerent 
statuerentque.  quinque  viros  misit  Q.  Fabium  Buteo- 
nem,  P.  Cornelium  Blasionem,  T.  Sempronium 
Muscam,  L.  Naeviuni  Balbum,  C.  Apuleium 
Saturninum. 

12  Et  ab  Eumene  et  ab  Attalo  et  ab  Athenaeo  fratri- 
bus  communis  legatio  de  victoria  gratulatum  venit. 
Et  Masgabae.  regis  Masinissae  filio,  Puteolis  nave 
egresso  praesto  fuit  obviam  missus  cum  pecunia  L. 
Manlius  quaestor,  qui  Romam  eum  publico  sumptu 

^  recepissent.     Responsum  add.  Fr  :   om.  T\ 

2  e  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   om.  F. 

^  regiis  add.  Heraeus  :   om.  T, 

*  est  Vahhyi  :   et  V. 

5  triumviris  Kreyssig  :   utrumviria  V. 

^  The  colony  at  Luna  was  established  in  177  B.C.,  see  XLI. 
xiii.  5.  Luna  at  this  time  was  reckoned  as  belonging  to 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  the  boundary  of  Italy  proper  running  between 
it  and  Pisa ;  in  earlier  times  it  had  been  Etruscan. 

286 


BOOK  XLV.  XIII.  6-12 

The  senate's  reply  to  Antiochus  was  that  he  had  b.c.  168 
done  what  was  right  and  proper  in  obeying  the 
envoys,  and  that  the  Roman  senate  and  people  were 
pleased.  To  the  king  and  queen  of  Egypt,  Ptolemy 
and  Cleopatra,  the  reply  was  that  the  senate  was  very 
happy  if  by  its  agency  something  good  and  bene- 
ficial had  come  to  pass,  and  that  the  senate  would 
use  its  best  eiforts  to  convince  them  that  the  greatest 
bulwark  of  their  reign  was  founded  on  the  good  faith 
of  the  Roman  people.  Instructions  were  given  to 
Gains  Papirius  the  praetor  that  he  should  see  that 
the  customary  presents  were  sent  to  the  envoys. 
Despatches  from  Macedonia  were  then  introduced, 
calculated  to  redouble  the  rejoicing  over  the  victory ; 
they  reported  that  King  Perseus  was  a  prisoner  of  the 
consul. 

After  the  royal  embassies  were  dismissed,  a  dispute 
was  heard  between  envoys  from  Pisa  and  from  Luna.^ 
The  Pisans  complained  that  Roman  colonists  were 
driving  them  off  their  land,  whereas  the  men  of  Luna 
declared  that  the  land  in  question  had  been  assigned 
to  them  by  the  board  of  three.  The  senate  sent  five 
men  to  investigate  the  facts  about  the  boundary  and 
make  a  decision,  namely,  Quintus  Fabius  Buteo, 
Publius  Cornelius  Blasio,  Titus  Sempronius  Musca, 
Lucius  Naevius  Balbus,  and  Gains  Apuleius 
Saturninus. 

From  the  brothers  Eumenes,  Attains,  and 
Athenaeus  a  joint  embassy  of  congratulation  on  the 
victory  arrived.^  When  Masgaba,  too,  the  son  of 
King  Masinissa,  landed  from  his  ship  at  Puteoli,  he 
was  met  by  Lucius  Manlius  the  quaestor  who  had 
been  sent  with  money  to  meet  him,  to  escort  him  at 

2  Perhaps  the  same  as  the  embassy  mentioned  below,  xix. 

287 


13  perduceret.  Adveiiienti  extemplo  senatus  datus  est. 
Ibi  ^  adulescens  ita  locutus  est  ut  quae  rebus  grata 
erant  gratiora  verbis  faceret.  Commemoravit,  quot 
pedites  equitesque,  quot  elephantos,  quantum  fru- 
menti    eo    quadriennio   pater   suus   in    Macedoniam 

14  misisset ;  ^  duas  res  ei  rubori  fuisse,  unam,  quod 
rogasset  eum  per  legates  senatus,  quae  ad  bellum 
opus    essent,^    et    non    imperasset,    alteram,    quod 

15  pecuniam  ei  pro  frumento  mi'=.isset.  Masinissam 
meminisse  se  *  regnum  a  populo  Romano  partum 
auctumque  et  multiplicatum  habere ;  usu  regni  con- 
tentum  scire  dominium  et  ius  eorum,  qui  dederint, 

16  esse.  Sumere  itaque  eos  de  se,-^  non  rogare  aequom 
esse,  neque  emere  ea  ex  fructibus  agri  ab  se  dati 
quae   ibi   proveniant.     Id   Masinissae   satis    esse    et 

17  fore,  quod  populo  Romano  superesset.  Cum  iis 
mandatis  a  patre  profectum  postea  consecutos 
equites,  qui  de^ictam  Macedoniam  nuntiarent 
gratularique  ^  senatui  iuberent  et  indicare  ita 
eam  "^  rem  laetitiae  patri  suo  esse,  ut  Romam  venire 
velit  lovique  optimo  maximo  in  Capitolio  sacrificare 
et  grates  agere ;  id,  nisi  molestum  sit,  ut  ei  permit- 
tatur,  ab  senatu  petere. 

XIV.  Responsum  regulo   est  facere   patrem   eius 
Masinissam,  quod  virum  gratum  bonumque  facere 

^  ibi  WeisseJihorn  :   is  T'. 

-  misisset  Madvig  :   misitsed  V. 

^  essent  Grater  :   esset  T. 

■*  se  add.  Drakenhorch  :   om.  V. 

5  eos  de  se  Madvig  :  eosdemse  V. 

^  gratularique  Harant  :   gratulatumque  T'. 

"  iadicare  ita  eam  Harant :  indiearenttaeeam  V. 

288 


BOOK  XLV.  XIII.  I2-XIV.  I 

public  expense  to  Rome.  On  Masgaba's  arrival,  a  b.c.  168 
meeting  of  the  senate  was  at  once  held  for  him. 
There  the  young  man  spoke  so  as  to  make  matters 
pleasing  by  their  nature  even  more  pleasing  by  his 
words.  He  recalled  how  much  infantry  and  cavalry, 
how  many  elephants,  and  how  much  grain  his  father 
had  sent  to  Macedonia  during  those  four  years.  He 
said  that  there  were  two  matters  which  brought  a 
blush  to  his  father's  cheeks  :  first,  that  the  senate 
had  requested  through  envoys  what  they  needed  for 
the  war,  and  had  not  ordered  it,  and  secondly,  that 
they  had  sent  him  money  for  the  grain.  Masinissa 
remembered,  said  his  son,  that  he  held  a  kingdom 
won  by  the  Roman  People,  and  that  they  had  in- 
creased it  and  made  it  many  times  as  great ;  he  was 
satisfied  with  the  usufruct  of  the  kingdom,  and  knew 
that  the  ownership  and  title  to  it  were  vested  in 
those  who  had  given  it.  Therefore  it  was  right  that 
they  should  claim  what  they  wished  from  him,  not 
request  it,  nor  buy  the  products  of  his  country  that 
sprang  from  a  soil  that  was  their  own  gift.  Masinissa 
was  and  would  be  satisfied  with  what  the  Roman 
People  did  not  need.  After  Masgaba  had  set  out 
with  this  message,  he  said,  horsemen  had  overtaken 
him  to  report  that  Macedonia  had  been  conquered 
and  to  bid  him  congratulate  the  senate  and  point  out 
to  them  that  his  father  was  so  rejoiced  over  this  event 
that  he  wished  to  come  to  Rome  and  offer  sacrifice 
and  thanksgiving  to  Jupiter,  Greatest  and  Best,  on 
the  Capitol ;  he  requested  permission  from  the 
senate  to  do  this,  if  they  had  no  objection. 

XIV,  The  answer  was  given  to  the  prince  that  his 
father  Masinissa  was  acting  as  was  proper  for  a  good 
and  grateful  man,  in  that  he  attached  to  payment  due 

289 

VOL.  XIU.  L 


deceat.    ut    pretium    honoremque    debito    beneficio 

2  addat.  Et  populum  Romanum  ab  eo  bello  Punico 
forti  Melique  opera  adiutum.  et  ilium  favente  populo 
Romano  regnum  adeptum ;  aequatis  ^  iis  postea 
trium  regum  bellis  deinceps  omnibus  eum  functum 

3  officiis.  Victoria  vero  populi  Romani  laetari  eum 
regem  mirum  non  esse,  qui  sortem  omnem  fortunae 
regnique  sui  cum  rebus  Romanis  miscuisset.^  Grates 
deis  pro  ^  \'ictoria  apud  suos  penates  ageret ;   Romae 

4  filium  pro  eo  acturum.  Gratulatum  quoque  satis 
suo  ac  patris  nomine  esse.  Ipsum  relinquere 
regnum  et  Africa  excedere,  praeterquam  quod  illi 
inutile  esset,  non  esse  e  re  publica  populi  Romani  se- 
natum  censere. 

5  Petenti  Masgabae,  ut  Hanno.  Hamilcaris  filius, 
obses  ■*  in  locum  .  .  .  exigeretur.  responsum  est 
baud   aequum   videri   senatum   a   Carthaginiensibus 

6  obsides  arbitrio  Masinissae  ^  exigere.  Munera  ex 
senatus  consulto  emere  regulo  quaestor  iussus  ex 
centum  pondo  argenti  et  prosequi  eum  Puteolos 
omnemque  sumptum,  quoad  in  Italia  esset,  praebere 
et  duas  naves  conducere.  quibus  ipse  cornitesque 
eius  ®  in  Africam  deveherentur ;    et  comitibus  omni- 

7  bus,  liberis  servisque,  vestimenta  data. 

8  Haud  ita  multo  post  de  altero  Masinissae  filio 
Misagene  litterae  adlatae  sunt,  missum  eum  ab  L. 
Paulo  post  devictum  Persea  in  Africam  cum  equitibus 

1  aequatis  Weissenboryi :   aeqxiitatis  T. 

-  miscuisset  Kreyssig  :    immiscuisset  I'. 

^  pro  Madvig  :   pr.  V. 

*  obses  Sigonius  :   ospes  T', 

5  exigeretur,  responsum  est  haud  aequum  videri  senatum  a 
Carthaginiensibus  obsides  arbitrio  Masinissae  add.  Zingerle  : 
om.  T'  :   nomen  obsidis  deest. 

^  eius  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  regis  V. 

290 


BOOK  XLV.  XIV.  1-8 

for  kindness  such  credit  and  honour.  On  the  one  hand  b.c.  ic8 
the  Roman  People  had  profited  by  his  brave  and  loyal 
aid  in  the  Punic  War,  and  on  the  other,  he  had  secured 
his  kingdom  through  the  goodwill  of  the  Roman  Peo- 
ple ;  after  this  balancing  of  favours,  he  had  performed 
every  possible  act  of  friendship  in  wars  against  three 
kings  successively.  Joy  over  the  victory  of  the 
Roman  People  was  not  surprising  in  a  king  who  had 
linked  with  the  fortunes  of  the  Romans  the  whole 
hazard  of  his  personal  fortunes  and  those  of  his  realm. 
As  for  thanks  to  the  gods  for  the  victory,  let  him  offer 
them  in  his  own  home ;  his  son  would  serve  as  his 
representative  at  Rome.  The  son  had  also  offered 
sufficient  congratulations  on  his  own  and  his  father's 
behalf.  That  Masinissa  himself  should  leave  his 
kingdom  and  go  outside  of  Africa,  apart  from  the 
fact  that  it  was  against  his  own  interests,  was  also 
contrary  to  the  public  welfare  of  the  Roman  People, 
the  senate  believed. 

When  Masgaba  requested  that  Hanno,  son  of 
Hamilcar,  be  demanded  as  hostage  in  place  of  .  .  ., 
the  answer  was  given  that  the  senate  considered  it  by 
no  means  just  to  exact  hostages  from  the  Car- 
thaginians according  to  the  judgment  of  Masinissa. 
The  quaestor  was  ordered  to  buy  gifts  for  the  prince, 
in  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  senate,  to  the 
amount  of  one  hundred  pounds  of  silver,  and  to 
escort  him  to  Puteoli,  to  provide  for  all  his  expenses 
while  he  was  in  Italy,  and  to  hire  two  ships  to  convey 
him  and  his  suite  to  Africa.  Garments  were  pre- 
sented to  all  his  suite,  both  free  and  slave. 

Not  very  much  later  dispatches  were  brought  from 
Masinissa's  other  son  Misagenes,  stating  that  he  had 
been  sent  with  his  cavalry  to  Africa  by  Lucius  Paulus 

291 


suis ;  navigantem  dispersa  classe  in  Hadriatico  mari 
9  Brundisium  tribus  navibus  aegrum  delatum.  Ad  ^ 
eum  cum  isdem  muneribus.  quae  data  Romae  fratri 
eius  erant,  L.  Stertinius  quaestor  Brundisium  m.issus 
iussusque  ^  curare,  ut  aedes  hospitio  .   .   .^ 

XV.   In  quattuor  urbanas  tribus  discripti  ■*   erant 
libertini  praeter  eos,  quibus  filius  quinquenni  maior 

2  ex  se  natus  ^  esset, — eos,  ubi  proximo  lustro  censi 
essent,  censeri  iusserunt — et  eos,  qui  praedium 
praediave  rustica  pluris  sestertium  triginta  milium 

3  haberent,  .  .  .^  censendi  ius  factum  est.  Hoc  cum 
ita  servatum  esset,  negabat  Claudius  suffragii 
lationem  iniussu  populi  censorem  cuiquam  homini, 

4  nedum  ordini  universo  adimere  posse.  Neque  enim, 
si  tribu  movere  possit,^  quod  sit  nihil  aliud  quam 
mutare  iubere  tribum,  ideo  omnibus  quinque  et 
triginta  tribubus  emovere  posse,  id  est  civitatem 
libertatemque    eripere,    non,    ubi    censeatur,    finire, 

5  sed  censu  excludere.  Haec  inter  ipsos  disceptata ; 
postremo  eo  descensum  est,  ut  ex  quattuor  urbanis 

^  ad  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

2  iussus  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

^  hospi  V  :    laruna  folii  unias. 

*  discripti  Buecheler  :   descripti  T. 

^  ex  se  natus  Kreyssig  :   exsenatu  V. 

8  lacanam  indicat  Crevier. 

'  possit  Drakenhorch  :   posset  T'. 


^  From  Valerius  Maximus  V.  1.  Id,  the  following  matters 
seem  to  have  been  recounted  here  :  the  quaestor  was  to  pro- 
vide for  the  care  of  Misagenes,  furnish  expense-money  for 
him  and  his  suite,  and  provide  ships  for  the  voyage  to  Africa ; 
also  a  pound  of  silver  and  500  sesterces  apiece  were  to  be  given 
to  each  cavalryman;  Misagenes  died.  Presumably  also  the 
report  of  the  elections,  and  something  about  the  activity  of 

292 


BOOK  XLV.  XIV.  8-xv.  5 

after  the  defeat  of  Perseus,  that  on  his  voyage  his  b.c.  I68 
fleet  had  been  scattered  in  the  Adriatic,  and  he  had 
arrived  in  ill  heath  with  three  ships  at  Brundisium, 
Lucius  Stertinius  the  quaestor  was  sent  to  him  with 
the  same  gifts  which  had  been  given  at  Rome  to  his 
brother,  and  was  instructed  to  see  to  it  that  a  house 
for  entertainment  .  .   .^ 

XV.  Freedmen  had  been  distributed  among  the 
four  city  tribes  except  for  those  who  had  a  son  over 
five  years  old  (these  they  ordered  to  be  reckoned 
where  they  had  been  enrolled  at  the  census  immedi- 
ately previous),  and  those  who  had  an  estate  or 
estates  in  the  country  valued  at  over  thirty  thousand 
sesterces  .  .  .^  the  privilege  of  enrolling  was  granted. 
Although  this  arrangement  had  become  established 
in  this  way,  Claudius  said  that  it  was  impossible  for  a 
censor  without  a  decree  of  the  people  to  deprive  any 
individual  of  his  ballot,  let  alone  a  whole  class. 
For  if,  said  Claudius,  the  censor  could  move  a  man 
from  his  tribe,  which  was  exactly  what  ordering 
him  to  change  his  tribe  meant,  he  could  remove  him 
from  all  thirty-five  tribes,  that  is,  deprive  him  of 
citizenship  and  status  as  a  free  man — not  deter- 
mine where  he  should  be  enrolled  but  exclude  him 
from  enrolment.^  This  was  argued  between  the 
two  censors ;  finally  they  resorted  to  the  following 
solution :    they   drew  lots   publicly   in   the   Hall   of 

the  censors,  prefatory  to  the  following  chapter,  was  included 
here.  Previous  activity  of  the  censors  was  reported  in 
XLIII.  xiv-xvi ;  XLIV.  xvi.  8-10.  Cf.  also  the  Summary  of 
this  book. 

2  The  lacuna  may  have  contained  mention  of  the  country 
tribes,  in  which  the  freedmen  with  large  holdings  were  allowed. 

^  Claudius  appears  to  be  indulging  in  hyperbole,  since  the 
private  rights  of  a  free  citizen  were  not  in  question, 

293 


LIVY 

A.u.c.         tribubu'-  unam  palani  in  atrio  Libertatis  sortirentur, 
^  ^  in  quam  omnes,  qui  ser\'ituteni  servissent,  conicerent. 

6  Esquilinae  sors  exiit ;  in  ea  Ti.  Gracchus  pro- 
nuntiavit  libertinos  omnis  censeri  placere. 

7  Magno  ea  res  honori  censoribus  apud  senatuni  fuit. 
Gratiae  actae  et  Sempronio,  qui  in  bene  coepto 
perseverasset,     et     Claudio,     qui     non     impedisset. 

8  Plures  quam  ab  ^  superioribus  et  senatu  moti  ^  sunt 
et  equos  vendere  iussi.  Omnes  iidem  ab  utroque  et 
tribu  moti  ^  et  aerarii  facti ;   neque  ullius,  quem  alter 

9  notarat.'*  ab  ^  altero  levata  ignominia.  Petentibus, 
ut  ex  institute  ad  sarta  tecta  exigenda  et  ad  opera 
quae  locassent  probanda  anni  et  sex  mensum  ^ 
tempus  prorogaretur,  Cn.  Tremellius  tribunus,  quia 
lectus  non  erat  in  senatum,  intercessit. 

10  Eodem  anno  C.  Cicereius  aedem  Monetae  in 
monte  '  Albano  dedicavit  quinquennio  post  quam  vovit. 
Flamen  Martialis  inauguratus  est  eo  anno  L. 
Postumius  Albinus. 

XVI.  Q.  Aelio  M.  lunio  consulibus  de  provinciis  re- 
ferentibus  censuere  patres  duas  pro\'incias  Hispaniam 

^  plures  quam  ab  Kreyssig  :    plusquamad  V. 

^  moti  Douiatius  :   remoti  T'. 

^  moti  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  remoti  V. 

*  notarat  Pighius  :   notaret  V. 

^  ab  add.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

^  sex  mensum  Bekker  :   bimensus  V. 

"  aedem  Monetae  in  monte  Drakenhorch  :   ademmo  et  V. 

^  Previous  instances  of  severity  on  the  part  of  these  censors 
are  recorded  in  XLIII.  xv.  6 ;    xvi.  1 ;    XLIV.  xvi.  8. 

2  His  vow  is  recorded  in  XLII.  vii.  1 ;  his  triumph,  on  the 
Alban  Mount,  in  XLII.  xxi.  7.  Dio  Cassius  XXXIX.  20, 
records  as  a  portent  that  "  a  small  temple  of  Juno,  on  a  certain 
table,  facing  the  east,  was  turned  to  the  north."  Perhaps  the 
curious  mention  of  a  table  {trapeza)  is  an  error  due  to  the 

294 


BOOK   XLV.  XV.  5-xvi.  i 

Liberty  for  one  of  the  four  city  tribes,  to  which  they  b.c.  16 
would  consign  all  those  who  had  been  slaves.     The 
lot  of  the  Esquiline  tribe  was  cast ;  Tiberius  Gracchus 
announced  that  they  had  decided  to  enrol  all  freed- 
men  in  this  tribe. 

This  matter  was  regarded  by  the  senate  as  greatly 
to  the  credit  of  the  censors.  Thanks  were  voted  to 
Sempronius,  for  having  persisted  in  a  praiseworthy 
undertaking,  and  to  Claudius,  for  not  interfering. 
More  men  were  removed  from  the  senate  than  by 
former  censors,  and  more  also  ordered  to  sell  their 
horses.^  All  alike  were  by  both  censors  removed 
from  their  tribe  and  made  aerarii ;  nor  was  the  dis- 
grace of  anyone  who  had  been  blacklisted  by  the  one 
relieved  by  the  other.  When  the  censors  asked  that 
their  term  be  prolonged  to  a  year  and  a  half  in  order 
that  they  might,  as  was  customary,  see  to  repairs  to 
buildings  and  inspect  the  public  works  for  which 
they  had  contracted,  the  request  was  vetoed  by  the 
tribune  Gnaeus  Tremellius,  because  he  had  not  been 
chosen  for  the  senate. 

In  this  same  year  Gains  Cicereius  dedicated  a 
temple  to  Moneta  on  the  Alban  Mount  five  years 
after  he  vowed  it.^  In  this  year  Lucius  Postumius 
Albinus  was  consecrated  asjiamen  of  Mars.^ 

XVI.  When  the  new  consuls  Quintus  Aelius  and 
Marcus  Junius  *  put  to  the  senate  the  question  of 
provinces,  the  Fathers  voted  that  Spain  should  again 

association  of  Juno  Moneta  with  monetary  matters,  cf.  the 
monetary  associations  of  trapeza. 

^  The  death  of  the  previous  jlamen  is  recorded  in  XLIV. 
xviii.  7. 

*  Both  these  consuls  were  plebeians,  as  in  172  B.C.,  XLII, 
X.  9.  172  was  the  first  year  in  which  two  plebeians  were 
elected,  according  to  the  Fasti  Capitoiini,  C.I.L.^  I,  i.,  p.  25. 


LI\T 

rursus  fieri,  quae  una  per  bellum  Macedonicumfuerat ; 

2  et  Macedoniam  Illvricumque  eosdem.  L.  Paulum  et 
L.  Anicium.  obtinere,  donee  de  sententia  legatoruni 
res  et  bello  turbatas  et  in  ^  statum  alium  ex  regno 

3  formandas  composuissent.  Consulibus  Pisae  et  Gal- 
lia decretae  cum  binis  legionibus  quinum  milium  et 
ducenorum  ^  peditum  et  equitum  quadringenorum.^ 
Praetorum  sortes  fuere,  Q.  Cassi  urbana,  M'.  luventi 
Thalnae  *  inter  peregrinos,  Ti.  Claudi  Xeronis  Sicilia, 

4  Cn.  Fulvi  Hispania  citerior,  ulterior  ^  C.  Licini 
Nervae.  A.  Manlio  Torquato  Sardinia  obvenerat : 
at  **  nequiit  ire  in  provinciam,  ad  res  capitalis 
quaerendas  ex  senatus  consulto  retentus. 

5  De  prodigiis  deinde  nuntiatis  senatus  est  consultus. 
Aedes  deum  '  Penatium  in  \  elia  de  caelo  tacta  erat 
et  in  oppido  Minervio  duae  portae  et  muri  ali- 
quantum.  Anagniae  terra  pluerat  et  Lanuvi  fax 
in  caelo  visa  erat;  et  Calatiae  in  publico  agro  M. 
\  alerius  civis  Romanus  nuntiabat  e  foco  suo  sangui- 

6  nem  ^  per  triduum  et  duas  noctes  manasse.  Ob  id 
maxima  decemviri  libros  adire  iussi  supplicationem 

^  in  add.  Kreyssig  :   om.  V. 

^  legionibus  quinum  milium  et  ducenorum  add.  Weissen- 
hom  :   om.  V. 

^  quadTingenoTum.  Drakeyihorch  :    quadringentorum  V. 

*  urbana,  M'.  luventi  Thalnae  Sigonius  :  urbanamiuuenti- 
talnae  T. 

^  ulterior  add.  Fr,  Hertz  :   om.  V. 

^  at  add.  Xovdk  :   om.  V. 

'  deum  Kreyssig  :   deus  V. 

®  sanguinem  Gruter  :   xanguine  V. 


1  The  number  sounds  like  the  allied  cavalry ;  a  reference  to 
Eoman  cavalry  and  allied  infantrj'  may  have  been  lost.  The 
usual  number  of  Roman  cavalrv  is"  300,  see  XXII.  xxxvi.  3; 


296 


BOOK   XLV.  XVI.  1-6 

be  made  two  provinces,  after  having  been  one  during  b.c.  167 
the  Macedonian  War;  also  that  the  same  officers, 
Lucius  Paulus  and  Lucius  Anicius,  should  command 
in  Macedonia  and  Illyricum  until  on  the  advice  of 
senatorial  envoys  they  had  made  a  settlement  for 
these  states  which  had  been  upset  by  war,  and  which 
were  to  be  given  a  constitution  other  than  mon- 
archical. To  the  consuls  Pisa  and  Gaul  were  assigned 
with  two  legions  apiece,  each  legion  to  be  composed 
of  five  thousand  two  hundred  infantry  and  four 
hundred  cavalry.^  The  assignments  for  the  praetors 
were :  to  Quintus  Cassius,  the  City  Praetorship ; 
to  Manius  Juventius  Thalna,  the  jurisdiction  over 
aliens  ;  to  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero,  Sicily  ;  to  Gnaeus 
Fulvius,  Hither  Spain ;  to  Gains  Licinius  Nerva, 
Farther  Spain.  Aulus  Manlius  Torquatus  was 
assigned  Sardinia,  but  was  unable  to  go  to  his  pro- 
vince, since  he  was  held  by  vote  of  the  senate  to 
preside  over  trials  for  capital  crimes. ^ 

The  question  of  the  prodigies  w^hich  had  been 
reported  was  next  put  to  the  senate.  The  temple 
of  the  Household  Gods  on  the  Velia  had  been  struck 
by  lightning,  as  well  as  two  gates  and  a  section  of 
wall  in  the  town  of  Minervium.  At  Anagnia  there 
had  been  a  rain  of  earth  and  at  Lanuvium  a  meteor 
had  been  seen  in  the  sky ;  and  at  Calatia  on  state- 
owned  land  Marcus  Valerius,  a  Roman  citizen,  re- 
ported that  blood  had  trickled  from  his  hearth  for  three 
days  and  two  nights.  Especially  for  this  last  the 
Board  of  Ten  was  ordered  to  consult  the  books  ;  they 

but  the  number  400  also  appears  in  XXIII.  xxxiv.  13  and 
XL.  xxxvi.  8. 

2  Again  the  new  praetor  did  not  go  to  Sardinia,  see  above, 
p.  284,  note  1.  For  similar  special  inquiries  into  crime,  cf. 
XL.  xliii.  2;   XXXIX,  xxxviii.  3;  xli.  5. 

297 


in  diem  unum  populo  edixerunt  et  quinquaginta 
capris  in  foro  sacrificaverunt.  Et  aliorum  prodi- 
giorum  causa  diem  alteram  supplicatio  circa  omnia 
pulvinaria  fuit  et  hostiis  maioribus  sacrificatum  est 
et  urbs  lustrata. 

7  Item,^  quod  ad  honorem  deum  immortalium  perti- 
neret,  decrevit  senatus  ut  quoniam  perduelles 
superati  Perseus  et  Gentius  reges  cum  Macedonia 
atque    Illyrico  in  potestate   populi   Romani   essent, 

8  ut,  quanta  dona  Ap.  Claudio  ^I.  Sempronio  consulibus 
ob  devictum  Antiochum  regem  data  ad  omnia  pul- 
vinaria essent,  tanta  Q.  Cassius  et  M'.  luventius 
praetores  curarent  danda. 

XVII.  Legatos  deinde,  quorum  de  sententia  impe- 
ratores  L.  Paulus,  L.  Anicius  componerent  res,  de- 
creverunt     decem     in     Macedonian!,     quinque     in  ^ 

2  lUyricum.  In  Macedonian!  primi  ^  nominati :  A. 
Postumius  Luscus,  C.  Claudius,  ambo  illi  "*  censorii, 
Q.  Fabius  Labeo,  Q.  Marcius  Philippus,-^  C.  Licinius 
Crassus,  collega  in  consulatu  Pauli,  tum  prorogate 

3  imperio  provincian!  Gallian!  habebat.  His  consulari- 
bus  addidere  Cn,  Domitium  Ahenobarbum,  Ser. 
Cornelium  Sullam,  L.  lunium,  T.  Numisium  Tarqui- 

4  niensem,  A.  Terentium  \'arronem.  In  ^  Illyricum 
autem  hi  nominati :  P.  Aelius  Ligus  consularis,  C. 
Cicereius  et  Cn.  Baebius  Tamphilus — hie  priore  anno, 


^  item  Madvig  :   idem  V. 
2  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 
2  primi  Vahhn  :    culpmi  V. 
*  illi  Hertz  :   alii  V. 

^  Q.  Fabius  Labeo,  Q.  Marcius  Philippus  add.  H.  J.  JlUller 
om.  V. 

^  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  ]'. 


298 


BOOK  XLV.  xvi.  6-xvii.  4 

pi-oclaimed  to  the  people  a  single  day  of  prayer  and  b.c.  ig7 
offered  a  sacrifice  of  fifty  goats  in  the  forum.  Be- 
cause of  the  other  prodigies,  another  day  of  prayer 
was  observed  at  all  the  banquet-tables  of  the  gods, 
sacrifice  with  greater  victims  was  offered,  and  the 
city  purified. 

Another  matter  concerning  the  paying  of  respects 
to  the  immortal  gods  was  the  senate's  decree  that, 
whereas  the  enemy  had  been  conquered  and  the 
kings  Perseus  and  Gentius  along  with  Macedonia 
and  Illyricum  were  under  the  sway  of  the  Roman 
People,  therefore  the  praetors  Quintus  Cassius  and 
Manius  Juventius  should  see  to  the  presentation  at 
all  the  banquet-tables  of  the  gods  of  gifts  as  great  as 
those  given  in  the  consulship  of  Appius  Claudius  and 
Marcus  Sempronius  because  of  the  victory  over  King 
Antiochus.^ 

XVII.  Ten  commissioners  for  Macedonia  and  five 
for  Illyricum  were  then  appointed,  on  whose  advice 
Lucius  Paulus  and  Lucius  Anicius  might  arrange  the 
settlements.  First  those  for  Macedonia  were  named : 
Aulus  Postumius  Luscus  and  Gaius  Claudius,  both 
ex-censors,  Quintus  Fabius  Labeo,  Quintus  Marcius 
Philippus,  and  Gaius  Licinius  Crassus,  who  was 
Paulus'  colleague  in  the  consulship  and  at  that  time 
was  in  charge  of  Gaul,  his  term  of  command  having 
been  extended.  To  these  ex-consuls  were  added 
Gnaeus  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Servius  Cornelius 
Sulla,  liUcius  Junius,  Titus  Numisius  Tarquiniensis, 
and  Aulus  Terentius  Varro.  For  Illyricum  the 
following  were  named :  Publius  Aelius  Ligus,  an  ex- 
consul,  Gaius  Cicereius  and  Gnaeus  Baebius  Tam- 

^  These  are  mentioned  in  XXXVI,  ii.  2-5;  the  consuls 
served  in  185  B.C. 

299 


Cicereius    multis    ante    annis    praetor   fuerat — ,   P. 
Terentius  Tuscivicanus.  P.  Manilius. 

5  Moniti  deinde  consules  a  patribus  ut,  quoniam 
alterum  ex  his  succedere  C.  Licinio,  qui  legatus 
nominatus  erat,  in  Gallia  oporteret,  primo  quoque  ^ 
tempore   provincias    aut    compararent    inter   se    aut 

6  sortirentur.  sortiti  sunt.  M.  lunio  Pisae  obvenerunt, 
quern,  priusquam  in  provinciam  iret,  legationes  quae 
undique  Romam  gratulatum  convenerant  introducere 

7  in  senatuni  placuit,  Q.  Aelio  Gallia. ^  Ceterum 
quamquam  tales  viri  mitterentur,  quorum  de  consilio 
sperari  posset  imperatores  nihil  indignum  nee 
dementia  nee  gravitate  populi  Romani  decreturos 
esse,  tamen  in  senatu  quoque  agitata  ^  sunt  summa 
consiliorum,  ut  inchoata  omnia  legati  ab  domo  ferre 
ad  imperatores  possent. 

XVIII.  Omnium  primum  liberos  esse  placebat  Ma- 
cedonas  atque  lUyrios,  ut  omnibus  gentibus  appareret 
arma  populi  Romani  non  liberis  ser\"itutem.  sed  contra 
2  servientibus  libertatem  adferre,  ut  et,  in  libertate 
gentes  quae  essent,  tutam  eam  sibi  perpetuamque 
sub  tutela  populi  Romani  *  esse,  et,  quae  sub  regibus 
viverent,  et  in  praesens  tempus  mitiores  eos  iusti- 
oresque  respectu  popuh  Romani  habere  se  crederent 
et,^  si  quando  bellum  cum  populo  Romano  regibus 
fuisset  suis,  exitum  eius  victoriam  Romanis  adlaturum, 

^  quoque  add.  Fr  :    ora.  V. 

-  Gallia  add.  Fr  :    orn.  T'. 

^  agitata  ]yeissenbom  :   agitaltes  V. 

*  populi  Romani  add.  Sigonius  :   om.  V. 

^  et  Madvig  :   eo  V. 


1  Five  years  before,  see  above,  xv. 
300 


BOOK  XLV.  XVII.  4-xviii.  2 

philus  (the  latter  had  been  praetor  the  previous  year,  b.c.  16? 
the  former  many  years  before  ^),  Publius  Terentius 
Tuscivicanus,  and  PubUus  ManiUus. 

Next  the  consuls  were  instructed  by  the  Fathers 
that,  since  one  of  them  should  relieve  Gains  Licinius, 
who  had  been  appointed  commissioner,  in  Gaul,  they 
ought  as  early  as  possible  either  to  agree  on  their  pro- 
vinces or  to  draw  lots.  They  accordingly  drew  lots. 
Pisa  fell  to  Marcus  Junius,  Gaul  to  Quintus  Aelius.  ^ 
The  senate  voted  that  before  Junius  went  to  his  field  '^' 
of  activity,  he  should  present  to  the  senate  the  em- 
bassies which  had  "'.ssembled  in  Rome  from  all  quar- 
ters to  offer  congratulations.  Moreover,  although 
men  were  being  sent  of  sufficient  calibre  to  justify 
the  hope  that  by  their  advice  the  generals  would 
establish  nothing  unworthy  of  either  the  mercy  or 
the  high  position  of  the  Roman  People,  yet  dis- 
cussions went  on  in  the  senate  too  as  to  general  con- 
siderations, so  that  the  commissioners  might  carry 
from  home  to  the  generals  a  full  outline  of  policy. 

XVIII.  First  of  all  it  was  voted  that  the  Mace- 
donians and  Illyrians  should  be  given  their  inde- 
pendence, so  that  it  should  be  clear  to  all  nations 
that  the  forces  of  the  Roman  People  brought  not 
slavery  to  free  peoples,  but  on  the  contrary,  freedom 
to  the  enslaved.  The  senate  wished  nations  which 
were  free  to  consider  that  their  freedom  was  assured 
and  lasting  under  the  protection  of  the  Roman 
People,  and  that  those  who  lived  under  kings  should 
feel  for  the  time  being  that  their  rulers  were  milder 
and  more  just  under  the  eye  of  the  Roman  People, 
and,  if  at  any  time  their  kings  should  make  war  on 
the  Roman  People,  that  the  outcome  of  the  war 
would  bring  victory  to  the  Romans,  but  freedom  to 

301 


LIVY 

3  sibi  libertatem.^  Metalli  quoque  Macedonici,  quod 
ingens     vecti^al     erat.     locationes     praediorumque 

4  rusticorum  tolli  placebat ;  nam  neque  sine  publicano 
exerceri  posse  et,  ubi  publicanus  esset,  ibi  aut  ius 
publicum  vanum  aut  libertatem  sociis  nullam  esse. 

5  Ne  ipsos  quidem  Macedonas  id  ^  exercere  posse ; 
ubi  in  medio  praeda  administrantibus  esset,  ibi 
numquam  causas   seditionum   et   certaminis   defore. 

6  Denique  ne,  si  ^  commune  concilium  *  gentis  esset, 
improbus  vulgi  adsentator  ^  aliquando  libertatem 
salubri  moderatione  ^  datam  ad  licentiam  pestilentam 

7  traheret,  in  quattuor  regiones  discribi  "^  Macedonian!, 
ut  suum  quaeque  concilium  ^  haberet,  placuit  et 
dimidium  tributi.  quam  quod  regibus  ferre  soliti 
erant,  populo  Romano  pendere.     Similia  his  et  in  ^ 

S  Illyricum  mandata.  Cetera  ipsis  imperatoribus 
legatisque  relicta,  in  quibus  praesens  tractatio  rerum 
certiora  subiectura  erat  consilia. 

XIX.  Inter  multas  regum  gentiumque  et  popu- 
lorum  legationes  Attalus,  frater  regis  Eumenis, 
maxime  convertit  in  se  omnium  oculos  animosque. 

^  fuisset  suis,  exitum  eius  victoriam  Romanis  adlaturum, 
sibi  libertatem  JIadrig  :  fuisse  sieuisexitumeiusuictoriamuic 
romanisadlaturumcrederent  sibiadlaturumsibilibertatem  T. 

-  id  Crevier  :   idem  T. 

^  denique  ne  si  add.  H.  J.  Muller  :   om.  V. 

^  concilium  Sigonius  :   consilum  T'. 

^  improbus  vulgi  adsentator  Hartel :  improbumuulgi- 
adsenator  V. 

^  moderatione  Douiatius  :   moderationi  I'. 

"  discribi  Buecheler  :   describi  T'. 

^  concilium  Sigonius  :    consilium  V. 

^  in  add.  Fr  :  om.  V. 

302 


BOOK  XLV.  XVIII.  2-xix.  i 

themselves.  It  was  also  voted  to  discontinue  the 
leasing  of  the  Macedonian  mines,  a  source  of  immense 
revenue,  and  of  rural  estates,  for  these  could  not  be 
farmed  without  a  contractor,  and  where  there  was  a 
contractor,  there  either  the  ownership  by  the  state 
lapsed,  or  no  freedom  was  left  to  the  allied  people.^ 
It  was  impossible,  the  senate  thought,  for  even  the 
Macedonians  to  farm  these  resources ;  for  where 
there  was  booty  as  a  prize  for  administrators,  in  that 
state  there  would  never  be  a  lack  of  reasons  for  con- 
spiracies and  strife.  Finally,  fearing  that  if  there 
were  a  common  legislature  for  the  nation,  some 
relentless  demagogue  would  turn  the  freedom  given 
in  healthy  moderation  into  the  licence  which  brings 
ruin,  the  senate  voted  to  divide  Macedonia  into  four 
sections,  so  that  each  might  have  its  own  legislature. 
It  was  further  resolved  that  Macedonia  should  pay  to 
the  Roman  People  half  the  taxes  which  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  pay  to  their  kings.  Like  instructions 
were  given  for  lUyricum.  The  details  were  left  to 
the  generals  and  the  commissioners  themselves,  for 
which  the  present  discussion  would  lay  a  surer 
foundation  of  planning. ^ 

XIX.  Among  the  many  embassies  from  kings, 
nations,  and  peoples  Attalus,  the  brother  of  King 
Eumenes,  especially  drew  to  himself  the  eyes  and 

^  The  reasoning  is  perhaps  that  of  Cato,  who  favoured 
Macedonian  "freedom,"  see  Spartianus,  Hadrian  5;  for  the 
attitude  toward  the  financiers,  cf.  XXXII.  xxvii.  4;  XXXIX. 
xliv.  8-9;  XLIII.  xvi.  Below,  xxix.  11,  the  specific  arrange- 
ment for  the  mines  is  mentioned  :  gold  and  silver  mining  was 
prohibited,  but  iron  and  copper  might  be  worked.  The 
estates  were  no  doubt  those  of  the  king. 

2  From  xii.  9  to  this  point,  Livy  seems  to  have  followed 
Roman  annalists ;   he  now  draws  from  Polybius  XXX.  1-5. 


2  Exceptus  enim  est  ab  iis,-'^  qui  simul  eo  bello  mili- 
taverant  -   baud   paulo   benignius   quam   si  ipse   rex 

3  Eumenes  venisset.  Adduxerant  eum  duae  in 
speciem  honestae  res.  una  gratulatio  conveniens  in  ea 
victoria  quam  ipse  adiuvisset,  altera  querimonia 
Gallici  tumultus  acceptaeque  cladis  qua  ^  regnum  in 

•4  dubium  adductum  esset.  Suberat  et  secreta  spes 
honoruni  praemiorunique  ab  senatu,  quae  vix  salva 
pietate  ei  ^  contintrere  poterant.  Erant  ^  enim  qui- 
dam  Romanorum  quoque  non  boni  auctores,  qui  spe 

5  cupiditatem  eius  elicerent ;  earn  opinionem  de  Attalo 
et  Eumene  Romae  esse,  tamquam  de  altero  Romanis 
certo    amico.    altero    nee    Romanis   nee    Persei    fido 

6  socio.  Itaque  vix  statui  posse  utrum  quae  pro  se  an 
quae  contra  fratrem  petiturus  esset  ab  senatu  magis 
impetrabilia  forent ;  adeo  universos  omnia  et  huic 
tribuere  et  illi  vero  negare. 

7  Eorurn  hominum,.  ut  res  docuit.  Attalus  erat  qui, 
quantum  spes  spopondisset,  cuperent,  ni  unius  amici 
prudens  monitio  velut  frenos   animo   eius  gestienti 

8  secundis  rebus  imposuisset.  Stratius  cum  eo  fuit 
medicus,  ad  id  ipsum  a  non  securo  Eumene  Romam 
missus  speculator  rerum,   quae   a  fratre  agerentur, 

9  monitorque  fidus,  si  decidi  fide  vidisset.  Is  ad  occu- 
patas  iam   aures    solicitatumque  iam  animum  cum 

^  lis  Kreyssig  :  his  V. 

2  militaverant  Clericus  :   militaverunt  V. 

3  acceptaeque  cladis  qua   WalcJi,  Kreyssig  :    aduertaeque- 
gladiisquae  T'. 

*  ei  Crevier  :   eius  T'. 
=  erant  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

304 


BOOK  XLV.  XIX.  2-9 

minds  of  everyone.^  For  he  was  received  by  those  b.c.  ig7 
who  had  served  with  him  in  this  war  in  much  more 
cordial  fashion  than  if  King  Eumenes  himself  had 
come.  Two  reasons  honourable  in  outward  view 
brought  him  to  Rome,  first  the  congratulations  suit- 
able to  the  recent  victory  in  which  he  himself  had 
aided,  and  second,  complaint  about  the  uprising  of 
the  Galatians  and  the  disaster  suffered  thereby, 
which  threatened  destruction  to  the  kingdom  itself. 
Underneath  he  cherished  a  secret  hope  of  honours 
and  rewards  from  the  senate  which  he  could  hardly 
accept  without  disloyalty  to  his  brother.  For  there 
were  also  certain  untrustworthy  Roman  advisers  to 
stimulate  his  self-seeking  with  hope ;  the  view,  they 
said,  held  in  Rome  about  Attains  and  Eumenes  was 
that  the  former  was  a  sure  friend  to  the  Romans, 
while  the  latter  was  a  faithful  ally  neither  to  the 
Romans  nor  to  Perseus ;  accordingly  it  could  hardly 
be  determined  whether  the  senate  would  be  more 
disposed  to  grant  his  requests  for  himself  or  those 
against  his  brother — to  such  an  extent  did  one  and 
all  make  every  concession  to  the  one,  but  withhold 
any  from  the  other. 

Attains  was,  as  the  facts  showed,  one  of  those  men 
who  w  ould  desire  whatever  hope  might  promise ; 
but  the  wise  advice  of  one  friend  tightened  the 
reins,  as  it  were,  on  his  spirit  elated  by  success. 
Stratius,  a  physician,  was  with  him,  sent  to  Rome  by 
the  uneasy  Eumenes  precisely  to  keep  an  eye  on  the 
actions  of  his  brother  and  to  give  loyal  advice,  if  he 
saw  any  failure  in  loyalty.  This  Stratius  made  his  ap- 
proach to  ears  already  filled  and  a  mind  already  temp- 

^  According  to  Polybius,  the  warmth  of  this  reception 
suggested  to  Attalus  the  possibility  of  supplanting  his  brother. 


venisset.    adgressus    tempestivis    semionibus  ^    rem 
prope  prolapsam  restituit,   aliis   alia  regna  crevisse 

10  rebus  dicendo  :  regnum  eorum  novum,  nullis  vetustis 
fundatum  opibus..  fraterna  stare  concordia,  quod  unus 
nomen  regium  et  praecipuum  capitis  insigne  gerat, 

11  omnes  fratres  regnent.  Attalum  vero,  qui  aetate 
proximus  sit,^  quis  non  pro  rege  habeat  r  neque  eo 
solum,  quia  tantas  praesentes  eius  opes  cernat,  sed 
quod  baud  ambiguum  sit  ^  prope  diem  regnaturum ; 
earn  infirm^itatem  aetatemque  Eumenis  esse  nullam 
stirpem  liberum  habentis ;    needum  enim  agnoverat 

12  eum,  qui  postea  regnavit.  Quid  attinere  *  vim 
adferre  rei  sua  sponte  ad  eum  mox  venturae  ?  ^ 
accessisse  etiam  novam  tempestatem  regno  tu- 
multus  Gallici,  cui  vix  consensu  et  concordia  regum 

13  resisti  queat :  si  vero  ad  externum  bellum  domestica 
seditio  adiciatur,  sisti  non  posse.  Nee  aliud  eum 
quam,  ne  frater  in  regno  moriatur,   sibi  ipsi  spem 

14  propinquam  regni  erepturum.  Si  utraque  gloriosa 
res  esset,  et  servasse  fratri  regnum  et  eripuisse, 
servati  tamen  regni,  quae  iuncta  pietati  sit,  potiorem 
laudem  futuram  ®  fuisse.     Sed  enimvero  cum  detesta- 

1  sermonibus  J.  F.  Gronovias  :   temporibus  T'. 

2  qui    aetate    proximus    sit    Kreyssig :     quiaaetaterproxi- 
mussi  T'. 

^  sit  add.  Harant  :   om.  V. 
^  attinere  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   adtineret  V. 
^  ventm-ae  Duker  :    adventurae  V. 
^  futuram  add.  Andresen  :    om.  V. 


^  Eumenes  was  in  his  late  fifties  at  this  time. 

-  This  successor,  Attains  III,  was  born  shortly  before 
Eumenes'  death,  and  reigned  for  21  years  under  a  regency  of 
his  uncle  Attains.  (See  XLII.  xvi.  9  and  the  note.  Vol.  XII, 
p.  339,  for  the  view  that  Attains  III  was  actually  the  son  of 


306 


BOOK  XLV.  XIX.  9-14 

ted,  and  by  offering  well-timed  remarks  won  an  almost  b.c.  167 
lost  cause  ;  his  argument  was  that  different  kingdoms 
had  thrived  on  different  things ;  the  kingdom  of 
Pergamum,  being  new  and  not  bolstered  by  any  long- 
standing wealth,  was  founded  on  brotherly  harmony, 
because  one  brother  wore  the  name  of  king  and  the 
distinguishing  emblem  on  his  head,  but  all  the 
brothers  ruled.  As  for  Attains,  who  was  second  in 
age,  who  did  not  consider  him  as  a  king  ?  And  not 
only  because  one  could  see  that  his  present  powers 
were  so  great,  but  because  it  was  beyond  doubt  that 
he  would  reign  before  many  days  had  passed,  for  the 
weakness  and  age  ^  of  Eumenes  pointed  in  that 
direction,  since  he  was  at  that  time  without  issue  (for 
Eumenes  had  not  at  that  time  acknowledged  the  son 
who  reigned  after  him  ^).  What  use  was  there,  said 
Stratius,  in  seeking  by  violence  a  prize  which  would 
automatically  fall  to  him  shortly  ?  Furthermore,  the 
kingdom  had  been  assailed  by  the  fresh  tempest  of 
the  Galatian  uprising,  which  could  hardly  be  with- 
stood by  agreement  and  harmony  in  the  royal 
family ;  but  if  civil  strife  were  added  to  the  foreign 
war,  no  halt  could  be  called.  What  he  was  con- 
sidering was  simply  preventing  his  brother  from  dying 
as  king  in  order  to  rob  himself  of  his  imminent 
expectation  of  the  throne.  Even  if  it  were  true 
that  either  action  would  bring  fame,  whether  he 
preserved  the  kingdom  for  his  brother,  or  snatched  it 
from  him,  nevertheless  praise  for  preserving  the 
kingdom,  coupled  as  it  was  with  family  loyalty,  would 
still  be  the  better  choice.     But  inasmuch  as  one  alter- 

Attalus  II).  An  illegitimate  son  of  Eumenes,  Aristonieus, 
captured  the  throne  after  the  death  of  Attalus  III,  and  fought 
Rome  :  cf.  Summary  LIX. 


LR'Y 

bills   altera  res   et  proxima  parricidio   sit,   quid   ad 

15  deliberationem  dubii  superesse  ?  utrum  enim  partem 
regni  petiturum  esse,  an  totum  erepturum  ?  si 
partem,  ambo  infirmos  distractis  ^'iribus  et  omnibus 
iniuriis  profecto  ^  obnoxios  fore  ;  si  totum,  privatumne 
ergo  maiorem  fratrem,  an  exulem  esse  ^  ilia  aetate, 
ilia    corporis    infirmitate,     an    ad  ^    ultimum    mori 

16  iussurum  ?  egregium  enim,  ut  fabulis  traditus  im- 
piorum  fratrum  eventus  taceatur,  Persei  exitum 
videri.  qui  ex  fraterna  caede  raptum  diadema  in 
templo  Samothracum,  velut  praesentibus  dis  exi- 
gentibus  poenas,  ad  pedes  ^-ictoris  hostis  prostratus 

17  posuerit.  Eos  ipsos  qui  non  illi  amici,^  sed  Eumeni 
infesti  stimulent  eum,  pietatem  constantiamque 
laudaturos,  si  fidem  ad  ultimum  fratri  praestitisset. 

XX.  Haec  plus  valuere  in  Attali  animo.  Itaque 
introductus  in  senatum  gratulatus  victoriam  est ;  sua 
merita  eo  bello  fratrisque,  si  qua  erant,  et  Gallorum 
defectionem,  quae  nuper  ingenti  motu  facta  erat, 
2  exposuit ;  petit  ut  legatos  mitteret  ad  eos,  quorum 
auctoritate  ab  armis  avocarentur.  His  pro  regni 
utilitate  editis  mandatis,  Aenum  sibi  et  Maroneam 

^  -pvofecto  Brakman  :  pro  T:  ipoTvo  H artel :  populi  Roman i 
{i.e.  ex  pr.)  Afadvig. 

2  esse  add.  H.  J.  Muller  :    am.  V. 

^  ad  add.  Duker  :   om.  V. 

■*  qui  non  illi  amici  Fr  :    quinillisamicis  V. 


^  They  were  actually  independent,  but  had  been  warned 
by  Rome  to  keep  the  peace,  according  to  XXXVIII.  xl.  1 ; 
Pol3-bius  XXX.  3,  also  speaks  of  a  ''  revolt  "  (aponoia). 


308 


BOOK   XLV.  XIX.  14-XX.  2 

native  was  in  fact  despicable  and  verging  on  the  b.c.  167 
murder  of  kin,  what  remained  in  doubt  to  keep  judg- 
ment in  suspense  ?  Was  he  in  doubt  whether  to  seek 
for  part  of  the  kingdom,  or  to  seize  it  all  ?  If  he  took 
part,  both  parts  w^ould  be  weakened  by  disruption 
of  forces  and  without  a  doubt  exposed  to  every  kind 
of  injury;  if  he  took  all,  would  his  elder  brother 
become  a  private  citizen,  or  an  exile  at  his  age  and 
with  his  weakness  of  body,  or  would  Attains  in  the 
end  order  his  brother's  death  ?  To  say  nothing  of  the 
end  of  disloyal  brothers  as  told  in  legend,  the  fate  of 
Perseus  seemed  to  be  a  notable  example,  for  as  he 
bowed  himself  down  at  the  feet  of  a  conquering 
enemy,  he  had  laid  aside  in  the  temple  of  Samothrace, 
as  if  the  gods  had  been  there  exacting  his  punish- 
ment, that  crown  which  he  had  seized  by  means  of  a 
brother's  murder.  The  very  men,  said  Stratius,  who 
were  egging  him  on,  no  friends  to  him,  but  foes  to 
Eumenes,  would  praise  his  loyalty  and  steadfastness, 
if  he  kept  faith  with  his  brother  to  the  end. 

XX.  This  reasoning  prevailed  on  the  mind  of 
Attains.  On  being  presented  to  the  senate,  there- 
fore, he  offered  congratulations  on  the  victory ;  he 
explained  his  services  during  this  war,  and  those  of 
his  brother,  such  as  they  were,  as  weW  as  the  revolt  of 
the  Galatians  ^  which  had  recently  taken  place  with 
great  disturbance ;  he  requested  that  the  senate 
should  send  envoys  to  the  Galatians,  to  induce  them 
to  lay  aside  their  arms.  Having  delivered  these 
messages  in  the  interest  of  his  state,  he  asked  for 
Aenus  and  Maronea  for  himself.^     Thus,  after  dis- 

2  Polybius  says  this  request  was  not  granted,  because 
Attalus  had  disappointed  the  Roman  hope  that  he  would 
break  with  his  brother. 


LIVY 

3  petit.  Ita  destituta  eorum  spe.  qui  fratre  accusato 
partitionem  regni  petiturum  crediderant,  curia  ^ 
excessit.  Raro  ^  alias  quisquam  rex  aut  privatus 
tanto  favore  tantoque  omnium  adsensu  est  auditus : 
omnibus  honoribus  muneribusque  et  ^  praesens  est 
cultus  et  proficiscentem  prosecuti  sunt. 

4  Inter  multas  Asiae  Graciaeque  legationes  Rhodi- 

5  orum  maxime  legati  civitatem  converterunt.  Xam 
cum  primo  in  veste  Candida  visi  essent,  quod  et 
gratulantis  decebat,  et,  si  sordidam  vestem  habuis- 
sent,    lugentium    Persei    casum    praebere    speciem 

6  poterant,  postquam  consulti  ab  M.  lunio  consule 
patres  stantibus  in  comitio  legatis,  an  locum,  lautia  * 
senatumque  darent,  nullum  hospitale  ius  in  iis  esse  ^ 

7  servandum  censuerunt,  egressus  e  curia  consul,  cum 
Rhodii  gratulatum  se  de  victoria  purgatumque 
civitatis  crimina  dicentes  venisse  petissent,  ut  senatus 

8  sibi  daretur,  pronuntiat  sociis  et  amicis  et  alia  comiter 
atque  hospitaliter  praestare  Romanes  et  senatum 
dare  consuesse :  Rhodios  non  ita  meritos  eo  bello, 
ut   amicorum   sociorumque  ^   numero   habendi   sint ; 

9  his  auditis  prostraverunt  se  omnes  humi  consulem- 
que  et  cunctos,  qui  aderant,  orantes,  ne  nova  falsaque 

^  curia  Sigonius  :   curiam  V. 

2  Raro  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   ut  raro  V. 

3  et  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

*  lautia  Bas  :  lautianm  V. 

^  in  iis  esse  Kreyssig  :  inisse  V. 

^  que  add.  Curio  :   om.  V. 


^  Perhaps  on  the  Graecostasis,  an  open  platform,  from  which 
foreign  envoys  watched  ceremonies;  this  was  later  located  in 
the  Forum. 

2  Formally,  the  Rhodians  were  not  allies,  having  preferred 
to  retain  complete  independence  of  action,  cf.  below  xxv.  9. 

3^0 


BOOK  XLV.  XX.  2-9 

appointing  the  hopes  of  those  who  had  supposed  that  b.c.  167 
he  would  accuse  his  brother  and  seek  a  division  of  the 
kingdom,  he  left  the  senate-house.  Seldom  has 
anyone  else,  king  or  citizen,  been  heard  with  as  much 
good  will  and  as  much  general  approval;  Attains 
was  honoured  with  every  mark  of  attention  and  gift 
while  he  was  there,  and  on  his  departure  he  was 
attended  with  equal  ceremony. 

Among  the  many  embassies  from  Asia  and  Greece, 
the  envoys  of  the  Rhodians  especially  drew  the  city's 
attention.  For  they  first  appeared  in  white  clothes, 
as  was  suitable  for  those  offering  congratulations — 
and  had  they  worn  soiled  clothes,  they  might  have 
offered  the  appearance  of  men  mourning  for  the 
fall  of  Perseus.  However,  after  the  senate  w^as  con- 
sulted by  Marcus  Junius  the  consul,  while  the  envoys 
stood  in  the  assembly-ground,^  whether  lodgings, 
entertainment,  and  reception  before  the  senate 
should  be  provided,  and  the  Fathers  had  advised  that 
none  of  the  rights  of  hospitality  should  be  granted  in 
their  case,  the  consul  came  forth  from  the  senate- 
house,  and  in  reply  to  the  Rhodians,  who  said  they 
had  come  to  offer  congratulations  on  the  victory  and 
to  clear  their  city  of  the  charges  against  it,  and  asked 
that  a  session  of  the  senate  be  held  for  them,  the 
consul  announced  that  for  allies  and  friends  the 
Romans  were  accustomed  to  perform  various  acts  of 
courtesy  and  hospitality,  one  of  which  was  to  grant  a 
hearing  before  the  senate,  but  the  Rhodians  during 
this  war  had  not  earned  the  right  to  be  considered 
in  the  category  of  friends  and  allies.^  On  hearing 
this,  the  Rhodians  threw  themselves  on  the  ground 
and  begged  the  consul  and  all  who  were  present  not 
to  adopt  the  principle  that  new  and  false  charges 

3^1 


LIVY 

crimina  plus  obesse  Rhodiis  aequum  censerent  quam 
10  antiqua  merita,  quorum  ipsi  testes  essent.  Ex- 
templo  veste  sordida  sumpta  domos  principum  cum 
precibus  ac  lacrimis  circumibant  orantes,  ut  prius 
cognoscerent  causam  quam  condemnarent.-'^ 

XXI.   M'.2  luventius  Thalna  praetor,  cuius  inter 
cives  et  peregrinos  iurisdictio  erat,  populum  adversus 

2  Rhodios  incitabat  rogationemque  promulgaverat,  ut 
Rhodiis  bellum  indiceretur,  et  ex  magistratibus  eius 
anni  deligerent  qui  ad  id  bellum  cumi  classe  mit- 

3  teretur,  se  eum  sperans  futurum  esse.  Huic  actioni 
\I.  Antonius  et  ^I.  Pomponius  tribuni  plebis  adversa- 

4  bantur.  Sed  et  praetor  novo  maloque  exemplo  rem 
ingressus  erat.  quod  non  ante  consulto  senatu,  non 
consulibus  certioribus  factis  de  sua  unius  sententia 
rogationem  ferret,  vellent  iuberentne  Rhodiis  bellum 

5  indici,  cum  antea  semper  prius  senatus  de  bello 
consultus  esset,  deinde  ex  auctoritate  ^  patrum  ad 

6  populum  latum,  et  tribuni  plebis,  cum  ita  traditum 
esset,  ne  quis  prius  intercederet  legi  quam  privatis 
suadendi  dissuadendique  legem  potestas  facta  esset, 
eoque  persaepe  evenisset,  ut  et  *  qui  non  professi 

^  condemnarent  Crevier  :    conde  narentur  T'. 

-  M'.  Sigonius  :   T.  V. 

^  ex  auctoritate  add.  Kreyssig  :   om.  V. 

*  ut  et  Kreyssig  :   uter  V. 


^  Polybius  XXX.  4.  5  saj^s  this  occurred  after  the  activity 
of  Juventius  mentioned  just  below, 

-  There  was  precedent,  however,  for  action  by  the  assembly 
over  senatorial  opposition,  see  XXI.  Ixiii.  3;  XXXVIII. 
xxxvi.  8,  and  the  not€.  A  constitutional  question  is  involved  : 
war  was  regularly  declared  by  the  centuriate  assembly,  the 
oldest  and  least  democratic  gathering;  but  could  the  praetor 
summon  this  assembly,  except  for  judicial  purposes?     Th© 


BOOK  XLV.  XX.  9-xxi.  6 

against  the  Rhodians  should  outweigh  the  good 
services  of  long  standing  of  which  they  themselves 
were  witnesses.  Forthwith  the  Rhodians  put  on 
mourning  ^  and  went  the  rounds  of  the  houses  of  the 
chief  men  begging  with  tears  and  entreaties  that  they 
would  hear  the  case  before  passing  sentence. 

XXI.  Manius  Juventius  Thalna,  the  praetor  with 
jurisdiction  over  suits  between  citizens  and  aliens, 
w  as  stirring  up  the  people  against  the  Rhodians  and 
had  announced  a  motion  to  declare  war  against 
Rhodes  and  to  choose  from  the  magistrates  of  this 
year  one  to  be  sent  to  this  war  with  a  fleet  (Juventius 
hoped  that  he  would  be  the  one  designated).  Such 
action  was  opposed  by  Marcus  Antonius  and  Marcus 
Pomponius,  tribunes  of  the  people.  But  not  only  had 
the  praetor  in  the  first  place  undertaken  the  matter  in 
a  novel  and  dangerous  fashion,  because  he  was  pro- 
posing entirely  on  his  own  initiative,  without  pre- 
viously consulting  the  senate  or  notifying  the  con- 
suls, to  put  to  the  people  the  question,  whether  it  was 
their  will  and  command  that  war  should  be  declared 
against  the  Rhodians,  whereas  previously  the  senate 
had  always  been  consulted  first  about  war,  and  then 
the  question  brought  before  the  people  on  the 
authority  of  the  senate, ^  but  the  tribunes  also  were  in 
the  same  position,  since  the  custom  was  that  no  one 
should  veto  a  law  until  opportunity  w^as  given  to 
private  citizens  ^  to  argue  for  and  against  the  law ; 
in  this  way  it  had  often  turned  out  either  that  those 

decision  to  relieve  Messana  which  opened  the  First  Punic  War 
is  a  near  parallel,  though  one  faction  of  the  senate  led  the 
appeal  to  the  commons  (Polybius  I.  11.  1-3). 

^  Not  excluding  magistrates ;  Livy  takes  it  for  granted  that 
they  might  address  a  meeting;  for  examples,  see  XXXIV. 
i.  7;   V.  1;   XUII.  xvi.  8. 

3^3 


essent  se  intercessuros,  animadversis  vitiis  legis  ex 

7  oratione  ^  dissuadentium  intercederent,  et  qui  ad  in- 
tercedendum  venissent,  desisterent  \-icti  auctoritati- 
bus  suadentium  legem.  Turn  inter  praetorem  tri- 
bunosque  omnia  intempestive  agendi  certamen  erat ; 

8  tribuni  festinationem  praetoris  ante  tempus  inter- 
cedendo  .   .   .^  in  adventum  imperatoris  .  .  .^ 

XXII.  "...  est.  Peccaverimusne  adhuc  dubium 
est ;  poenas,  ignominias  omnes  iam  patimur.  Antea, 
Carthaginiensibus  victis,  Philippo,  Antiocho  superatis, 
cum  Romam  venissemus,  ex  publico  hospitio  in 
curiam  gratulatum  vobis,  patres  conscripti,  ex  curia 
in  Capitolium  ad  deos  vestros  dona  ferentes  ascende- 

2  bamus ;  *  nunc  ex  sordido  deversorio,  vix  mercede 
recepti  ac  prope  hostium  more  extra  urbem  manere 
iussi,  in  hoc  squalore  venimus  in  curiam  Romanam 
Rhodii,  quos  provinciis  nuper  Lvcia  atque  Caria, 
quos  praemiis  atque  honoribus  amplissimis  donastis. 

3  "  Et  Macedonas  Illyriosque  liberos  esse,  ut  audi- 
mus,    iubetis.    cum    servierint,    antequam    vobiscum 

4  bellarent — nee  cuiusquam  fortunae  invidemus,  im- 
mo  agnoscimus  clementiam  populi  Romani — ;  Rho- 
dios.  qui  nihil  aliud  quam  quieverunt  hocbello,  hostes 

^  oratione  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    ratione  V. 
2  lacunam  indkal  Sigonius. 

^  imjievatoris  Manutius  :   im  F  :   lacuna  folii  unius. 
*  ascendebamus     add.     Giarratano :      escendebamus     add. 
om.  V. 


1  Polybius  XXX.  4.  6  says  that  Antonius,  who  had  removed 
the  praetor  Juventius  from  the  Rostra,  introduced  the 
Rhodians  to  the  senate;   Philophron  spoke  first,  then  Asty- 


314 


BOOK  XLV.  XXI.  6-xxii.  4 

who  bad  not  announced  that  they  would  exercise  the  b.c.  167 
veto  did  so  when  the  faults  of  the  law  had  been  called 
to  their  attention  by  the  speeches  of  those  who 
opposed  the  law,  or  that  those  who  had  come  intend- 
ing to  veto  were  overborne  by  the  prestige  of  those 
who  argued  for  the  law.  On  this  occasion  the  praetor 
and  the  tribunes  vied  with  each  other  in  doing  every- 
thing in  the  wrong  order;  the  tribunes  by  their 
premature  veto  .  .  .  the  haste  of  the  praetor  .  .  . 
till  the  arrival  of  the  general  .  .  .^ 

XXII.  ".  .  .  is.  Whether  we  have  done  wrong  is 
so  far  unproved,  but  we  are  already  suffering  all  the 
penalties  and  disgrace.  In  former  times,  after  the 
defeat  of  Carthage,  when  Philip  or  Antiochus  had 
been  subdued,  on  our  arrival  in  Rome  we  came  from 
public  entertainment  to  the  senate-house  to  offer 
you  our  congratulations,  gentlemen  of  the  senate, 
and  from  the  senate-house  we  mounted  to  the  Capitol, 
bearing  gifts  to  your  gods.  Today  from  a  mean  inn, 
having  hardly  found  shelter  for  pay  and  all  but 
ordered  like  enemies  to  remain  outside  the  city,  we 
Rhodians  in  this  mourning  garb  enter  the  senate- 
house  of  Rome — we  to  whom  you  lately  presented  the 
provinces  of  Lycia  and  Caria,  who  received  from  you 
the  most  unstinted  rewards  and  honours. 

"  You  are  bidding  the  Macedonians  and  Illyrians 
be  independent,  we  hear,  though  they  were  slaves 
before  they  waged  war  against  you — nor  are  we 
jealous  of  anyone's  good  fortune,  nay  rather  we 
recognize  the  mercy  of  the  Roman  People  ;  and  will 
you  transform  us  Rhodians  from  allies  into  enemies — 

medes ;  Livy  undertakes  to  reproduce  the  speech  of  the  latter, 
though  it  is  not  found  in  Polybius,  who  criticized  its  tone 
adversely. 


5  ex  sociis  facturi  estis  ?  Certe  iidem^  vos  estis  Romani, 
qui  ideo  felicia  bella  vestra  esse,  quia  iusta  sint, 
prae  vobis  fertis,  nee  tarn  exitu  eorum,  quod  vincatis, 
quam  principiis,  quod  numquam  ^  sine  causa  susci- 

6  piatis,  gloriamini.  Messana  in  Sicilia  oppugnata 
Carthaginienses,  Athenae  oppugnatae  et  Graecia  in 
servitutem    petita     et    adiutus     Hannibal    pecunia 

7  auxiliis  Philippum  hostem  fecerunt.  Antiochus  ipse 
ultro  ab  Aetolis,  hostibus  vestris.  accersitus,  ex  Asia 
classe  in  Graeciam  traiecit ;  Demetriade  et  Chalcide 
et    saltu    Thermopylarum    occupato    de    possessione 

8  imperii  vos  deicere  est  ^  conatus.  Cum  Perseo  socii 
vestri  oppugnati,  aut  ^  interfecti  reguli  principesque 
gentium    aut    populorum    causa    belli    vobis    fuere. 

9  Quern  tandem  titulum  nostra  calamitas  habitura  est, 
si  perituri  sumus  ?  nondum  segrego  civitatis  causam 
a  Polyarato  et  Dinone.  civibus  nostris,  et  iis,  quos  ut 
traderemus  vobis,  adduximus.  Si  omnes  Rhodii 
aeque    noxii    essemus,    quod   nostrum   in  hoc   bello 

10  crimen  esset  ?  Persei  partibus  favimus  et,  quemad- 
modum  Antiochi  Philippique  bello  pro  vobis  adversus 
reges,    sic    nunc    pro    rege    adversus    vos    stetimus. 

11  Quemadmodum  soleamus  socios  iuvare  et  quam 
impigre   capessere   bella,   C.    Livium,    L.    Aemilium 

1  iidem  Madvig  :    quide  T. 

2  numquam  We-senberg  :   num  T'. 

3  est  add.  Xovdk  :    om.  T.  ^  aut  Harant  :   alii  V. 

^  In  XXX.  XX vi.  2-4,  Livy  reports  grievances  of  Greece 
acrainst  Philip  and  a  report  of  Macedonian  aid  to  Carthage 
(203  B.C.) ;  he  also  reports  the  presence  of  a  Macedonian  force 
at  Zama  (XXX.  xxxiii.  6),  though  no  mention  is  made  of  them 
during  the  battle;  and  later  (XXX.  xlii.  4-9)  the  ransom  of 
Macedonian  prisoners,  said  to  be  mercenaries,  is  discussed. 
See  also  XXXI.  i.  10.  But  Polybius  says  nothing  about  this 
aid  from  Macedonia;  Li'vy  may,  then,  be  quoting  Roman 
316 


BOOK  XLV.  XXII.  4-II 

us,  who  have  been  no  worse  than  mactive  in  this  war  ?  b.c  ig7 
Surely  you  are  the  same  Romans  who  boast  that  your 
wars  are  favoured  of  Fortune  because  they  are  just, 
nor  do  you  exult  as  much  in  the  outcome,  because 
you  conquer,  as  in  the  beginning,  because  you  never 
undertake  war  without  good  cause.  The  siege  of 
Messana  in  Sicily  made  the  Carthaginians  your 
enemies,  the  siege  of  Athens,  the  attempted  enslave- 
ment of  Greece  and  the  aid  given  Hannibal  in  money 
and  troops  made  Philip  your  foe.^  Antiochus  was 
summoned  at  the  initiative  of  the  Aetolians,  your 
enemies  ;  he  crossed  in  person  with  his  fleet  to  Greece  ; 
he  seized  Demetrias,  Chalcis,  and  the  pass  of  Ther- 
mopylae, and  sought  to  cast  you  out  of  the  tenure  of 
your  empire.  With  Perseus,  your  reason  for  war  was 
the  assault  upon  your  allies,  or  the  murder  of  princes 
and  chiefs  of  nations  or  peoples. ^  Under  what  head- 
ing, pray,  shall  our  downfall  be  placed,  if  we  are  to 
perish  ?  For  the  present  I  am  not  separating  the 
case  for  the  city  from  Polyaratus  and  Dinon,  our 
fellow-citizens,  and  from  those  whom  we  brought  to 
hand  over  to  you.  If  all  we  Rhodians  were  equally 
guilty,  what  would  be  the  charge  against  us  in  this 
war  ?  It  would  be  that  we  took  the  side  of  Perseus 
and  as  we  took  a  stand  for  you  in  the  wars  with 
Antiochus  and  with  Philip  against  those  kings,  so 
now  we  sided  with  the  king  against  you.  How  we 
are  accustomed  to  help  our  allies,  and  how  vigorously 
we  enter  into  a  war,  you  may  ask  Gains  Livius,^  or 

rumour.  Philip  and  Hannibal,  while  opposing  Rome,  seem 
to  have  been  suspicious  of  each  other,  and  each  anxious  that 
the  other  should  not  profit  by  the  elimination  of  Rome. 

2  A  statement  of  these  charges  is  found  in  XLII.  xiii  and  xl. 

3  Cf.  XXXVI.  ii.  14  and  xlii  for  Livius;    XXXVII.  ii.  1 
and  10;    xiv.  1-3,  etc.,  to  Iviii.  3-5  for  Aemilius. 


LIVY 

Regillum  interrogate,   qui  classibus  vestris  in  Asia 
praefuerunt.     Numquam    vestrae    naves    pugnavere 

12  sine  nobis.  Nos  ^  nostra  classe  pugna\'imus  semel  ad 
Samum,  iterum  in  Pamphylia  adversus  Hannibalem 

13  imperatorem  :  quae  victoria  nobis  eo  gloriosior  est, 
quod,  cum  ad  Saniuni  niagnani  partem  na^*ium 
adversa  pugna  et  egregiam  iuventutem  amissisemus, 
ne  tanta   quidem   clade  territi   iterum   ausi   sumus  ^ 

14  regiae  classi  ex  Syria  venienti  ob\"iam  ire.  Haec 
non  gloriandi  causa  rettuli — neque  enim  ea  nunc 
nostra  est  fortuna — sed  ut  admonerem.  quemadmo- 
dum  adiuvare  socios  solerent  Rhodii. 

XXIII.  "Praemia  et  Philippo  et  ^  Antiocho  devictis 
amplissima  accepimus  a  vobis.  Si,  quae  vestra  nunc 
est  fortuna  deum  benignitate  et  virtute  vestra,  ea 
Persei  fuisset.  et  praemia  petitum  ad  victorem  regem 
venissemus  in  Macedonian!,  quid  tandem  diceremus  ? 

2  pecuniane  a  nobis  adiutum  an  frumento  ?  auxiliis 
terrestribus  an  navalibus  ?  quod  praesidium  tenuisse 
nos  ?  ubi  pugnasse  aut  sub  illius  ducibus  aut  ^  per  nos 

3  ipsos  ?  si  quaereret,  ubi  miles  noster,  ubi  navis  intra 
praesidia  sua  fuisset,  quid  responderemus  ?  causam 
fortasse  diceremus  apud  victorem,  quem  ad  modum 

4  apud  vos  dicimus.  Hoc  enim  legatos  utroque  ^  de 
pace  mittendo  consecuti  sumus,  ut  ne  ab  utraque 

1  nos  add.  Cobet  :   om.  V. 

2  ausi  sumus  Fr  :   aus  V. 

3  Philippo  et  add.  Weissenborn  :   om.  V. 
*  aut  add.  Fr  :   om.  T'. 

^  utroque  de  Fr  :   ultra  quae  T'. 

318 


BOOK  XLV.  XXII.  ii-xxiii.  4 

Lucius  Aeniilius  Regillus,  who  commanded  your  b.c.  ig7 
fleets  in  Asia.  Never  did  your  ships  enter  battle 
without  ours.  We  fought  independently  first  at 
Samos,  and  again  off  Pamphylia  against  the  com- 
mand of  Hannibal ;  this  victory  gives  us  the  more 
pride  because,  undismayed  by  the  terrible  catas- 
trophe by  which  we  had  lost  in  the  defeat  at  Samos 
a  large  part  of  our  fleet  and  a  splendid  group  of  young 
men,^  we  dared  to  go  out  again  to  meet  the  king's 
fleet  as  it  approached  from  Syria.  These  matters  I 
have  mentioned  not  for  the  sake  of  boasting,  for  in- 
deed our  present  fortune  does  not  permit  that,  but 
to  make  it  clear  how  the  Rhodians  are  accustomed  to 
aid  their  allies. 

XXIII.  "  The  rewards  which  we  received  from 
you  after  the  conquest  of  Philip  and  of  Antiochus 
were  most  abundant. ^  If  the  good  fortune  which  is 
now  yours  by  the  grace  of  the  gods  and  because  of 
your  valour  had  fallen  to  Perseus,  and  we  had  come 
to  Macedonia  to  seek  a  reward  from  the  victorious 
king,  what  pray  w'ould  we  say  ?  That  we  had  aided 
him  with  money  or  with  grain,  with  forces  on  land  or 
on  sea  ?  What  fortress  had  we  held  ?  Where  had  we 
fought  either  under  his  commanders  or  by  ourselves  ? 
If  he  asked  where  there  had  been  a  soldier  of  ours, 
or  where  a  ship,  within  his  lines,  what  in  the  w^orld 
would  be  our  answer  ?  Perhaps  we  should  be  defend- 
ing ourselves  before  the  conqueror,  as  now  we  are 
before  you.  For  the  result  we  obtained  by  sending 
envoys  to  both  parties  concerning  peace  was  that  we 

1  Livy  tells  of  these  battles  in  XXXVII.  x-xi  and  XXXVII. 
xxiii-xxiv  respectively. 

2  These  are  enumerated  in  XXXITI.  xxx.  11  and  XXXVIII. 
xxxix.  13  respectively. 


58 


A.r.c.         parte  gratiam  iniremus,  ab  altera  etiam  crimen  et 

5  periculum  esset.  Quamquam  Perseus  vere  obiceret, 
id  quod  vos  non  potestis,  patres  conscripti,  nos 
principio  belli  misisse  ad  vos  legatos,  qui  pollicerentur 
vobis,  quae  ad  bellum  opus  essent ;  navibus,^  armis, 
iuventute  nos,^  sicut  prioribus  bellis,  ad  omnia  para- 

6  tos  fore.  Ne  praestaremus,  per  vos  stetit,  qui  de 
quacumque  causa  turn  aspernati  nostra  auxilia  estis. 
Neque  fecimus  igitur  quicquam  tamquam  ^  hostes, 
neque    bonorum    sociorum    defuimus    officio,    sed    a 

7  vobis  prohibiti  praestare  fuimus.  "Quid  igitur? 
nihilne  factum  neque  dictum  est  in  civitate  vestra, 
Rhodii,  quod  nolletis,  quo  merito  offenderetur 
populus  Romanus  ?  "  Hinc  iam  non,  quod  factum 
est,  sum  ^  defensurus — non  adeo  insanio — ,  sed 
publicam    causam     a     privatorum    culpa     segrega- 

8  turus.  Nulla  ^  est  civitas,  quae  non  et  improbos 
cives  aliquando  et  imperitam  multitudinem  semper 

9  habeat.  Etiam  apud  vos  fuisse  audivi,  qui 
adsentando  multitudini  grassarentur,  et  secessisse 
aliquando   a  vobis  plebem   nee   in  potestate  vestra 

10  rem  publicam  fuisse.  Si  hoc  in  hac  tam  bene 
morata  ci\itate  accidere  potuit,  mirari  quisquam 
potest  aliquos  fuisse  apud  nos,  qui  regis  amicitiam 
petentes    plebem    nostram    consiliis     depravarent  ? 

^  navibus  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    navalibus  T. 

2  nos  Pluyrjers  :   nostra  T'  :   nos  nostra  Drakenhorch. 

^  tamquam  Fr  :  tam  V. 

*  sum  add.  Fr,  Novak  :    om.  V. 

5  nulla  Madvig  :   nullam  T'. 


^  The  story  of  this  offer,  and  of  the  dismissal  of  the  Rhodians 
as  soon  as  thev  appeared  at  the  Roman  naval  station,  is  told 
in  XLII.  xlv;  "ivi.  6;   and  Polybius  XXVII.  7(6). 

320 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIII.  4-IO 

won  no  favour  from  either  side,  but  incurred  even  b.c.  167 
accusation  and  danger  from  one  of  them.  Yet 
Perseus  might  truly  reproach  us,  as  you  cannot, 
gentlemen  of  the  senate,  because  we  sent  to  you  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  envoys  to  promise  you 
whatever  was  needed  for  the  war;  we  would  be 
ready,  we  said,  as  in  the  former  wars,  with  ships, 
arms,  and  young  men  for  every  demand.  The 
obstacle  to  our  furnishing  these  things  was  of  your 
making,  since  you  for  whatever  reason  spurned  our 
aid  at  that  time.^  Neither  therefore  have  we  in  any 
way  acted  as  enemies,  nor  have  we  failed  in  the  duty 
of  good  allies,  but  we  were  prevented  from  per- 
forming that  duty  by  you.  '  What  then  ?  Has 
nothing  been  said  or  done  in  your  city,  Rhodians, 
which  you  w^ould  wish  undone,  at  which  the  Roman 
People  might  justly  take  offence  ?  '  From  this  point 
I  do  not  propose  to  defend  what  has  happened — I  am 
not  so  mad — but  I  propose  to  separate  the  defence  of 
the  state  from  the  guilt  of  private  citizens.  There  is 
no  state  which  will  not  have  not  only  wicked  citizens 
at  certain  times  but  an  inexperienced  commonalty 
always.  Even  in  your  city  I  hear  that  there  have 
been  those  who  pursued  ill-gotten  gain  by  toadying 
to  the  mob,  and  that  at  certain  times  the  commons 
seceded  from  you  and  you  lost  control  of  the  common- 
wealth.^  If  this  could  happen  in  a  state  with  so 
well  disciplined  a  character,  can  any  one  marvel  that 
there  were  some  among  us  who  in  grasping  after  the 
king's  friendship  led  our  commons  astray  with  their 

2  Presumably  the  reference  is  to  the  struggles  of  patri- 
cians and  plebeians,  cf.  III.  xli.  5-6  and  many  other 
passages;  for  more  recent  instances,  see  above,  p.  312, 
note  2. 

321 
VOL.  XIII.  M 


LIVY 

qui  tamen  nihil  ultra  valuerunt.  quani  ut  in  officio 

11  cessaremus.  Non  praeteribo  ^  id,  quod  gravissimum 
est  in  hoc  bello  crimen  civitatis  nostrae :  legatos 
eodeni  tempore  et  ad  vos  et  ad  Persea  de  pace  misi- 
mus ;     quod    infelix    consilium    furiosus,    ut    postea 

12  audivimus,  orator  stultissimum  fecit,  quem  sic  locu- 
tum  constat,  tamquam  C.  Popilius  legatus  Romanus, 
quem  ad  summovendos  a  bello  Antiochum  et  Ptole- 

13  maeum  reges  misistis,  loqueretur.  Sed  tamen  ea 
sive  superbia,  sive  stultitia  appellanda  est,  eadem, 

14  quae  apud  vos,  et  apud  Persea  fuit.  Tam  civitatium 
quam  singulorum  hominum  mores  sunt ;  gentes 
quoque  aliae  iracundae,  aliae  audaces,  quaedam 
timidae,  in  vinum,  in  venerem  proniores  aliae  sunt. 

15  Atheniensium  populum  fama  est  celerem  et  supra 
vires  audacem  esse  ad  conandum,  Lacedaemoniorum 
cunctatorem  et  vix  in  ea,  quibus  fidit,  ingredient  em. 

16  Non  negaverim  et  totam  Asiae  regionem  inaniora 
parere  ingenia,  et  nostrorum  tumidiorem  sermonem 
esse,  quod  excellere  inter  finitimas  civitates  videa- 
mur,  et  id  ipsum  non  tam  viribus  nostris  quam  vestris 

17  honoribus  ac  iudiciis.  Satis  quidem  et  tunc  in 
praesentia  castigata  ilia  legatio  erat,  cum  tam  tristi 
responso  vestro  dimissa.  Si  tum  parum  igno- 
miniae  pensum  est,  haec  certe  tam  miserabilis  ac  sup- 

1  cessaremus.     Xon    praeteribo    Fr  :     caesaremnonutinon- 
praeteriuo  V. 


^  The  implication  that  the  aristocracy  of  Rhodes  favoured 
Rome  is  another  indication  of  a  situation  found  in  many  states. 
Cf.  XLII.  XXX.  1. 

2  This  seems  to  be  directly  out  of  Thucydides  I.  70-71,  and 
must  have  been  supplied  by  Livy,  for  Athens  and  Sparta  had 

322 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIII.  10-17 

counsel  ?  ^  However,  these  people  wrought  no  b.c.  167 
harm  beyond  slackness  in  our  loyalty  as  friends.  I 
shall  not  pass  over  the  most  serious  charge  against 
our  city  in  this  war  :  we  sent  envoys  at  the  same  time 
both  to  you  and  to  Perseus  on  the  subject  of  peace ; 
this  unhappy  plan,  through  a  madman,  as  we  heard 
later,  who  was  spokesman,  became  something  ex- 
tremely stupid,  for  he  spoke,  it  is  well  known,  as  the 
Roman  envoy  Gains  Popilius  might  have  spoken, 
whom  you  sent  to  turn  back  from  war  Kings  Antio- 
chus  and  Ptolemy.  But  nevertheless  this  error, 
whether  it  should  be  called  arrogance  or  folly,  was 
no  different  before  you  from  what  it  was  before 
Perseus.  The  character  of  states  is  like  that  of 
individual  men ;  some  nations  are  hot-tempered, 
some  bold,  some  diffident,  some  over-indulgent  in 
wine,  others  in  sex.  The  people  of  Athens,  report 
has  it,  is  quick  and  bold  beyond  its  strength  in 
adventure,  the  Spartan  hesitant  and  hardly  under- 
taking matters  of  which  it  is  sure.^  I  would  not  deny 
that  all  the  region  of  Asia  breeds  somewhat  flighty 
temperaments,  and  that  our  rhetoric  is  rather  in- 
flated ^  because  we  might  seem  to  be  outstanding 
among  the  states  in  our  area — a  position  due  precisely 
not  to  our  own  powers  but  to  your  favours  and  your 
choice  of  us.  Enough  punishment  was  meted  out  to 
that  embassy  on  the  spot  and  to  their  faces,  when 
they  were  sent  away  with  so  grim  an  answer  from 
you.  But  if  at  that  time  they  paid  too  small  a 
penalty  of  disgrace,  certainly  the  present  embassy,  so 

not    been    conspicuous   for   these   tendencies   in   the   second 
century. 

3  But  Cicero  expressly  acquits  the  Rhodians  of  indulging 
in  "  Asianic  "  oratory,  Orator  viii.  25. 

3^3 


plex  legatio  etiam  insolentioris,  quam  ilia  fuit,  le- 

18  gationis  satis  magnum  piaculum  esset.  Superbiam, 
verborum  praesertim,  iracundi  oderunt,  prudentes 
inrident,^  utique  si  inferioris  adversus  superiorem 
est ;  capital!  poena  nemo  umquam  dignam  iudicavit. 

19  Id  enimvero  periculum  erat,  ne  Romanos  Rhodii 
contemnerent.  Etiam  deos  aliqui  verbis  ferocioribus 
increpant.  nee  ideo  -  quemquam  fulmine  ictum 
audimus. 

XXIV.  "  Quid  igitur  superat.  quod  purgemus,^  si 
nee  factum  hostile  ullum  nostrum  est,  et  ^  verba 
tumidiora  legati  oflPensionem  aurium,  non  perniciem 

2  civitatis  meruerunt :  Voluntatis  nostrae  tacitae  ^ 
velut  litem  aestimari  vestris  inter  vos  sermonibus 
audio,  patres  conscripti :  favisse  nos  regi  et  ilium 
\-incere     maluisse,     ideo     bello     persequendos     esse 

3  credunt  alii ;  alii  ^  vestrum  voluisse  quidem  nos  hoc, 
non  tamen  ob  id  bello  persequendos  esse ;  neque 
moribus  neque  legibus  uUius  civitatis  ita  comparatum 
esse    ut;   si    qui    velit  "    inimicum    perire,    si  ^    nihil 

•4  fecerit,  quo  id  fiat,  capitis  damnetur.  His,  qui  nos 
poena,  non  crimine  liberant,  gratiam  quidem  habe- 

^  inrident  Curio  :   inriderent  I'. 

-  nee  ideo  Kreyssig  :   neeocid  V. 

^  purgemus  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  purgamus  V. 

^  et  add.  Fr  :   om.    V. 

'"  tacitae  I.  Perizonius  :   tacite  F. 

^  alii  add.  Heusinger  :   om.  V. 

'  velit  Vahlen  :  vellet  V. 

^  si  Vascosanus  :  utsii  V. 


^  A  sin-offering,  as  if  to  gods. 

2  Cf.  the  Guard  to  Creon  in  Antigone  317  :   "  Are  you  stung 
in  the  ear,  or  in  the  mind  ?  " 

^  Appraisal  of  damages  was  an  important  part  of  Roman 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIII.  17-XXIV.  4 

pitiable  and  so  humble,  would  be  atonement  ^  great  b.c.  167 
enough  for  an  even  more  arrogant  embassy  than  that 
other  one  was.  Arrogance,  especially  of  speech,  is 
hated  by  the  hot-tempered,  but  laughed  at  by  the 
wise,  especially  if  directed  by  an  inferior  against  his 
superior ;  no  one  has  ever  thought  it  worthy  of  the 
death-penalty.  There  was  danger,  to  be  sure,  that 
the  Rhodians  should  despise  the  Romans !  Even 
the  gods  are  assailed  by  some  with  overbold  lan- 
guage, but  we  have  never  heard  that  any  one  has  on 
that  account  been  struck  by  a  thunderbolt. 

XXIV.  "  What  then  remains,  of  which  we  must 
clear  ourselves,  if  there  was  never  a  hostile  action  on 
our  part,  and  if  the  overweening  words  of  an  envoy 
should  produce  a  disgust  of  the  ear ,2  not  the  ruin  of  a 
city  ?  I  hear  that  in  conversations  among  your- 
selves an  appraisal  of  damages,  so  as  to  speak,  is 
being  made  for  our  unexpressed  desire ;  ^  some 
believe,  gentlemen  of  the  senate,  that  we  favoured 
the  king  and  preferred  that  he  should  win,  and 
that  therefore  we  should  be  punished  by  armed 
force ;  others  of  you  feel  that  we  did,  to  be  sure, 
have  this  desire,  but  that  we  should  not  on  that 
account  be  punished  by  armed  force,  for,  they  say, 
there  is  no  provision  in  the  law,  written  or  unwritten, 
of  any  state  that  he  who  desires  the  death  of  his 
enemy,  but  does  nothing  to  bring  it  about,  shall  incur 
capital  punishment.  To  these  men  who  free  us  of 
the  penalty,  but  not  of  the   guilt,   we   are  indeed 

legal  procedure,  both  civil  and  criminal;  establishment  of 
fines  by  statute  was  rare.  The  Rhodian  is  continuing  the 
figure  of  the  prejudged  case.  The  "unexpressed  desire  "  was 
for  Perseus'  success,  so  the  Romans  thought ;  the  Rhodians' 
actual  preference  was  probably  for  a  stalemate,  since  they 
thrived  on  the  balance  of  power. 

325 


LRT 

mus ;     ipsi    nobis    banc    dicimus    legem :     si    omnes 
voluimus/  quod  arguimur — non  distinguimus  volun- 

5  tatem  a  facto — ,  omnes  plectamur :  si  alii  principum 
nostrorum  vobis,  alii  regi  faverunt,  non  postiilo  ut 
propter  nos,  qui  partium  vestrarum  fuimus,  regis  fau- 
tores  salvi  sint ;    illud  deprecor,  ne  nos  propter  illos 

6  pereamus.  Non  estis  vos  illis  infestiores,  quam 
civitas  est  ^  ipsa ;  et  hoc  quia  ^  sciebant,  plerique 
eorum  aut  profugerunt  aut  mortem  sibi  consciverunt ; 
alii  damnati  a  nobis  in  potestate  vestra  erunt,  patres 

7  conscripti.  Ceteri  Rhodii  sicut  gratiam  nuUam  meriti 
hoc  bello,  ita  ne  poenam  quidem  sumus.  Priorum 
nostrorum   benefactorum   cumulus   hoc,    quod  nunc 

8  cessatum  in  officio  est.  expleat.  Cum  tribus  regibus 
gessistis  bella  per  hos  annos ;  ne  plus  obsit  nobis, 
quod  uno  bello  cessavimus,  quam  quod  duobus  bellis 

9  pro  vobis  pugnavimus.  Philippum,  Antiochum, 
Persea  tamquam  tris  sententias  ponite :  duae  nos 
absolvunt,  una  *  dubia  est ;  ut  gravior  sit,  1111  de 
nobis  si  *  iudicarent,  damnati  essemus  ;  vos  iudicatls, 
patres  conscripti,   sit  Rhodus  in  terris   an  funditus 

10  deleatur :  non  enim  de  bello  deliberatis,  patres 
conscripti,  quod  inferre  potestis,  gerere  non  potestls, 
cum  nemo  Rhodiorum  arma  adversus  vos  sit  ^  laturus. 

11  Si  perseverabitis   in  ira,   tempus   a   vobis   petemus, 

^  voluimus  Vascosanus  :    volumus  T'. 

2  est  Madvig  :   et  T'.  ^  quia/,  Perizonius  :   qui  V. 

*  una  Fr  :  una  aut  V  :  si  add.  Fr  :  om.  V  :  cola  ita  dis- 
posuit  H.  J.  Mailer.  Post  legere  vulf :  una  aut  dubia  es  taut 
gravior.  Sit:  illi  de  nobis  iudicarent,  damnati  essemus. 
"  one  is  either  undecided,  or  rather  unfavourable.  Be  it  so, 
they  would  be  passing  judgement,  whether  we  were  guilty 
or  not  guilty." 
326 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIV.  4-1 1 

grateful ;  but  these  are  the  terms  which  we  ourselves  b.c,  167 
set  for  ourselves  :  if  we  all  have  willed  that  of  which 
we  are  accused — we  do  not  separate  the  will  from  the 
deed — let  us  all  suffer  the  penalty  ;  but  if  some  of  our 
leaders  favoured  you,  and  others  the  king,  I  do  not 
ask  that  because  of  us  who  sided  with  you  the 
partizans  of  the  king  should  be  untouched  ;  I  merely 
beg  that  we  may  not  perish  because  of  them.  You 
are  no  more  hostile  to  them  than  is  our  state  itself, 
and  because  they  knew  this,  many  of  them  have 
either  fled  or  committed  suicide ;  others  who  have 
been  found  guilty  by  us  will  be  placed  in  your  hands, 
gentlemen  of  the  senate.  The  rest  of  us  at  Rhodes 
have  no  more  deserved  punishment  during  this  war 
than  we  have  deserved  gratitude,  either.  Let  the 
store  of  our  previous  helpful  acts  make  good  the 
present  omission  of  service.  You  have  waged  wars 
against  three  kings  during  these  years ;  let  not  our 
slackness  in  one  war  be,  to  our  hurt,  of  more  im- 
portance than  the  fact  that  we  fought  on  your  side  in 
two  wars.  Take  account  of  Philip,  Antiochus,  and 
Perseus  as  if  of  the  vote  of  three  judges  ;  two  acquit 
us,  the  third  is  undecided ;  suppose  that  it  is  for  our 
condemnation  ;  even  so,  if  the  Kings  were  judging  us, 
we  should  indeed  lose  our  case,  but  your  judgment, 
gentlemen  of  the  senate,  determines  whether 
Rhodes  shall  exist  on  earth  or  shall  be  destroyed  root 
and  branch.  For  you  are  not  deliberating  about 
war,  gentlemen  of  the  senate ;  you  can  declare  it, 
but  you  cannot  wage  it,  for  not  a  man  of  Rhodes  will 
bear  arms  against  you.  If  you  will  not  abate  your 
wrath,  we  shall  ask  of  you  time  in  which  to  report 

^  sit  add.  Novak  :  om.  V. 

327 


quo  hanc  funestam  legationem  domum  referamus ; 
omnia  libera  capita,  quidquid  Rhodiorum  virorum  fe- 
minarum  est,  cum  omni  pecunia  nostra  naves  con- 

12  scendemus  ac  relictis  penatibus  publicis  privatisque 
Romam  veniemus  et  omni  auro  et  argento,  quidquid 
publici,  quidquid  ^  privati  est,  in  comitio,  in  vestibule 
curiae  vestrae  cumulate,  corpora  nostra  coniugumque 
ac    liberorum    vestrae    potestati    permittemus,    hie 

13  passuri,  quodcumque  patiendum  erit ;  procul  ab 
oculis    nostris    urbs    nostra    diripiatur,    incendatur= 

14  Hostis  Rhodios  esse  Romani  iudicare  possunt,  facere 
non  possunt ;  ^  est  enim  et  nostrum  aliquod  de  nobis 
iudicium,  quo  numquam  iudicabimus  ^  nos  vestros 
hostis,  nee  quicquam  hostile,  etiam  si  omnia  patiemur, 
faciemus." 

XXV.  Secundum  talem  orationem  universi  rursus 
prociderunt  supplices  •*  ramosque  oleae  iactantes ; 
tandem  excitati  curia  excesserunt.     Tunc  sententiae 

2  interrogari  coeptae.  Infestissimi  Rhodiis  erant,  qui 
consules  praetoresve  aut  legati  gesserant  in  Mace- 
donia bellum.  Plurimum  causam  eorum  adiuvit  M. 
Porcius  Cato,  qui,  asper  ingenio,  tum  lenem  mitemque 

3  senatorem  egit.  Non  inseram  simulacrum  viri 
copiosi,^  quae  dixerit  referendo :  ipsius  oratio  scripta 

1  quidquid  .  .  .  quidquid  Fr  :   quaequod  .  .  .  quid  V. 

2  possunt,  facere  non  possunt  Vahlen  :  possunt  teste  V  : 
possunt,  teste  se  Ha  rant. 

3  quo  .  .  .  iudicabimus  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  quod  .  .  . 
iudicauimus  V. 

*  supplices  ihi  jposuit  Boot :   post  oleae  V. 

328 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIV.  ii-xxv.  3 

home  on  this  fatal  mission ;  every  free  person,  every  b.c.  167 
man  and  every  woman  of  us  in  Rhodes  will  embark  on 
ships  with  all  our  money  and,  abandoning  our  homes 
and  our  altars,  will  come  to  Rome  ;  we  will  heap  up  in 
the  assembly-ground  and  in  the  entry  of  your  senate- 
house  all  our  gold  and  our  silver,  whether  owned  by 
the  state  or  its  citizens,  and  will  put  our  persons  and 
those  of  our  wives  and  children  in  your  power,  that 
we  may  suffer  here  whatever  we  must  suffer ;  ^  far 
from  our  sight  be  the  plundering  and  burning  of  our 
city.  The  Romans  may  judge  that  the  Rhodians 
are  enemies,  but  they  cannot  make  them  so.  For 
we  have  also  in  us  the  power  of  passing  judgment  on 
ourselves,  and  we  shall  never  adjudge  ourselves  your 
enemies,  nor  commit  any  act  of  hostility,  though  we 
suffer  the  utmost  disaster." 

XXV.  Following  a  speech  to  this  effect  all  the 
envoys  again  cast  themselves  down  in  the  posture  of 
suppliants,  waving  their  olive-branches ;  after  some 
time  they  were  made  to  rise  and  left  the  senate- 
house.  Then  the  roll-call  of  opinions  began.  The 
chief  enemies  of  the  Rhodians  were  those  who  had 
been  conducting  the  war  in  Macedonia  as  consuls, 
praetors,  or  staff-officers.  Great  aid  to  the  cause  of 
Rhodes  was  given  by  Marcus  Porcius  Cato,  who, 
though  of  a  harsh  temperament,  on  this  occasion 
played  the  part  of  a  tolerant  and  mild  senator.  I 
shall  not  include  here  a  pale  wraith  of  this  eloquent 
man  by  reporting  what  he  said;    his  own  speech  is 

1  Livy  perhaps  had  in  mind  the  appeal  of  the  whole  people 
of  Tusculum,  VIII.  xxxvii.  9. 


quae  Fr  :    uiricopiasidque  V  :    veri,  copiose 
quae  Madvig. 

329 


LIVY 

4  extat,  Originum  quinto  libro  inclusa.  Rhodiis 
responsum  ita  redditum  est  ut  nee  hostes  fierent  nee 
socii  permanerent. 

Philocrates  et  Astymedes  principes  le^ationis  erant. 

5  Partim  ^  cum  Philocrate  renuntiare  Rhodum  lega- 
tionem  placuit,  partim  cum  Astymede  Romae  subsis- 
tere,  qui  ^  quae  agerentur  scirent  ^  certioresque  suos 

6  facerent.^  Inpraesentia  deducereantecertam  diemex 
Lycia  Cariaque  iusserunt  praefectos.  Haec  Rhodum 
nuntiata.quaepersetristia  fuissent.  quia  maioris  mail 
levatus  erat  timor,  cum  bellum  timuissent.  in  gaudium 

7  verterunt.^  Itaque  extemplo  coronam  viginti  milium 
aureorum  decreverunt ;  Theodotum,  praefectum 
classis,  in  earn  legationem  miserunt.  Societatem  ab 
Romanis  ita  volebant  peti  ut  nullum  de  ea  re  scitum 
populi  fieret  aut  litteris  mandaretur,  quod,  nisi 
impetrarent,    maior     a    repulsa    ignominia  ^     esset. 

8  Praefecti  classis  id  unius  erat  ius,  ut  agere  de  ea  re 
sine  rogatione  ulla  perlata  posset. 

9  Nam  ita  per  tot  annos  in  amicitia  fuerant,  ut  sociali 
foedere  se  cum  Romanis  non  inligarent,  ob  nullam 

^  partim  Madvig  :   partem  V. 

^  qui  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    om.  W 

^  scirent  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   sciret  V. 

*  facerent  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  faceret  V. 

'"  verterunt  Heusinger  :   renimtiata  uerienmt  V. 

^  a  repulsa  ignominia  Kreyssig  :   apulsaisnomina  V. 


1  Small  parts  of  this  speech  are  reported  by  Gellius  VI  (^^I) 
3,  especially  35.  37.  50,  where  arguments  appear  which  Livy 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  the  Rhodian.  Cato  was  an  anti- 
imperialist,  at  least  as  to  expansion  eastward,  which  involved 
contact  with  what  he  regarded  as  the  debilitating  culture  of 
Greece,  so  that  his  attitude  in  this  matter  was  sincere,  not  a 
pose. 


BOOK   XLV.  XXV.  3-9 

preserved  in  written  form,  as  part  of  the  fifth  book  of  b.c.  167 
his  "  Beginnings."  ^     The  reply  to  the  Rhodians  was 
couched  in  such  form  that  they  were  neither  declared 
enemies  nor  continued  to  be  allies. 

Philocrates  and  Astymedes  were  the  leaders  of  this 
embassy.  It  was  decided  that  some  of  them  with 
Philocrates  should  report  to  Rhodes  about  the 
embassy,  while  some  remained  at  Rome  with  Asty- 
medes to  keep  track  of  what  was  being  done  and  in- 
form their  people.  For  the  time  being  orders  were 
given  that  they  should  withdraw  their  governors  from 
Lycia  and  Caria  by  a  certain  date.  These  actions 
v/ere  reported  at  Rhodes  ;  of  themselves  they  would 
have  been  grievous,  but  were  turned  into  a  cause  for 
rejoicing,  because  the  Rhodians  were  relieved  of  fear 
of  a  greater  evil,  since  they  had  feared  war.  So 
they  immediately  voted  a  crown  of  twenty  thousand 
gold  pieces.  They  sent  Theodotus,^  the  admiral  of 
their  fleet,  on  this  embassy.  They  wanted  to  ask 
the  Romans  for  an  alliance  in  such  fashion  that  no 
decree  of  the  people  concerning  it  should  be  passed 
or  committed  to  dispatches,  because  if  they  did  not 
obtain  their  request,  the  disgrace  of  an  open  repulse 
would  be  greater.  The  admiral  of  the  fleet  alone 
had  the  right  to  negotiate  for  such  a  purpose  without 
the  passing  of  any  enabling  resolution. 

For  the  Rhodians  had  for  all  these  years  ^  main- 
tained their  friendship  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  bind 
themselves  to  the  Romans  by  any  treaty  of  alliance, 

2  Frequently  mentioned  by  Poly  bins  as  a  pro-Roman,  e.g., 
XXVII.  14  (11),  where  the  name  is  given  as  Theaedetus. 

^  Polybius  XXX.  5.  6  says  140  years;  the  first  embassy 
from  Rhodes  recorded  by  Livy  in  the  extant  text  is  over  100 
years  later,  in  201  B.C.,  XXXI.  ii.  1. 


aliam  causam,   quam  ne   speni  regibus   absciderent 
auxilii  sui,  si  quid^  opus  esset.  neu  sibi  ipsis  fructus 

10  ex  benignitate  et  fortuna  eorum  percipiendi.  Tunc 
utique  petenda  societas  Wdebatur,  non  quae  tutiores 
eos  ab  aliis  faceret — nee  enim  timebant  quemquam 
praeter  Romanos — sed  quae  ipsis  Romanis  minus 
suspectos. 

11  Sub  idem  fere  tempus  et  Caunii  descivere  ab  iis,  et 

12  Mylassenses  Euromensium  oppida  occuparunt.  Non 
ita  fracti  animi  civitatis  erant,  ut  non  sentirent,  si 
Lycia  et  Caria  ademptae  ab  Romanis  forent.  cetera 
aut  se  ipsa  per  defectionem  liberarent  aut  a  finitimis 
occuparentur.  includi  se  insulae  parvae  et  sterilis  agri 
litoribus,  quae  nequaquam  alere  tantae  urbis  popu- 

13  lum  posset.  Missa  igitur  iuventute  propere  et 
Caunios,  quamquam  Cibyratarum  asciverant  auxilia, 
coegerunt  imperio  parere;  et  Mylassensis  Alabandens- 
isque,  qui  Euromensium  ^  provinciam  ademptum  et 
ipsi  coniuncto  exercitu  venerant,^  circa  Orthosiam 
acie  vicerunt. 

XXVI.  Dum  haec  ibi,  alia  in  Macedonia,  alia  Ro- 
mae  ^  geruntur,  interim  in  ^  Illyrico  L.  Anicius  rege 
Gentio,  sicut  ante  dictum  est,  in  potestatem  redacto 

^  quid  Kreyssig  :   quodid  V. 

2  Alabandensisque,  qui  Euromensium  Behker  :  alabandeni- 
quequialabande  siumeuroaemensium  V. 

^  et  .  .  .  venerant  Madvig  :    at  .  .  .  venenint  V. 
*  Romae  Fr  :   Romae  in  Asia  I'. 
^  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 


^  Alabanda  and  Mylassa  lay  to  north  and  south,  respectively, 
of  Euromus.  Rhodes  had  been  interested  in  Euromus  for 
some  time,  as  sho"vm  by  XXXII.  xxxiii.  6,  and  probably  by 
XXXIII.  XXX,  3.  If  Livy's  order  of  events  is  right,  this  early 
interest  would  explain  why  Rhodes  kept  Euromus,  after  the 


BOOK  XLV.  XXV.  9-xxvi.  i 

precisely  for  the  purpose  of  not  cutting  off  hope  on  b.c.  167 
the  part  of  the  kings  that  they  would  come  to  their 
aid,  if  need  arose,  as  well  as  their  own  hope  of  reaping 
a  harvest  from  the  good  will  and  good  fortune  of  the 
kings.  At  this  time  they  felt  that  they  should  by  all 
means  seek  an  alliance,  not  to  protect  themselves 
against  other  peoples,  for  they  feared  no  one  but  the 
Romans,  but  to  alleviate  the  Romans'  suspicion  of 
themselves. 

At  about  the  same  time  the  Caunians  revolted 
from  them,  and  Mylassa  seized  the  towns  of  the 
Euromenses.  The  spirit  of  Rhodes  was  not  so  broken 
that  they  did  not  perceive  that  if  Lycia  and  Caria 
were  taken  away  by  the  Romans,  and  the  rest  of  their 
possessions  either  freed  themselves  by  revolt  or  were 
seized  by  the  neighbours,  they  would  be  hemmed  in 
by  the  shores  of  a  small  island  of  infertile  soil,  which 
could  by  no  means  support  the  population  of  so  large 
a  city.  Troops  were  therefore  promptly  sent  and  the 
Caunians  compelled  to  accept  their  rule,  even  though 
forces  of  Cibyra  were  called  in  by  the  Caunians. 
Mylassa  too  and  Alabanda,  which  had  also  come  to 
join  Mylassa  in  taking  away  the  province  of  Euro- 
mus,^  were  defeated  in  battle  near  Orthosia. 

XXVI.  While  these  events  were  occuring  in  Asia, 
and  the  previously-mentioned  events  in  Macedonia 
and  at  Rome,  in  Illyricum  meanwhile,  after  taking 
King  Gentius  into  custody,  as  previously  related, 
Lucius  Anicius  put  Gabinius  in  charge  of  the  garrison 

"liberation"  of  Caria  by  the  Romans;  but  Polybius  puts 
the  "  liberation  "  after  an  interval  following  the  return  of  the 
embassy,  and  the  fighting  may  have  taken  place  during  this 
interval.  Mylassa  was  left  "  tax-exempt,"  presumably 
autonomous,  by  the  settlement  with  Antiochus,  XXXVIII. 
xxxix.  8. 

333 


LR'Y 

2  Scodrae,  quae  regia  fuerat,  praesidio  imposito 
Gabinium    praefecit,    Rhizoni    et    Olcinio,    urbibus 

3  opportunis,  C.  Licinium.  Praepositis  his  Illyrico, 
reliquo  exercitu  ^  in  Epirum  est  profectus.  Ubi 
prima  Phanote  ei  dedita  est  omiii  multitudine  -  cum 

4  infulis  obviam  efFusa.  Hinc  ^  praesidio  imposito  in 
Molossidem  transgressus,  cuius  omnibus  oppidis 
praeter  Passaronem  et  Tecmonem  et  Phylacen  et 
Horreum    receptis    primum    ad    Passaronem    ducit. 

5  Antinous  et  Theodotus  principes  eius  civitatis  erant, 
insignes  et  favore  Persei  et  odio  adversus  Romanos ; 
iidem    universae     genti     auctores     desciscendi     ab 

6  Romanis.  Hi  conscientia  privatae  noxae,  quia  ipsis 
nulla  spes  veniae  erat,  ut  communi  ruina  patriae 
opprimerentur.  clauserunt  portas,  multitudinem  ut 

7  mortem  servituti  praeponerent  hortantes.  Nemo 
adversus  praepotentis  viros  hiscere  audebat ;  tandem 
Theodotus  quidam,  nobilis  et  ipse  adulescens,  cum 
maior  a  Romanis  metus  timorem  a  principibus  suis 
vicisset, 

"  Quae  vos  rabies  ""  inquit  "  agitat,  qui  duorum 
hominum    noxae    civitatem    accessionem    facitis  ?  * 

8  Equidem  pro  patria  qui  letum  oppetissent,  saepe 
fando  audivi ;  qui  ^  patriam  pro  se  perire  aequum 
censerent.    hi   primi   inventi    sunt.     Quin    aperimus 

^  reliquo  exercitu  Wesenherg  :   reliquae  exercitum  V. 

-  dedita  est  omni  multitudine  Jladvig  :  dedita  totomni- 
ummultitudinem  I'. 

^  hinc  Baker  :   hie  V. 

*  civitatem  .  .  .  facitis  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  civitates  .  .  . 
factis  W 

°  qui  add.  Fr  :   om.  W 


^  They  were  on  the  coast. 

2  A  different  district  of  Epirus,  Phanote  being  in  Chaonia. 


334 


BOOK  XLV.  XXVI.  2-8 

placed  in  Scodra,  the  capital,  and  Gains  Licinius  in  b.c.  167 
charge  of  the  strategic  cities  ^  of  Rhizon  and  Olciniuni. 
After  putting  these  men  in  charge  of  Illyricum, 
Anicius  marched  into  Epirus  with  the  rest  of  his  army. 
In  that  region,  Phanote  the  first  city  surrendered  to 
him,  all  its  population  coming  out  with  fillets  to  meet 
him.  He  placed  a  garrison  here  and  passed  on  to 
Molossis,^  and  on  recovery  of  all  of  its  cities  except 
Passaron,  Tecmon,  Phylace,  and  Horreum,  he  led  his 
force  first  against  Passaron.  Antinoiis  and  Theo- 
dotus  were  the  leading  men  of  this  city,  distinguished 
both  by  their  attachment  to  Perseus  and  their  hatred 
of  the  Romans,  and  likewise  responsible  for  the  defec- 
tion of  the  whole  people  from  the  Romans.^  Because 
of  their  feeling  of  personal  guilt,  since  there  was  no 
hope  of  pardon  for  them,  these  men  shut  the  gates,  in 
order  to  be  buried  in  the  general  downfall  of  their  city, 
and  urged  the  people  to  prefer  death  to  slavery.  No 
one  dared  open  his  mouth  against  such  all-powerful 
men.  At  last  a  certain  Theodotus,  a  youth  of  equal 
rank,  spoke  out,  his  dread  of  the  Romans  outweighing 
his  timidity  before  the  chief  men  of  his  city. 

"  What  is  this  madness,"  said  he,  "  which  is  goad- 
ing you,  that  you  make  the  state  an  accessory  to  the 
crime  of  two  men?  Certainly  I  have  often  heard 
tales  of  those  who  met  death  for  the  fatherland  ;  but 
these  are  the  first  ever  known  to  believe  that  the 
fatherland  ought  to  die  for  them.     Why  do  we  not 

3  Polybius  XXVII.  15  (13)  and  XXX.  7  says  that  at  the 
outset  of  the  war,  the  Epirote  leaders,  including  Antinoiis 
and  the  Cephalus  mentioned  below,  wished  to  keep  out  of  the 
war,  though  maintaining  their  alliance  with  Rome;  but 
Charops  the  younger,  by  traducing  them  to  Rome,  compelled 
them  to  declare  for  Perseus  in  order  to  avoid  arrest  by  the 
Romans. 

335 


portas  et  imperium  accipimus.  quod  orbis  terrarum 
accepit  r  " 
9      Haec  dicentem  cum  multitude  sequeretur,  Anti- 
nous    et  Theodotus   in   primam   stationem   hostium 
inruperunt    atque   ibi   offerentes   se   ipsi   volneribus 

10  interfecti;  urbs  dedita  est  Romanis.  Simili  perti- 
nacia  Cephali  principis  ^  clausum  Tecmonem  ipso 
interfecto  per  deditionem  recepit.     Nee  Phylace  nee 

11  Horreum  oppugnationem  tulerunt.  Pacata  Epiro 
divisisque  in  hiberna  copiis  per  opportunas  urbes, 
regressus  ipse  in  Illyricum  Scodrae,  quo  quinque  le- 
gati  ab  Roma  venerant,  evocatis  ex  tota  provincia 

12  principibus  conventum  habuit.  Ibi  pro  tribunali 
pronuntia\"it  de  sententia  consilii  senatum  popu- 
lumque  Romanum  Illyrios  esse  liberos  iubere ; 
praesidia  ex  omnibus  oppidis,  arcibus,^  castellis  sese 

13  deducturum.  Non  solum  liberos,  sed  etiam  im- 
munes  fore  Issenses  et  Taulantios,.  Dassaretiorum 
Pirustas,     Rhizonitas.     Olciniatas,     quod     incolumi 

14  Gentio  ad  Romanos  defecissent.  Daorsis  quo- 
que  imrnunitatem  dare,  quod  relicto  Caravantio  cum 
ai-mis  ad  Romanos  transissent.  Scodrensibus  et 
Dassarensibus  et  Selepitanis  ceterisque  Illyriis 
vectigal    dimidium    eius,    quod    regi    pependissent.^ 

15  impositum.^  Inde  in  tres  partes  Illyricum  divisit. 
Unam  eam  fecit,  quae  supra  Pistam  ^  est,  alteram 
Labeatas  omnis,  tertiam  Agravonitas  et  Rhizonitas 

^  Cephali  principis  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  cepalonis  principiis 
V. 

2  arcibus  Wesenherg  :  arciuusest  V. 

^  pependissent  Sigonius  :   pendissent  V. 

*  impositum  add.  Heraeus  :   07n.  V. 

=  quae  supra  Pistam  C.  Midler  :  q  supra  dictam  V :  Issam 
Madvig. 


BOOK  XLV.  XXVI.  8-15 

open  our  gates  and  accept  the  overlordship  which  b.c.  167 
the  world  has  accepted?  " 

When  the  crowd  concurred  with  these  remarks, 
Antinoiis  and  Theodotus  charged  into  the  first  out- 
post of  the  enemy  and,  exposing  themselves  to 
wounds,  were  there  killed  ;  the  city  was  surrendered 
to  the  Romans.  By  similar  obstinacy  on  the  part  of 
Cephalus,  the  leading  citizen,  Tecmon  was  closed, 
but  when  he  was  killed,  it  was  recovered  by  surrender. 
Neither  Phylace  nor  Horreum  stood  up  against 
attack.  When  order  had  been  established  in  Epirus, 
and  the  troops  distributed  in  winter  quarters  among 
suitable  cities,  Anicius  returned  to  Illyricum,  sum- 
moned the  chief  men  from  all  his  theatre  of  opera- 
tions, and  held  a  conference  at  Scodra,  where  the 
five  commissioners  from  Rome  had  arrived.  There 
he  announc^^  ac:  nfflper  jti  rhnrge,  on  the  advice  of  his 
council,  that  the  Roman  senate_aiLd-4^xeQple  gave,  t.h^-- 
Illvrians  their  freedom  ;  he  would  remove  his  garri- 
sons from  all  towns,  citadels,  and  forts.  Not  only 
freedom,  but  tax-exemption  as  well  would  be  grante^^.---'-' 
he  said,  to  the  people  of  Issa  and  Taulantia,  and  to 
the  .£i¥«stae-  among  the  Dassareti  as  well  as  to 
Rhizon  and  Olcinium,  because  they  had  gone  over 
to  the  Romans  while  Gentius  was  still  undefeated. 
The  Daorsi  would  also  be  granted  tax-exemption, 
because  they  had  abandoned  Caravantius  and  gone 
over  with  their  arms  to  the  Romans.  On  the  people 
of  Scodra,  the  Dassarenses,  the  Selepitani,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Illyrians  a  tax  was  laid  of  half  what  they 
had  paid  to  the  king.  Next,  Anicius  divided 
Illyricum  into  three  parts.  He  made  the  first  of 
these  the  region  above  Pista,  the  second  all  the 
Labeatae,  and  the  third  the   Agravonitae,  Rhizon 

337 


LRT 

et  Olciniatas  accolasque  eorum.  Hac  formula  dicta 
Illyrico  ^  ipse  inde  ^  Epiri  Passaronem  in  hiberna 
redit. 

XXVII.  Dum  haec  in  Illvrico  geruntur,  Paulus 
ante  adventum  decern  legatorum  Q.  Maximum  filium 
iam  ab  Roma  regressum  ad  Aeginium  et  Agassas  di- 

2  ripiendas  mittit,  Agassas,  quod,  cum  Marcio  consuli 
tradidissent  urbem  petita  ultro  societate  Romana,  de- 
fecerant   rursus    ad    Persea ;     Aeginiensium    novum 

3  crimen  erat :  famae  de  victoria  Romanorum  fidem 
non  habentes  in  quosdam  militum  urbem  ingressos 

•i  hostiliter  ^  saevierant.  Ad  Aeniorum  quoque  urbem 
diripiendam  L.  Postumium  misit,  quod  pertinacius 
quam  finitimae  civitates  in  arniis  fuerant. 

5  Autumni  fere  tempus  erat ;  cuius  temporis  initio 
ad  circumeundam  Graeciam  visendaque,  quae  "* 
nobilitata  fama  maiora  auribus  accepta  sunt  quam 

6  oculis  noscuntur,  uti  ^  statuit.  Praeposito  castris 
C.  Sulpicio  Gallo  profectus  cum  baud  magno  co- 
mitatu,  tegentibus  latera  Scipione  filio  et  Athenaeo, 
Eumenis  regis  fratre,  per  Thessaliam  Delphos  petit, 

^  IlhTico  Madvig  :   in  Illyrico  V. 

^  inde  Harant  :   in  V. 

2  hostiliter  Kreyssig  :    quoque  hostiliter  urbem  V. 

*  quae  add.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

°  uti  Madvig  :   ut  V. 

^  This  seems  to  be  another  version,  or  another  phase,  of  the 
episode  recorded  in  XLI V.  xlvi.  3 ;  if,  as  seems  likely,  Aeginium 
was  in  north-western  Thessaly,  its  adherence  to  Perseus  was 
more  of  a  fault ;  but  Paulus  seems  to  have  been  looking  for 
reasons  which  would  justify  the  acquisition  of  plunder  by  the 
army.     If,  as  Li\y's  arrangement  implies,  but  does  not  make 


BOOK  XLV.  XXVI.  15-XXV11.  6 

and    Olciniuni    and    their    neighbours.     After    an-  b.c.  167 
nouncing    this    charter    for    lllyricum,    Anicius    re- 
turned from  there  into  Epirus  to  his  winter-quarters 
at  Passaron. 

XXVII.  While  these  events  were  occurring  in 
lllyricum,  Paulus  sent  his  son  Quintus  Maximus, 
who  had  by  this  time  returned  from  Rome,  to  sack 
Aeginium  and  Agassae  before  the  arrival  of  the  ten 
commissioners.  In  the  case  of  Agassae,  the  reason 
was  that,  although  they  had  surrendered  their  city 
to  the  consul  Marcius  with  a  voluntary  request  for 
alliance  with  Rome,  they  had  again  gone  over  to 
Perseus.  The  fault  of  Aeginium  was  recent ; 
because  they  did  not  believe  the  rumour  about  the 
Roman  victory,  they  had  cruelly  treated  as  enemies 
certain  soldiers  who  had  entered  their  city.^  Paulus 
also  sent  Lucius  Postumius  to  sack  the  city  of  Aenia, 
because  they  had  maintained  resistance  more  stub- 
bornly than  the  neighbouring  cities. 

It  was  about  the  season  of  autumn  ;  Paulus  decided 
to  employ  the  beginning  of  this  season  travelling 
about  Greece  and  seeing  the  sights  which  are  made 
so  famous  by  repute  that  they  are  greater  by  hearsay 
than  by  visual  acquaintance.  Putting  Gains  Sul- 
picius  Gallus  in  charge  of  the  camp,  he  set  out  with 
no  large  escort,  his  son  Scipio  and  Athenaeus,  the 
brother  of  King  Eumenes,  serving  as  his  personal 
aides.     He  went  through  Thessaly  to  Delphi,  the 

certain,  these  events  occurred  a  year  after  the  fall  of  Perseus, 
the  justification  for  them  is  thin.  Assuming  this  time- 
interval,  however,  we  may  suppose  that  the  arrangements  of 
the  senate  (xvii.  1)  were  made  with  the  benefit  of  advice  from 
Paulus,  and  that  Paulus'  sightseeing  mentioned  below  was 
more  in  order  than  it  would  have  been  soon  after  the  battle  of 
Pydna. 

339 


7  inclutum  oraculum.  Ubi  sacrificio  Apollini  facto  in- 
choatas  in  vestibulo  columnas.  quibus  imposituri  sta- 
tuas  regis  Persei  fuerant,  suis  statuis  victor  destinavit. 

8  Lebadiae  quoque  templum  Io^is  Trophonii  adit ;  ibi 
cum  \idisset  os  specus,  per  quod  oraculo  utentes 
sciscitatum  deos  descendunt,  sacrificio  Io\'i  Hercyn- 
naeque  facto,  quorum  ibi  templum  est,  Chalcidem 
ad  spectaculum  Euripi  Euboeaeque,  tantae  ^  insulae, 

9  ponte  continenti  iunctae  descendit.  A  Chalcide 
Aulidem  traicit,  trium  milium  spatio  distant  em, 
portum  inclutum  statione  quondam  mille  navium 
Agamemnoniae  classis,  Dianaeque  templum,  ubi 
navibus  cursum  ad  Troiam  filia  victima  aris  admota 

10  rex  ille  regum  petiit.  Inde  Oropum  ^  Atticae 
ventum  est,  ubi  pro  deo  vates  antiquus  ^  colitur 
templumque    vetustum    est    fontibus    rivisque    circa 

11  amoenum:  Athenas  inde,  plenas  quidem  et  ipsas 
vetustae  *  famae,  multa  tamen  Adsenda  habentis, 
arcem,  portus,  muros  Piraeum  urbi  iungentis,  navalia, 
monumenta  ^    magnorum    imperatorum,     simulacra 

^  Euripi  Euboeaeque,  tantae  Weissenhoryi  :    euripiaeuoque 
ante  V. 

^  petiit.     Inde  Oropum  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 
^  antiquus  Kreyssig  :    anticum  V. 
■*  vetustae  Kohler  :   vetustate  V. 
^  monumenta  add.  Crevier  :   om.  V. 


1  Polvbius  XXX.  10.  2  (14)  reports  the  statues  of  Paulus  as 
actually  erected. 

-  Tiie  identification  of  the  oracular  hero  Trophonius  with 
Zeus  seems  to  be  unofficial,  though  Strabo  IX.  ii.  38  (p.  414) 
also  makes  it.  A  description  of  the  sanctuary,  including  the 
shrine  of  Herc\Tina,  a  nymph  of  a  spring  and  stream,  is  given 
by  Pausanias  IX.  xxxix. 

^  The  ships  enumerated  in  Homer's  Catalogue  are   1186; 

340 


BOOK   XLV.  XXVII.  6-II 

famous  oracular  shrine.  There  he  offered  sacrifice  b.c.  167 
to  Apollo,  and  when  he  saw  the  columns  which  had 
been  begun  at  the  entrance,  on  which  they  were 
going  to  place  statues  of  King  Perseus,  he  reserved 
them  for  his  own  statues  as  conqueror.^  At  Lebadia 
also  he  visited  the  shrine  of  Jupiter  Trophonius ;  ^ 
there  he  viewed  the  mouth  of  the  cave  through  which 
those  who  use  the  oracle  go  down  to  make  their 
inquiries  of  the  gods,  and  offered  sacrifice  to  Jupiter 
and  Hercynna,  whose  temple  is  there.  Paulus  then 
went  down  to  Chalcis  to  see  the  spectacle  of  the 
Euripus  and  of  that  great  island  Euboea  which  is 
joined  by  a  bridge  to  the  mainland.  From  Chalcis 
he  crossed  to  Aulis,  three  miles  away,  with  its  harbour 
famous  as  the  anchorage  once  upon  a  time  for  the 
thousand  ships  ^  of  Agamemnon's  fleet,  and  its  temple 
of  Diana,  where  the  renowned  king  of  kings  sought 
passage  to  Troy  for  his  ships  by  bringing  his  daughter 
as  a  victim  to  the  altar.  Thence  Paulus  went  to 
Oropus  in  Attica,  where  an  ancient  prophet  is  wor- 
shipped as  a  god,  and  there  is  an  old  temple  made 
charming  by  springs  and  streams  around  it.*  Thence 
he  went  to  Athens,  which  is  also  replete  with  ancient 
glory,  but  nevertheless  has  many  notable  sights,  the 
Acropolis,  the  harbours,  the  w^alls  joining  Piraeus  to 
the   city,   the   shipyards,   the   monuments   of  great 

but  the  round  number  appears  in  Aeschylus,  Vergil,  and  other 
poets  before  Marlowe. 

^  The  "  ancient  prophet  "  was  Amphiaraus,  of  the  Seven 
against  Thebes.  His  sanctuary  was  established,  according  to 
archaeological  evidence,  near  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  and 
became  a  modest  spa,  which  was  favoured  by  the  Romans; 
in  73  B.C.,  Amphiaraus  was  officially  recognized  as  a  god  by 
the  consuls,  with  Cicero's  assistance,  and  his  lands  were  there- 
fore tax-exempt,  see  Pausanias  I.  xxxiv  and  Fraser's  note. 


deorum  hominumque,  omni  genere  et  materiae  et 
artium  insignia. 

XXVIII,  Sacrificio    Minervae,    praesidi    arcis,    in 
urbe  facto  profectus  Corinthum  altero  die  pervenit. 

2  Urbs  erat  tunc  praeclara  ante  excidium  ;  arx  quoque 
et  Isthmus  praebuere  spectaculum ;  arx  intra 
moenia  ^  in  immanem  altitudinem  edita.  scatens 
fontibus  ;  Isthmus  duo  maria  ab  ^  occasu  et  ortu  sohs 
finitima  artis  faucibus  dirimens.  Sicyonem  inde  et 
Argos,.  nobiles  urbes.  adit :    inde  haud  parem  opibus 

3  Epidaurum.  sed  inclutam  Aesculapi  nobili  templo, 
quod  quinque  milibus  passuum  ab  urbe  distans  nunc 
vestigiis  revolsorum  donorum.  tum  donis  dives  erat, 
quae  remediorum  salutarium  aegri  mercedem  sacra- 

4  verant  deo.  Inde  Lacedaemonem  adit,  non  operum 
magnificentia.  sed  disciplina  institutisque  memora- 
bilem :  ^   unde  per  Megalopolim  Ohinpiam  escendit. 

5  Ubi  et  alia  quidem  spectanda  ei  ^  ^■isa ;  lovem  velut 
praesentem  intuens  motus  animo  est.  Itaque  haud 
secus,  quam  si  in  Capitolio  immolaturus  esset, 
sacrificium  amplius  solito  apparari  iussit. 

6  Ita  peragrata  Graecia,  ut  nihil  eorum,  quae  quisque 
Persei  bello  privatim  aut  publice  sensisset,  inquireret, 

^  intra  moenia  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   inter  omnia  V. 
2  ab  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

^  memorabilem  Fr  :   memorabilem  ac  silentiam  T'. 
*  ei  Madiig  :   et  V. 


1  I.e.,  Athena  Polias,  or  Poliouchos;    Livj'  gives  her  the 
same  title  in  XXXI.  xxx.  9. 

342 


BOOK   XLV.  XXVII.  ii-xxviii.  6 

generals,  and  the  statues  of  gods  and  men — statues  b.c.  167 
notable  for  every  sort  of  material  and  artistry. 

XX\^III.  After  offering  sacrifice  to  Minerva,  the 
Guardian  of  the  Citadel,^  in  Athens,  Paulus  set  out 
for  Corinth  and  reached  it  on  the  second  day.  The 
city  was  then  world-famous  before  its  destruction ; ' 
its  citadel  and  the  Isthmus  were  also  sights  to  see ; 
the  citadel  rising  to  a  huge  height,  enclosed  by  the 
city  wall  and  flowing  with  springs,  while  the  Isthmus 
separated  by  its  narrow  passage  two  neighbouring 
seas  lying  toward  the  sunrise  and  sunset.  Thence 
Paulus  went  to  Sicyon  and  Argos,  both  famous 
cities  ;  from  there  he  visited  Epidaurus,  by  no  means 
as  wealthy  a  town,  but  noted  for  the  famous  temple  of 
Aesculapius  which,  at  a  distance  of  five  miles  from 
the  city,  is  now  rich  in  the  traces  of  gifts  of  which  it 
has  been  robbed,^  but  then  was  rich  in  the  gifts  them- 
selves which  the  sick  had  consecrated  to  the  god  as 
payment  for  health-giving  remedies.  Next  he 
visited  Lacedaemon,  notable  not  for  the  splendour  of 
its  buildings,  but  for  its  discipline  and  institutions ; 
from  there  he  went  up  to  Olympia  via  Megalopolis. 
At  Olympia  he  saw  many  sights  which  he  considered 
worth  seeing ;  but  he  was  stirred  to  the  quick  as  he 
gazed  on  what  seemed  Jupiter's  very  self.  There- 
fore he  ordered  a  sacrifice  prepared  larger  than  usual, 
just  as  if  he  had  been  going  to  sacrifice  on  the 
Capitol. 

In  this  way  he  travelled  through  Greece,  raising  no 
question  as  to  how  either  any  individual  or  any  state 
had  felt  about  the  war  with  Perseus,  so  as  not  to 

2  Perhaps  by  Sulla  (Pausanias  IX.  vii.  5),  who  took  the 
temple-treasures  for  his  soldiers,  and  reimbursed  the  god  with 
lands  in  Boeotia. 

343 


LIVY 

ne  cuius  metu  soUicitaret  animos  sociorum,  Deme- 
triadem  cum  reverteretur.^  in  itinere  sordidata  turba 
Aetolorum    occurrit ;     mir antique    et    percunctanti, 

7  quid  esset,  defertur  quingentos  quinquaginta  prin- 
cipes  ab  Lycisco  et  Tisippo,  circumsesso  senatu  per 
milites  Romanes,  missos  ab  -  A.  Baebio,  praefecto  ^ 
praesidii,  interfectos,  alios  in  exilium  actos  esse, 
bonaque    eorum    qui    interfecti    essent    et    exulum 

8  possideri.^  lussis,  qui  arguebantur,  Amphipoli  adesse 
ipse  convento  ^  Cn.  Octavio  Demetriade.  postquam 
fama  accidit  traiecisse  iam  mare  decern  legatos, 
omnibus    aliis    omissis    Apolloniam    ad    eos    pergit. 

9  Quo  cum  Perseus  ob\'iam  Amphipoli  omni  solutus  ^ 
custodia  processisset — id  diei  iter  est — ,  ipsum  qui- 
dem  benigne  adlocutus  est ;  ceterum  postquam  in 
castra  ad  Amphipolim  venit,  graviter  increpuisse  tra- 

10  ditur  C.  Sulpicium.  primum  quod  Persea  tam  procul 
a  se  vagari  per  provinciam  passus  esset, ^  deinde  quod 
adeo  indulsisset  militibus,  ut  nudare  tegulis  muros 
urbis  ad  tegenda  hibernacula  sua  pateretur ;  referri- 
que  tegulas  et  refici  detecta,'^  sicut  fuerant,  iussit. 

11  Et  Persea  quidem  cum  maiore  filio  Philippo  traditos 
A.  Postumio  in  custodiam  misit ;  filiam  cum  minore 
filio  a  Samothrace  accitos  Amphipolim  omni  liberali 
cultu  habuit. 

^  reverteretur     Wesenberg :      revertit    V  :     cum    comitatu 
revertit  Heraeus. 

2  ab  .  .  .  praefecto  add.  Kreyssig^ :   om.  V. 

3  possideri  Kreyssig  :   possidere  V. 
^  convento  Kreyssig  :   conventu  I'. 

344 


BOOK  XLV.  XXVIII.  6-II 

trouble  the  minds  of  the  aUies  by  any  fear.  When  b.c.  167 
he  was  returning  to  Demetrias,  he  met  a  crowd  of 
Aetolians  in  mourning;  on  his  asking  in  surprise 
what  was  the  matter,  it  was  reported  to  him  that  five 
hundred  and  fifty  leading  men  had  been  killed  by 
Lyciscus  and  Tisippus,  while  the  senate  was  sur- 
rounded by  Roman  soldiers  sent  by  Aulus  Baebius, 
the  commander  of  the  garrison;  others  had  been 
driven  into  exile,  and  the  property  of  those  killed 
and  of  the  exiles  had  been  seized.  Ordering  the 
accused  men  to  meet  him  at  Amphipolis,  he  joined 
Gnaeus  Octavius  in  Demetrias.  When  a  report 
arrived  that  the  ten  commissioners  had  by  now 
crossed  the  sea,  he  gave  up  everything  else  and  went 
to  them  at  Apollonia.  There  Perseus  came  to  meet 
him  from  Amphipolis — a  day's  journey — free  of  any 
guard.  Paulus  greeted  him  in  kindly  fashion  but 
after  he  arrived  in  camp  at  Amphipolis,  he  is  said  to 
have  rebuked  Gaius  Sulpicius  severely,  first  because 
he  had  allowed  Perseus  to  roam  so  far  from  him 
through  the  province,  and  secondly  because  he  had 
allowed  the  soldiers  the  great  liberty  of  stripping  the 
city  walls  of  tiles,  in  order  to  roof  over  their  winter- 
quarters  ;  Paulus  ordered  the  tiles  taken  back  and  the 
uncovered  areas  repaired  to  their  previous  condition. 
Perseus  and  his  elder  son  Philip  he  turned  over  to 
Aulus  Postumius  and  put  vmder  guard;  Perseus' 
daughter  and  his  younger  son  he  summoned  to 
Amphipolis  from  Samothrace  and  maintained  com- 
pletely in  the  state  of  free  persons. 


^  omni  solutus  Madvig  :   nimissolutiscuius  V. 

^  esset  J.  F.  Gronovins  :   est  V. 

'  refici  detecta  Madvig  :  referri  et  tecta  V. 

345 


LIVY 

XXIX.  Ipse,  ubi  dies  venit  quo  adesse  Amphipoli 
denos  principes  civitatium  iusserat  litterasque  omnis, 
quae  ubique  depositae  assent,  et  pecuniam  regiam 
conferri,  cum  decern  legatis  circumfusa  omni  multi- 

2  tudine  Macedonum  in  tribunali  consedit.  Adsuetis 
regio  imperio  tamen  novi  imperii  formam  ^  terribilem 
praebuit  tribunal,  summoto  aditus,^  praeco,  accensus, 
insueta    omnia    oculis    auribusque    quae    vel    socios, 

3  nedum  hostis  victos,  terrere  possent.  Silentio  per 
praeconem  facto  Paulus  Latine.  quae  senatui,  quae 
sibi  ex  consilii  sententia  visa  essent,  pronuntiavit. 
Ea  Cn.  Octavius  praetor — nam  et  ipse  aderat — 
interpretata  sermone  Graeco  referebat. 

4  Omnium  primum  liberos  esse  iubere  Macedonas, 
habentis  urbes  easdem  agrosque,  utentes  legibus 
suis,  annuos  creantis  magistratus ;  tributum  dimi- 
dium    eius,    quod    pependissent    regibus,    pendere 

5  populo  Romano.  Deinde  in  quattuor  regiones  dividi 
Macedonian! :    unam  fore  et  primam  partem  quod 

6  agri  inter  Strymonem  et  Nessum  sit  amnem ;  acces- 
surum  ^  huic  parti  trans  Nessum  ad  orientem  versum, 
qua  Perseus  tenuisset,  vicos,  castella,  oppida,  praeter 
Aenum  et  Maroneam  et  Abdera ;  cis  ^  Strymonem 
autem    vergentia    ad    occasum,    Bisalticam    omnem 

7  cum  Heraclea,  quam  Sinticen  appellant.  Secundam 
fore  regionem,  quam  ab  ortu  Strymo  amplecteretur 

^  novi  imperii  formam  Harant :  novi  in  forma  V. 
-  aditus  Kreyssig  :    additu  I'. 
^  accessurum  Fr,  Hertz  :  sitsuccessurum  V. 
*  Abdera ;    cis  Madvig  :   Abderatis  T '. 

^  Typical  Roman  procedure ;  so  ten  leading  men  are 
summoned  from  some  Latin  colonies  in  XXIX.  xv.  5;  the 
Twelve  Tables  were  also  established  by  a  board  of  ten. 

2  Amounting  to  100  talents,  according  to  Plutarch,  Aemilius 
xxviii.  3. 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIX.  1-7 

XXIX.  When  the  day  arrived  on  which  he  had  b.c.  167 
ordered  ten  leading  men  from  each  city  ^  to  be  at 
Amphipohs,  and  all  official  despatches  which  had  been 
filed  anywhere  and  the  royal  money  to  be  brought  in, 
Paulus  with  the  ten  commissioners  took  his  official 
seat  surrounded  by  the  whole  crowd  of  Macedonians. 
Although  the  latter  were  used  to  a  royal  court,  yet 
the  ceremonial  of  a  new  master  was  frightening  as  it 
met  their  eyes — the  consul's  bench,  his  entrance 
after  the  way  had  been  cleared,  the  herald,  and  the 
orderly,  all  things  novel  to  their  eyes  and  ears,  which 
might  have  inspired  terror  in  allies,  to  say  nothing  of 
conquered  enemies.  After  the  herald  had  com- 
manded silence  Paulus  announced  in  Latin  the 
decisions  of  the  senate,  as  well  as  his  own,  made  by 
the  advice  of  his  council.  This  announcement  was 
translated  into  Greek  and  repeated  by  Gnaeus 
Octavius  the  praetor — for  he  too  was  present. 

The  terms  were  :  first  of  all  the  Macedonians  were 
given  their  freedom ;  they  were  to  keep  their  own 
cities  and  lands,  to  use  their  own  laws,  and  to  elect 
annual  magistrates ;  they  were  to  pay  to  the  Roman 
People  half  the  tax  which  they  had  paid  to  their 
kings. 2  Next,  Macedonia  was  to  be  divided  into 
four  regions ;  one,  the  first  section,  would  comprise 
the  land  between  the  Strymon  and  Nessus  Rivers ; 
to  this  region  were  to  be  added  across  the  Nessus  to 
the  eastward  the  villages,  forts,  and  towns  which 
Perseus  had  held  except  Aenus,  Maronea,  and 
Abdera;  on  this  side  of  the  Strymon,  too,  toward 
the  west  there  was  included  all  the  country  of  the 
Bisaltae,  including  Heraclea,  the  region  they  call 
Sintice.  The  second  region  was  to  be  the  region 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Strymon  River,  except 

347 


amnis,  praeter  Sinticen,  Heracleam  et  Bisaltas,  ab 
occasuque  Axius  ^  temiinaret  fiuvius,  additis  Paeoni- 
bus.  qui  prope  Axium  flumen  ad  regionem  orientis 

8  colerent.  Tertia  pars  facta,  quam  Axius  ab  oriente, 
Peneus  amnis  ab  occasu  cingunt ;  ad  septentrionem 
Bora  mons  obicitur ;  adiecta  huic  parti  regio  Paeo- 
nia,  qua  ab  occasu  praeter  Axium  amnem  porrigitur ; 
Edessa    quoque     et    Beroea    eodem    concesserunt. 

9  Quarta  regio  trans  Boram  ^  montem,  una  parte  con- 
finis  Illyrico,  altera  Epiro.  Capita  regionum,  ubi 
concilia  fierent,  primae  regionis  Amphipolim,  se- 
cundae  Thessalonicen.  tertiae  Pellam,  quartae  Pela- 
goniam  fecit.  Eo  concilia  suae  cuiusque  regionis 
indici,  pecuniam  conferri,  ibi  magistratus  creari 
iussit. 

10  PronuntiaWt  deinde  neque  conubium  neque  com- 
mercium  agrorum  aedificiorumque  inter  se  placere 

11  cuiquam  extra  fines  regionis  suae  esse.  Metalla 
quoque  auri  atque  argenti  non  exerceri.  ferri  et  aeris 
permitti.^  ^'ectigal  exercentibus  dimidium  eius 
impositum  quod  pependissent  regi.     Et  sale  invecto 

12  uti  vetuit.  Dardanis  repetentibus  Paeoniam,  quod 
et  sua  fuisset  et  continens  esset  finibus  suis,  omnibus 

^  occasuque  Axius  Madvig  :   occasuquaacsius  V. 

2  Boram  Fr  :   dorsuna  T'. 

^  ferri  et  aeris  permitti  Fr  :   nee  fieri  et  aeris  permittit  V. 

1  AVhat  river  is  meant  cannot  be  definitely  determined ;  the 
famous  Peneus  of  Thessaly  is  too  far  south  to  be  even  the 
southern  boundary-,  except  at  the  sea-coast;  but  since  Mount 
Bora  is  north-west  rather  than  north  of  this  region,  Livv'  or 
his  informant  may  have  a  distorted  impression  of  the  limits. 

2  This  is  usually  the  name  of  a  region,  not  a  city ;  perhaps 
Heraclea  LjTicestis  is  meant ;  it  -would  be  appropriately 
central. 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIX.  7-12 

for  Sintice,  Heraclea,  and  the  Bisaltae,  while  the  b.c.  167 
western  boundary  would  be  the  Axius  River;  this 
would  also  include  the  Paeonians  who  were  settled 
near  the  Axius  River  in  an  easterly  direction.  The 
third  region  was  established  as  that  bounded  on  the 
east  by  the  Axius,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Penelis 
River ;  ^  to  the  north  Mount  Bora  forms  a  barrier ; 
to  this  region  was  added  that  part  of  Paeonia  which 
stretches  along  the  west  bank  of  the  Axius  River ; 
Edessa  and  Beroea  fell  in  the  same  part.  The  fourth 
region  was  across  Mount  Bora,  part  marching  with 
Illyricum,  the  rest  with  Epirus.  The  capitals  of  the 
regions,  where  their  assemblies  were  to  meet,  were 
established :  for  the  first  region,  Amphipolis,  for  the 
second,  Thessalonica,  for  the  third,  Pella,  and  for  the 
fourth,  Pelagonia.2  In  those  places  Paulus  ordered 
an  assembly  ^  of  each  region  to  be  appointed,  money 
to  be  gathered,  and  magistrates  elected. 

Paulus  then  announced  that  it  had  been  decided 
that  no  one  should  be  allowed  the  right  of  marriage 
or  of  trading  in  land  or  buildings  outside  the  bounds 
of  his  own  region.  Furthermore,  the  mines  of  gold 
and  silver  were  not  to  be  worked,  but  those  of  iron 
and  copper  were  permitted.  The  tax  on  those  who 
worked  the  mines  was  set  at  half  what  they  had  paid 
to  the  king.  The  use  of  imported  salt  was  banned."* 
When  the  Dardanians  asked  for  the  return  of  Paeonia, 
on  the  ground  that  it  had  been  theirs  and  adjoined 

^  Perhaps  modelled  after  that  of  the  Achaean  League ;  if 
not  formally  restricted  to  men  with  a  property  qualification, 
it  would  become  so,  except  for  the  populace  of  the  capital 
itself. 

*  Perhaps  as  a  further  ban  on  frequent  communication 
between  the  regions. 

349 


LR'Y 

dare  libertatem  pronuntiavit.  qui  sub  regno  Persei 

13  fuissent.  Post  non  impetratam  Paeoniam  salis 
commercium  dedit ;  tertiae  region!  imperaiit,  ut 
Stobos    Paeoniae    deveherent,    pretiumque    statuit. 

14  Navalem  materiani  et  ipsos  caedere  et  alios  pati 
vetuit.  Regionibus,  quae  adfines  barbaris  essent — 
excepta  autem  tertia  omnes  erant — ,  permisit,  ut 
praesidia  armata  in  finibus  extremis  haberent. 

XXX.  Haec  pronuntiata  primo  die  conventus  varie 
adfecerunt    animos.     Libertas    praeter    spem    data 

2  adrexit  et  levatum  annuum  vectigal ;  regionatim 
commercio  ^  interruptis  sua  videri  lacerata,^  tani- 
quani  aniniali  in  artus  alterum  alterius  indigentis 
distracto ;  adeo,  quanta  Macedonia  esset,  quam 
divisui   facilis,    quam    se  ^   ipsa    quaeque    contenta  * 

3  pars  esset,  Macedones  quoque  ignorabant.  Pars 
prima  Bisaltas  habet,  fortissimos  viros — trans  Nessum 
amnem  incolunt  et  circa  Strymonem — ,  et  multas 
frugum  proprietates  et  metalla  et  opportunitatem 
Amphipolis,  quae  obiecta  claudit  omnes  ab  oriente 

4  sole  in  Macedonian!  aditus.  Secunda  pars  celeberri- 
mas  urbes  Thessalonicen  et  ^  Cassandream  habet, 
ad  hoc  Pallenen,  fertilem  ac  frugiferam  terram ; 
maritimas  quoque  opportunitates  ei  praebent  portus 
ad  Toronen  ac  ®  montem  Atho  Aeneamque  et 
Acanthum,"      alii       ad      Thessaliam  ^      insulamque 

^  commercio  Bekker  :    mesico  T". 

2  sua  videri  lacerata  Harant  :  advideri  lacerata  T'  :  ita 
videri  lacerata  Macedonia  Vahlen. 

^  quam  se  H.  J.  Muller  :   et  a  se  I', 

•*  contenta  Sigonius  :   co  tempt  a  T. 

^  et  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

^  Toronen  ac  Dmkenhorch  :   toroneam  T'. 

'  Aeneamque  et  Acanthum  H.  J.  Midler  :  eneaeuocan- 
thimc  V. 

35° 


BOOK  XLV.  XXIX.  I2-XXX.  4 

their  boundaries,  Paulus  proclaimed  that  freedom  was  b.c.  167 
being  given  to  all  those  who  had  been  subjects  of 
Perseus.  After  refusing  them  Paeonia,  he  granted 
them  the  right  to  import  salt ;  he  ordered  the  third 
region  to  carry  salt  to  Stobi  in  Paeonia,  and  he  set  a 
price  on  it.  He  forbade  the  Macedonians  to  cut 
ship-timbers,  or  to  permit  others  to  do  so.  The 
regions  which  bordered  on  barbarians — and  this  was 
true  of  all  except  the  third — were  allowed  to  have 
armed  guards  along  their  frontiers. 

XXX.  The  announcement  of  these  arrangements 
on  the  first  day  of  the  gathering  aroused  mixed 
emotions.  The  unexpected  grant  of  freedom  cheered 
men,  as  well  as  the  lightening  of  the  annual  taxation  ; 
but  to  those  who  were  cut  off  from  trading  between 
regions,  their  country  seemed  as  mangled  as  an 
animal  disjointed  into  parts,  each  of  which  needed 
the  other ;  so  unaware  were  the  Macedonians  them- 
selves of  the  size  of  Macedonia,  of  how  it  lent  itself 
to  division,  and  of  how  self-sufficient  each  part  was. 

The  assets  of  the  first  region  are  the  Bisaltae,men  of 
great  courage  (they  live  beyond  the  Nessus  and 
around  the  Strymon),  soil  suitable  for  many  different 
crops,  mines,  and  the  strategic  position  of  Amphi- 
polis,  the  interposition  of  which  bars  off  every 
approach  to  Macedonia  from  the  sunrise  side.  The 
second  region  has  those  highly  flourishing  cities 
Thessalonica  and  Cassandrea,  and  in  addition, 
Pallene,  a  fertile  and  fruitful  land ;  facilities  for  sea- 
faring are  also  furnished  it  by  the  harbours  at 
Torone,  Mount  Athos,  Aenea,  and  Acanthus,  some 
of  which  conveniently  face  Thessaly  and  the  island  of 


®  ad  Thessaliam  add.  Harant :  om.  V. 

351 


58 


lAVY 

A.r.c.         Euboeam,    alii    ad    Hellespontum    opportune   versi. 

5  Tertia  regio  nobilis  urbes  Edessam  et  Beroeam  et 
Pellam  habet  et  Vettiorum  bellicosam  gentem, 
incolas  quoque  permultos  Gallos  et  Illyrios,  impigros 

6  cultores.  Quartam  regionem  Eordaei  et  Lyncestae 
et    Pelagones    incolunt ;     iuncta    his    Atintania    et 

7  Tymphaeis  et  Elimiotis.  Frigida  haec  omnis  duraque 
cultu  et  aspera  plaga  est ;  cultorum  quoque  ingenia 
terrae  similia  habet.  Ferociores  eos  et  accolae 
barbari  faciunt,  nunc  bello  exercentes,  nunc  in  pace 

8  miscentes  ritus  suos.  Divisa  itaque  Macedonia  ^ 
partiuni  usibus  separatis,  quanta  universa  esset, 
ostendit."^ 

XXXI.  Macedoniae  formula  dicta  cum  leges  quo- 
que se  daturum  ostendisset,  Aetoli  deinde  citati.  In 
qua  cognitione  magis  utra  pars  Romanis,  utra  regi 
fa\isset  quaesitum  est.  quam  utra  ^  fecisset  iniuriam 

2  aut  accepisset ;  noxa  liberati  interfectores  ;  exilium 
pulsis  aeque  ratum  fuit  ac  mors  interfectis ;  A. 
Baebius  unus  est  damnatus,  quod  milites  Romanos 
praebuisset  ad  ministerium  caedis. 

3  Hie  eventus  Aetolorum  causae  in  omnibus  Graeciae 
gentibus  populisque  eorum,  qui  partis  Romanorum 
fuerant,  inflavit  ad  intolerabilem  superbiam  animos  et 
obnoxios  pedibus  eorum  subiecit  quos  aliqua  parte 

4  suspicio   favoris  in  regem  contigerat.     Tria  genera 

^  itaque  Macedonia  Madvig  :    aitqaue  Macedoniae  I'. 
'  universa  esset,  ostendit  Madvig  :   universes  tendit  T'. 
^  utra  Kreyssig  :  utre  T'. 


^  Since  the  Macedonians  were  to  "  use  their  own  laws  " 
(above,  xxix.  4),  this  must  refer  to  a  code  for  the  four  federal 
governments,  either  new  or  a  revision  of  previous  laws  to 

352 


BOOK  XLV.  XXX.  4-xxxi.  4 

Euboea,  and  others  the  Hellespont.  The  thhd  b.c.  167 
region  has  the  famous  cities  of  Edessa,  Beroea,  and 
Pella,  and  the  warlike  race  of  the  Vettii,  as  well  as 
a  large  population  of  Gauls  and  Illyrians,  who  are 
industrious  farmers.  The  fourth  region  is  inhabited 
by  the  Eordaei,  Lyncestae,  and  Pelagonians  ;  added 
to  these  are  Atintania,  Tymphaeis,  and  Elimiotis, 
This  part  of  the  world  is  as  a  whole  cold,  difficult  to 
cultivate,  and  harsh  ;  it  has  inhabitants  of  tempera- 
ment like  their  land.  These  are  also  made  fiercer 
by  their  barbarian  neighbours,  who  now  give  them 
training  in  warfare,  now  intermingle  their  practices 
during  peace.  The  partition  of  Macedonia  there- 
fore showed,  by  separating  the  assets  of  the  regions, 
how  great  the  country  is  as  a  whole. 

XXXI.  After  the  proclamation  of  the  charter  for 
Macedonia,  Paulus  declared  that  he  would  also  lay 
down  a  law-code,^  and  then  proceeded  to  summon 
the  AetoUans.  In  this  investigation,  the  question 
was  more  which  side  had  favoured  the  king  and  which 
the  Romans,  than  which  had  done  wrong  or  had  been 
wronged ;  the  assassins  were  acquitted  of  guilt ; 
the  exile  of  the  expelled  was  confirmed  quite  as 
definitely  as  the  death  of  the  slain;  only  Aulus 
Baebius  was  condemned  for  furnishing  Roman 
soldiers  to  help  carry  out  the  slaughter. 

This  outcome  of  the  case  of  the  Aetolians  raised  to 
an  unbearable  pitch  of  pride  the  spirits  of  those  in  all 
the  states  and  peoples  of  Greece  who  sided  with  the 
Romans,  and  crushed  helplessly  under  their  feet  any 
who  were  in  some  respect  tainted  by  suspicion  of 
having  favoured  the  king.     There  were  three  sorts  of 

meet   the   new   arrangements   and   incorporate    the    Roman 
stipulations;   cf.  below,  xxxii.  7. 

353 

VOL.  XIII.  N 


LIVY 

principum  in  civitatibus  erant,  duo.  quae  adulando 
aut  Romanorum  imperium  aut  amicitiam  regum  sibi 
privatim  opes  oppressis  faciebant  civitatibus ;  media 
una  pars  ^  utrique  generi  ad  versa  libertatem  leges- 

5  que  -  tuebatur.  His  ut  maior  ^  apud  sues  caritas,  ita 
minor  ad  externos  gratia  erat.  Secundis  rebus  elati 
Romanorum  partis  eius  fautores  soli  tum  in  magi- 

6  stratibus,  soli  in  legationibus  erant.  Hi  cum  fre- 
quentes  et  ex  Peloponneso  et  ex  Boeotia  et  ex  aliis 
Graeciae  conciliis  adessent,  implevere  aures  decem 

7  legatorum :  non  eos  tantum.  qui  se  propalarn  per 
vanitatem  iactassent  tamquam  hospites  et  amicos 
Persei,  sed  multo  plures  alios  ex  occulto  favisse  regi, 
qui  ^    per    speciem    tuendae    libertatis    in    conciliis 

8  adversus  Romanos  omnia  instruxissent,  nee  aliter 
eas  mansuras  in  fide  gentes,  nisi  fractis  animis  adver- 
sarum  partium  ^  aleretur  confirmareturque  auctoritas 
eorum  qui  nihil  praeter  imperium  Romanorum 
spectarent.^ 

9  Ab  his  editis  nominibus  evocati  litteris  imperatoris 
ex  Aetolia  Acarnaniaque  et  Epiro  et  Boeotia,  qui 
Romam     ad     causam     dicendam     sequerentur ;      in 

^  pars  add.  Mad  tig  :   o?n.  I'. 

-  legesque  Wolfflin  :   leges  V. 

2  ut  maior  add.  Fr  :   om.  V.  ■ 

•*  regi,  qui  Madvig  :   reliqui  T'. 

'"  adversarum  partium  Wesenherg  :   aptium  V. 

^  spectarent  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   expectarentur  T. 


1  Polybius  XXX.  6  names  three  groups,  but  only  of  those 
accused  of  being  anti-Roman;  his  first  group,  corresponding 
to   Livy's   third,   or    middle-of-the-road    group,   wanted   the 


354 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXI.  4-9 

leaders  in  the  states,  two  groups  who  by  fawning  b.c,  167 
upon  the  Roman  power  and  the  friendship  of  kings 
respectively  gained  personal  wealth  for  themselves 
by  tyrannizing  over  their  cities ;  the  middle  group 
alone,  opposing  both  the  others,  strove  to  guard  in- 
dependence and  constitutionality.^  Their  reward 
was  greater  affection  from  their  own  people,  and  less 
favour  in  foreign  quarters.  Carried  along  on  the 
tide  of  Roman  success,  the  members  of  the  pro- 
Roman  party  were  then  alone  occupying  all  magi- 
stracies and  serving  as  envoys.  These  gathered  in 
great  numbers  both  from  the  Peloponnesus  and 
Boeotia  and  the  other  leagues  of  Greece,  and  filled 
the  ears  of  the  ten  commissioners,  saying  that  not 
only  those  who  out  of  vanity  openly  boasted  them- 
selves guests  and  friends  of  Perseus,  but  many  more 
who  kept  under  cover,  had  sided  with  the  king,  and 
under  the  guise  of  preserving  independence  they  had 
turned  the  whole  organization  of  the  league  meetings 
against  the  Roman  interest ;  these  peoples,  said  their 
representatives,  would  not  maintain  loyalty  unless 
the  spirit  of  the  opposition  was  crushed  and  the 
prestige  sustained  and  strengthened  of  those  who 
had  no  object  in  view  but  the  power  of  Rome. 

Names  were  furnished  by  these  men,  and  their 
opponents  from  Aetolia,  Acarnania,  Epirus,  and 
Boeotia  were  summoned  by  dispatches  from  the 
general  to  follow  him  to  Rome  to  stand  trial. ^     Two 

status  quo  undisturbed ;  the  second  wanted  a  decisive  contest 
between  Rome  and  Perseus,  with  victory  for  Perseus;  the 
third  group  shared  the  sentiments  of  the  second,  and  in 
addition  were  able  to  draw  their  states  into  open  alliance  with 
Perseus. 

2  According  to  Polybius  XXX.  13  (10).  11,  Paulus  did  not 
take  the  accusations  at  face-value. 

355 


LIVY 

Achaiam  ex  decern  legatorum  numero  profecti  duo, 
C.  Claudius  et  Cn.  Domitius,  ut  ipsi  edicto  evocarent. 

10  Id  duabus  de  causis  factum,  una  quod  fiduciae  plus 
animorumque  esse  Achaeis  ad  non  parendum  crede- 
bant  et  forsitan  etiam  in  periculo  fore  Callicraten  et 

11  ceteros  criminuni  auctores  delatoresque ;  altera  cur 
praesentes  evocarent  causa  erat,  quod  ex  aliis  genti- 
bus  principum  litteras  deprensas  in  commentariis 
regiis  habebant,  in  Achaeis  caecum  erat  crimen 
nuUis  eorum  litteris  inventis. 

12  Aetolis  dimissis  Acarnanum  citata  gens.  In  his 
nihil  novatum,  nisi  quod  Leucas  exempta  est  Acarna- 

13  num  concilio.  Quaerendo  deinde  latius,  qui  publice 
aut  privatim  partium  regis  fuissent,  in  Asiam  quoque 

14  cognitionem  extendere  et  ad  Antissam  ^  in  Lesbo 
insula  diruendam  ac  -  traducendos  Methym.nam 
Antissaeos  Labeonem  miserunt,  quod  Antenorem, 
regium  praefectum,  quo  tempore  cum  lembis  circa 
Lesbum  esset  ^  vagatus,  portu  receptum  commeatibus 

15  iuvissent.  Duo  securi  percussi  viri  insignes,  Andro- 
nicus,  Andronici  filius,  Aetolus,  quod  patrem  secutus 
arma  contra  populum  Romanum  tulisset,  et  Neo 
Thebanus,  quo  auctore  societatem  cum  Perseo 
iunxerant. 

XXXII.  His  rerum  externarum  cognitionibus  inter- 
positis    Macedonum    rursus    advocatum    concilium ; 

^  Antissam  Fr,  Brakenborch  :   intissam  V. 
2  ac  add.  Wesenberg  :   om.  V. 
^  esset  Ruperti  :   est  V. 


^  This  was  a  serious  matter,  however;  the  town  had  some- 
times served  as  the  meeting-place  of  the  league  assembly. 
The  Romans  were  taking  control  of  the  coast. 


356 


BOOK  XLV.  xAxi.  9-xxxii.  i 

of  the  board  of  commissioners,  Gaius  Claudius  and  b.c.  167 
Gnaeus  Domitius,  set  out  for  Achaia  in  order  to 
summon  men  by  proclamation  on  the  spot.  This 
they  did  for  two  reasons,  first  because  they  thought 
the  Achaeans  had  more  confidence  and  more  pride  to 
make  them  refuse  obedience  and  perhaps  also 
Callicrates  and  the  other  informers  and  purveyors  of 
charges  might  be  endangered  ;  the  second  reason  for 
the  personal  summons  was  that  from  the  other 
leagues  they  had  letters  of  the  leaders  that  had  been 
seized  in  the  royal  archives,  but  no  letters  from  the 
Achaeans  had  been  found  and  the  charge  against 
them  was  blind. 

When  the  Aetolians  had  been  dismissed,  the 
Acarnanian  League  was  called  up.  No  changes 
were  made  concerning  them,  except  that  Leucas 
was  removed  from  the  Acarnanian  federation.^  In 
the  course  of  more  sweeping  inquiries  as  to  support  of 
the  king,  either  individual  or  by  political  units,  the 
investigation  was  extended  to  Asia,  and  Labeo  was 
sent  to  destroy  Antissa  on  the  island  of  Lesbos  and 
to  move  its  inhabitants  to  Methymna,  because  when 
Antenor,  the  king's  admiral,  had  been  roaming 
about  Lesbos  with  his  scout-ships,  the  people  of 
Antissa  had  received  him  into  their  harbour  and  aided 
him  with  provisions.  Two  men  of  distinction  were 
beheaded  by  the  consul,  Andronicus,  son  of  Androni- 
cus,  an  Aetolian,  because  following  his  father  he  had 
borne  arms  against  the  Roman  People,  and  Neon  of 
Thebes,  who  had  induced  his  people  to  make  an 
alliance  with  Perseus. 

XXXIL  After  the  interruption  due  to  these  inves- 
tigations of  other  peoples,  the  assembly  of  the  Mace- 
donians was  again  convened.     Concerning  the  con- 

357 


LRT 

2  pronuntiatuni;  quod  ad  statum  Macedoniae  pertine- 
bat,  senatores,  quos  synhedros  vocant.  legendos  esse, 

3  quorum  consilio  res  publica  administraretur.  Nomi- 
na deinde  sunt  recitata  principum  Macedonum, 
quos  cum  liberis  maioribus  quam  quindecim  annos 

4  natis  praecedere  in  Italiam  placeret.  Id,  prima 
specie  saevum,  mox  apparuit  multitudini  ^lace- 
donum  pro  libertate  sua  esse  factum.  Nominati  sunt 
enim  regis  amici  purpuratique,  duces  exercituum, 
praefecti    navium    aut    praesidiorum,    ser\dre    regi 

5  humiliter.  aliis  superbe  imperare  adsueti ;  praedivites 
alii,  alii,  quos  fortuna  non  aequarent,  his  sumptibus 
pares ;  regius  omnibus  victus  vestitusque,  nulli 
ci^llis  animus,  neque  legum  neque  libertatis  aequae 

6  patiens.  Omnes  igitur,  qui  in  aliquis  ministeriis 
regiis,  etiam  qui  in  legationibus  ^  fuerant,  iussi 
Macedonia  excedere  atque  in  Italiam  ire ;    qui  non 

7  paruisset  imperio,  mors  denuntiata.  Leges  Mace- 
doniae dedit  cum  tanta  cura,  ut  non  hostibus  victis, 
sed  sociis  bene  meritis  dare  videretur,  et  quas  ne 
usus  quidem  longo  tempore,  qui  unus  est  legum 
corrector,  experiendo  argueret. 

8  Ab  seriis  rebus  ludicrum,  quod  ex  multo  ante  prae- 
parato  et  in  Asiae  ci\-itates  et  ad  reges  missis  qui  de- 
nuntiarent,  et,  cum  circumiret  ipse  Graeciae  ci\-i- 
tate?,  indixerat  -  principibus,  magno  apparatu  Am- 

^  in  legationibus  Kreyssig  :  in  ministeriis  in  legationibus  V. 
2  indixerat  Fr  :    indignato  T'. 

1  In  each  of  the  four  districts. 

2  Justinus  XXXIII.  2.  7,  says  that  these  laws  "  are  still  in 
use  ",  i.e.,  in  the  time  of  Trogus  (first  century  after  Christ),  or 
possibly  in  that  of  Justinus  himself  (second  century). 

^  Li\-y  does  not  mention  the  destruction  of  the  fortifications 
of  Demetrias,  one  of  the  three  ''  fetters  of  Greece  ",  recorded 
by  Diodorus  XXXI.  13. 

35^ 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXII.  2-8 

stitution  of  Macedonia  it  was  announced  that  b.c.  167 
senators,  whom  they  call  synhedii,  were  to  be  chosen, 
by  whose  advice  affairs  of  state  ^  were  to  be  con- 
ducted. The  names  were  read  of  the  Macedonian 
leaders  who,  it  had  been  decided,  were  to  precede 
the  consul  on  the  way  to  Italy  with  their  sons  of  over 
fifteen  years  of  age.  This  ordinance,  cruel  at  first 
glance,  soon  was  seen  by  the  commons  of  Macedonia 
to  have  been  enacted  in  the  interests  of  their  free- 
dom. For  the  names  were  those  of  the  king's 
friends  and  the  wearers  of  the  purple,  of  commanders 
of  armies,  of  officers  in  command  of  ships  and  garri- 
sons— men  accustomed  to  being  humble  slaves  of  the 
king,  but  haughty  tyrants  toward  others.  Some 
were  exceedingly  rich,  others  equalled  in  expendi- 
ture those  whose  fortunes  they  could  not  match ; 
all  of  them  used  the  diet  and  garments  of  the  court, 
none  had  the  temperament  of  a  citizen,  or  would 
endure  the  rule  of  law  and  the  give-and-take  of  free 
men.  All,  therefore,  who  had  held  some  office  under 
the  king,  even  those  who  had  served  as  ambassadors, 
were  ordered  to  leave  Macedonia  and  travel  to  Italy  ; 
death  was  the  penalty  announced  for  disobedience  to 
this  order.  Paulus  laid  down  laws  for  Macedonia 
with  such  care  as  to  seem  to  be  giving  them  not  to 
conquered  enemies,  but  to  well-deserving  allies — 
laws  which  not  even  experience  over  a  long  period, 
the  one  best  amender  of  legislation,  could  prove 
faulty   in   actual   use.^ 

After  the  serious  business,^  Paulus  celebrated  with 
great  pomp  at  Amphipolis  a  festival  which  had  been 
long  under  preparation,  and  to  announce  which  he 
had  sent  men  to  the  cities  and  the  kings  of  Asia, 
while  he  himself  had  given  notice  to  the  leading  men 

359 


9  phipoli  fecit.  Nam  et  artificiim  omnis  generis,  qui 
liidicram  arteni  faciebant.  ex  toto  orbe  terraruni 
multitude  ^  et  athletarum  et  nobilium  equorum 
convenit  et  legationes  cum  \-ictimis  et  quidquid  aliud 
deorum    hominumque    causa    fieri    magnis    ludis    in 

10  Graecia  solet,.  its  factum  est,  ut  non  magnificentiam 
tantum,  sed  prudentiam  in  dandis  spectaculis,  ad 
quae     rudes     turn     Romani     erant.     admirarentur. 

11  Epulae  quoque  le^ationibus  paratae  et  opulentia 
et  cura  eadem.  Vulgo  dictum  ipsius  ferebant  et  con- 
vi^-ium  instruere  et  ludos  parare  eiusdem  esse,  qui 
\-incere  bello  sciret. 

XXXIII.  Edito  ludicro  ^  clupeisque  aereis  in  naves 
impositis  cetera  omnis  generis  arma  cumulata  in  ^ 

2  ingentem  acer\"nm,  precatus  Martem,  Minervam 
Luamque  *  matrem  et  ceteros  deos,  quibus  spolia 
hostium  dicare  ius  fasque  est,  ipse  imperator  face  sub- 
dita  succendit :  deinde  circumstantes  tribuni  militum 

3  pro  se  quisque  ignes  coniecerunt.  Notata  est  in 
illo  conventu  Europae  Asiaeque,  undique  partim  ad 
gratulationem,  partim  ad  spectaculum  contracta 
multitudine,  tantis  navalibus  terrestribusque  exerci- 

4  tibus,  ea  copia  rerum,  ea  \'ilitas  annonae,  ut  et  privatis 
et  civitatibus  et  gentibus  dona  data  pleraque  eius 
generis  sint  ab  imperatore,  non  in  usum  praesentem, 

5  sed  etiam  quod  domos  aveherent.     Spectaculo  fuit 


^  multitude  Fr  :   omnis  multitude  T'. 

^  ludicro  Wesenherg  :   ludicro  omnis  generis  T" 

3  in  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

*  Luamque  Tumebus  :   Lunamque  V. 


1  What  the  Greeks  called  tlieoriai — ofl&cial  representatives 
of  their  states,  who  participated  by  offering  sacrifices. 


360 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXII.  8-xxxiii.  5 

during  his  tour  of  the  Greek  cities.  For  a  crowd  of  b.c.  167 
all  sorts  of  professionals  in  the  art  of  entertainment 
gathered  from  all  over  the  world,  as  well  as  athletes 
and  famous  horses  ;  moreover  thefe  w^ere  delegations 
with  sacrifices/  and  w^hatever  more  is  usually  done  at 
the  great  games  of  Greece  for  the  sake  of  gods  or 
men,  was  so  carried  out  as  to  arouse  admiration  not 
only  for  lavishness  but  for  skill  in  giving  shows,  at 
which  Romans  were  then  tyros.  Banquets  for  the 
delegations  were  also  prepared  with  equal  sumptuous- 
ness  and  pains.  From  mouth  to  mouth  went  the 
saying  of  Paulus  himself,  that  the  man  who  knew  how 
to  conquer  in  war  could  also  arrange  a  banquet  and 
organize  games. 

XXXIII.  After  the  festival  had  been  held  and  the 
bronze  shields  loaded  into  ships,  the  rest  of  the  arms 
of  all  kinds  w^ere  piled  up  into  a  great  heap,  and  the 
general,  after  prayer  to  Mars,  Minerva,  Mother 
Lua,2  and  the  other  gods  to  w'hom  it  is  right  and 
lawful  to  dedicate  the  spoils  of  the  enemy,  with  his 
own  hands  put  the  torch  to  the  pile ;  then  each  of 
the  military  tribunes  as  they  stood  round  about 
tossed  in  fire.  In  that  great  gathering  of  Europe 
and  Asia,  when  such  a  crowd  had  assembled  partly 
to  offer  congratulations  and  partly  for  the  display, 
and  in  the  presence  of  such  forces  naval  and  military, 
a  remarkable  fact  was  that  supplies  were  so  abundant 
and  grain  so  cheap  that  both  to  individuals  and  to 
cities  and  peoples  abundant  gifts  of  such  supplies 
were  made  by  the  general,  not  only  for  immediate 
use,  but  to  be  taken  home  with  them.     The  eyes  of 

2  Consort  or  companion  of  Saturn,  she  was  a  destructive 
power  to  be  placated,  cf.  VIII.  i.  6  and  the  note,  and  perhaps 
Servius  on  Aeneid  III.  139  {Luae  emended  from  Lmme). 

361 


LIVY 

ei.  quae  venerat,.  turbae  non  scaenicum  magis 
ludicrum,  non  certamina  hominum  aut  curricula 
equoruEQj  quam  praeda  Macedonica  omnis  ut  visere- 
tur  exposita,  statuarum  tabularumque  et  textilium  ^ 
et  vasorum   ex   auro   et   argento   et   acre   et  ebore 

6  factorum  ingenti  cura  in  ea  regia,  ut  non  in  prae- 
sentem  modo  speciem,  qualibus  referta  regia  Alex- 

7  andreae  erat,  sed  in  perpetuum  usum  fierent.  Haec 
in  classem  imposita  devehenda  Romam  Cn.  Octavio 
data. 

Paulus  benigne  legatis  dimissis  transgressus  Stry- 
nionem  mille  passuum  ab  Amphipoli  castra  posuit ; 

8  inde  profectus  Pellam  quinto  die  pervenit.  Praeter- 
gressus  urbem,  ad  Pellaeum.^  quod  vocant,  biduum 
moratus,  P.  Nasicam  et  Q.  Maximum  filium  cura 
parte  copiarum  ad  depopulandos  Illyrios.  qui  Persea 
iuverant  bello,  misit  iussos  ad  Oricum  sibi  occurrere  ; 
ipse  Epirum  petens  quintis  decimis  castris  Pas- 
saronem  pervenit. 

XXXIV.  Haud  procul  inde  Anici  castra  aberant. 
Ad  quem  litteris  missis,  ne  quid  ad  ea  quae  fierent 
moveretur  :  senatum  praedam  Epiri  civitatium.  quae 
2  ad  Persea  defecissent.  exercitui  dedisse  suo,"^  missis 
centurionibus  in  singulas  urbes.  qui  se  dicerent  ad 
praesidia  deducenda  venisse,  ut  liberi  Epirotae  sicut 
Macedones  essent,  denos  principes  ex  singulis  evo- 
ca\-it  ci\'itatibus :   quibus  cum  denuntiasset  ut  aunim 

^  et  textilium  Madvig  :   ex  tilium  V. 
2  Pellaeum  Heraeus  :   paeleum  V. 
^  suo  JIadvig  :   suos  T. 


A  similar  triumphal  display  is  recorded  in  XX^^.  xxi. 
(from  SjTacusej ;  and  the  Romans'  interest  in  looted  art 


362 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIII.  5-XXXIV.  2 

the  crowd  which  came  were  no  more  drawn  to  the  b.c.  167 
stage  spectacle,  the  contests  of  men,  or  the  racmg  of 
the  horses,  than  to  the  collected  loot  of  Macedonia,  ^ 
set  out  on  exhibition,  sfafues,  paintings,  rare  stuffs, 
and  vessels  made  of  gold,  silver,  bronze  and  ivory, 
manufactured  with  great  pains  in  the  palace  at  Pella, 
so  as  to  serve  not  only  for  immediate  show,  as  did 
the  objects  with  which  the  palace  at  Alexandria  was 
crammed,  but  for  continuous  use.^  This  booty  was 
loaded  on  the  fleet  and  given  to  Gnaeus  Octavius  to 
transport  to  Rome. 

After  a  courteous  farewell  to  the  delegates,  Paulus 
crossed  the  Strymon  and  pitched  camp  a  mile  from 
Amphipolis ;  thence  he  set  out  for  Pella  and  arrived 
on  the  fifth  day.  Passing  by  the  city  to  what  is 
called  the  Pellaeum,  he  halted  for  two  days,  and  sent 
his  son  Quintus  Maximus  and  Publius  Nasica  with  a 
portion  of  the  troops  to  ravage  Illyrians  who  had 
helped  Perseus  in  the  war,  ordering  the  expedition  to 
meet  him  at  Oricum ;  the  consul  himself  made  for 
Epirus  and  reached  Passaron  on  the  fifteenth  day. 

XXXIV.  Not  far  from  here  was  the  camp  of 
Anicius.  Paulus  sent  him  despatches,  so  that  there 
should  be  no  disturbance  over  what  was  about  to 
take  place,  saying  that  the  senate  had  granted  to 
Paulus'  army  the  booty  from  those  cities  of  Epirus 
which  had  deserted  to  Perseus.  The  consul  sent 
centurions  to  the  several  cities,  who  were  to  say 
that  they  had  come  to  remove  the  garrisons  so  that 
the  people  of  Epirus  might  be  free  like  the  Mace- 
donians ;  ten  leading  men  from  each  city  were 
summoned  to  the  consul.     These  men  were  instructed 

is  expressed  in  XXXII.  xvi.  17  (Chalcis)  and  XXXVIII.  ix.  13 
(Ambracia). 

363 


LRT 

atque  argentum  in  publicum  proferretur,  per  onines 

3  ci\-itates  cohortes  diniisit.  Ante  in  ulteriores  quam 
in  propiores  profecti.  ut  uno  die  in  omnes  perveni- 

4  retur.  Edita  tribunis  centurionibusque  erant,  quae 
agerentur.  Mane  omne  aurum  argentumque  con- 
latum ;     hora    quarta   signum   ad   diripiendas   urbes 

5  datum  est  militibus ;.  tantaque  praeda  fuit,  ut  in 
equitem  quadringeni  denarii,  peditibus  duceni 
dividerentur,    centum    quinquaginta    milia    capitum 

6  humanorum  abducerentur.  Muri  deinde  direptarum 
urbium  diruti  sunt ;  ea  fuere  oppida  circa  septuaginta . 
Vendita  praeda  omnis.  inde  ^  ea  summa  militi 
numerata  est. 

7  Paulus  ad  mare  Oricum  descendit  nequaquam.  ut 
ratus  erat.  expletis  militum  animis,.  qui,  tamquam 
nullum    in    Macedonia    gessissent    bellum,    expertis 

8  regiae  praedae  esse  indignabantur.  Orici  cum 
missas  cum  Scipione  Nasica  Maximoque  filio  copias 
invenisset,    exercitu    in   naves    imposito    in    Italiam 

9  traiecit.  Et  post  paucos  dies  Anicius  conventu 
reliquorum  Epirotarum  Acarnanumque  acto  iussisque 
in  Italiam  sequi  principibus,  quorum  cognitionem 
causae  senatui  ^  reservarat,  et  ipse  na\*ibus  expectatis, 
quibus  usus  Macedonicus  exercitus  erat,  in  Italiam 
traiecit. 

^  omnis,  inde  Madvvj  :   omni  unde  V. 
2  sensitm  add.  Duker  :   om.  V. 


1  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxix.  3,  says  that  only  11  drachmas  per 
soldier  ^ere  realized,  that  is,  about  13  denarii;  this  would 
explain  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  soldiers  mentioned  below, 

364 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIV.  2-9 

to  have  the  gold  and  silver  collected  at  the  civic  b.c.  16< 
centre.  Then  cohorts  were  sent  to  all  the  cities, 
those  bound  for  the  more  distant  leaving  before  those 
for  the  nearer,  so  that  they  would  arrive  at  all  the 
towns  on  the  same  day.  The  tribunes  and  centurions 
had  been  instructed  as  to  their  mission.  Early  in 
the  day  all  the  gold  and  silver  was  collected ;  at  the 
fourth  hour  the  soldiers  were  given  the  signal  to 
plunder  the  towns.  So  great  was  the  booty  that  a 
distribution  was  made  of  four  hundred  denarii  apiece 
to  the  cavalry,  and  two  hundred  apiece  to  the  in- 
fantry,^ and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  per- 
sons were  removed.  The  walls  of  the  plundered 
cities  were  destroyed ;  the  number  of  communities 
was  about  seventy.  All  the  booty  was  sold,  and  from 
the  proceeds  the  amounts  given  above  were  paid  to 
the  army. 

Paulus  went  down  to  the  sea  at  Oricum,  having  by 
no  means  met  the  expectations  of  the  soldiers,  as  he 
had  supposed  he  would ;  the  men  were  complaining 
that  they  had  no  share  in  the  booty  from  the  king, 
as  if  they  had  fought  no  campaign  in  Macedonia. 
On  finding  at  Oricum  the  troops  he  had  sent  with 
Scipio  Nasica  and  his  son  Maxiinus,  Paulus  embarked 
his  army  on  ships  and  crossed  to  Italy.  A  few  days 
later  Anicius,  after  waiting  for  the  ships  which  the 
army  of  Macedonia  had  used,  crossed  to  Italy,  first 
holding  an  assembly  of  the  remaining  Epirotes  and 
Acarnanians,  and  ordering  the  leaders,  judgment 
about  whom  he  had  reserved  for  the  senate,  to  follow 
him  to  Italy. 

but  implies  a  serious  and  improbable  miscalculation  on  the 
part  of  Paulus.  In  xxx.  1,  Plutarch  apologizes  for  Paulus  in 
respect  to  this  action,  which  is  charged  to  the  senate. 


10  Cum  haec  in  Macedonia  Epiroque  gesta  sunt, 
legati,  qui  cum  Attalo  ad  finiendum  bellum  inter 
Gallos   et  regem  Eumenem  missi   erant,  in  Asiam 

11  perv'enerant.^  Indutiis  per  hiemem  factis  et  Galli 
domos  abierant  et  rex  in  hiberna  concesserat  Per- 
gamum  gravique  morbo  aeger  fuerat.  Ver  primum 
eos  2  domo  excivit  ianique  Synnada  pervenerant  et 
Eumenes  ad  ^  Sardis  undique  exercitum  contraxerat. 

12  Ibi  Romani  cum  Solovettium,*  ducem  Gallorum, 
Synnadis  esse  comperissent  eo  proficisci  decreverunt 
ad  colloquium ;  Attains  ^  cum  eis  profectus,  sed 
castra  Gallorum  intrare  eum  non  placuit,  ne  animi 

13  ex  disceptatione  irritarentur.  P.  Licinius  consularis 
cum  ®  regulo  Gallorum  est  locutus  rettulitque  fero- 

14  ciorem  eum  deprecando  factum,  ut  mirum  videri 
possit  ^  inter  tam  opulentos  reges,  Antiochum 
Ptolemaeumque,  tantum  legatorum  Romanorum 
verba  valuisse  ut  extemplo  pacem  facerent,  apud 
Gallos  nullius  momenti  fuisse. 

XXXV.  Romam  primum  reges  captivi,  Perseus  et 

Gentius,  in  custodiam  cum  liberis  abducti,  dein  turba 

alia  captivorum,  tum  quibus   Macedonum  denunti- 

atum     erat     ut     Romam     venirent,     principumque 

2  Graeciae ;    nam   ii  ^   quoque   non   solum    praesentes 

1  pervenerant  Wesenherg  :   pervenerunt  T'. 

-  eos  Harant  :   ex  I'. 

3  et  Eumenes  ad  Madvig  :   cum  Eumenis  ab  V. 

•*  Solovettium  Madvig  :   et  Solovettium  F. 

'"  S}Tinadis  esse  comperissent  eo  proficisci  decreverunt  ad 
colloquium;   Attalus  J/ac?n^  :   synnadesad  locutusettalus  P^. 

^  cum  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

'  possit  Madvig  :  posset  V. 

8  ii  Bekker  :   Mi  V. 
366 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIV.  lo-xxxv.  2 

While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Macedonia  b.c.  167 
and  Epirus,  the  commissioners  who  had  been  sent 
with  Attains  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  between  the 
Galatians  and  King  Eumenes,  arrived  in  Asia.  A 
truce  had  been  declared  for  the  winter  ;  the  Galatians 
on  their  side  had  returned  to  their  homes,  and  the 
king  had  gone  into  winter-quarters  at  Pergamum 
and  was  ill  with  a  serious  disease.  Early  spring 
called  the  Galatians  into  the  field,  and  they  had  by 
this  time  reached  Synnada ;  Eumenes  had  mustered 
an  army  from  all  sides  at  Sardis.  At  that  city  the 
Romans  learned  that  Solovettius  the  Galatian  leader 
was  at  Synnada,  and  decided  to  go  there  to  confer 
with  him;  Attains  set  out  with  them,  but  it  was 
decided  that  he  should  not  enter  the  camp  of  the 
Galatians,  lest  tempers  be  lost  during  an  altercation. 
Publius  Licinius,  an  ex-consul,^  talked  with  the 
prince  of  the  Galatians  and  reported  that  he  had  been 
emboldened  by  the  appeal  to  him,  so  that  it  was 
occasion  for  wonder  that  the  words  of  Roman  envoys 
had  had  such  weight  with  those  prosperous  kings 
Antiochus  and  Ptolemy  that  they  at  once  made 
peace,  whereas  with  the  Galatians  Roman  words 
were  without  effect. 

XXXV.  In  Rome  first  the  captive  kings,  Perseus 
and  Gentius,  were  placed  in  custody  with  their 
children,  next  the  horde  of  other  prisoners,  and  after 
them  the  Macedonians  who  had  been  ordered  to 
come  to  Rome,  and  the  leaders  of  Greece,  for  these 
men  too  had  not  only  been  summoned  when  at  home, 

^  Head  of  this  embassy  (Polybius  XXX.  3)  and  consul  4 
years  before,  XLII.  xxix.  1.  Polybius  implies  that  the 
embassy  was  not  really  meant  to  restrain  the  Galatians,  as 
shown  by  the  actual  results. 

367 


LIVY 

exciti  erant,  sed  etiam,  si  qui  apud  reges  esse  dice- 

3  bantur,  litteris  arcessiti  sunt.  Paulus  ipse  post  dies 
paucos  regia  nave  ingentis  magnitudinis,  quam 
sedecim  versus  remorum  agebant,  ornata  Mace- 
donieis  spoliis  non  insignium  tantum  armorum,  sed 
etiam  regiorum  textilium,  adverse  Tiberi  ad  urbem 
est  subvectus,  completis  ripis  obviam  effusa  multi- 

4  tudine.  Paucos  post  dies  Anicius  et  Octa\T.us  classe 
sua  advecti,  Tribus  iis  omnibus  decretus  est  ab 
senatu  triumphus  mandatumque  Q.  Cassio  praetorl, 
cum  tribunis  plebis  ageret,  ex  auctoritate  patrum  ^ 
rogationem  ad  plebem  ferrent,  ut  iis,  quo  die  urbem 
triumphantes  inveherentur,  imperium  esset. 

5  Intacta  invidia  media  sunt ;  ad  summa  ferme 
tendit.  Xec  de  Anici  nee  de  Octa\i  triumpho 
dubitatum  est ;  Paulum,  cui  ipsi  quoque  se  comparare 

6  erubuissent,  obtrectatio  carpsit.  Antiqua  disciplina 
milites  habuerat ;  de  praeda  parcius,  quam  spe- 
raverant  ex  tantis  regiis  opibus,  dederat  nihil  re- 
licturis,  si  aviditati  indulgeretur,  quod  in  aerarium 

7  deferret.  Totus  Macedonicus  exercitus  imperatori 
iratus  neglegenter  erat  -  adfuturus  comitiis  ferendae 

8  legis.     Sed  eos   Ser.   Sulpicius   Galba,   qui  tribunus 

^  ageret,  ex  auctoritate  patrum  Duher  :  ex  auctoritate 
patruum  ageret  V. 

2  iratus  neglegenter  erat  Weissenhoni  :  ita  neglegenter  T  : 
erat  neglegenter  Fr. 

1  Polybius  XXX.  9,  gives  an  illustration  of  this  :  Polyaratus 

the  Rhodian  was  at  the  court  of  Ptolemy;  Popilius  ordered 
him  to  be  sent  to  Rome.  Ptolemy  sent  him  instead  to  Rhodes, 
but  Polyaratus  jumped  ship  at  Phaselis,  in  eastern  Lycia, 
and  again  at  Caunus;  then  he  took  refuge  at  Cibyra,  but 
was  finally  rounded  up  and  taken  to  Rome. 

2  Perhaps  the  one  left  to  Philip  bv  the  treatv  of  196  B.C. : 
XXXIII.  XXX.  5. 

368 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXV.  2-8 

but  if  any  of  them  were  reported  as  being  at  the  b. 
courts  of  the  kings,  they  had  also  been  sought  out  by 
letter.^  After  a  few  days,  Paulus  himself  sailed  up 
the  Tiber  to  the  city  in  a  royal  galley  of  immense 
size,  which  was  driven  by  sixteen  banks  of  oars,^  and 
decorated  with  the  spoils  of  Macedonia,  not  only 
splendid  armour,  but  also  royal  fabrics.  The  banks 
were  lined  with  the  crowd  which  had  poured  out  to 
welcome  him.  A  few  days  later  Anicius  and  Octavius 
arrived  aboard  their  fleet.  A  triumph  was  decreed 
to  all  three  commanders  by  the  senate,  and  Quintus 
Cassius  the  praetor  was  assigned  the  task  of  arranging 
with  the  tribunes  of  the  commons  that  they  should 
propose  to  the  commons,  on  motion  of  the  senate,  a 
resolution  that  the  commanders  should  keep  their 
authority  of  office  on  the  day  on  which  they  rode  into 
the  city  in  triumph. ^ 

Moderate  circumstances  are  unassailed  by  envy; 
that  passion  always  aims  at  the  heights.  There  was 
no  debate  over  the  triumphs  for  Anicius  and  Octavius  ; 
but  defamation  attacked  Paulus,  to  whom  the  others 
themselves  w^ould  have  blushed  to  compare  them- 
selves. He  had  held  the  soldiers  to  old-fashioned 
discipline  ;  he  had  given  them  less  of  the  booty  than 
they  had  hoped  for  from  such  lavish  royal  resources, 
though  had  he  given  rein  to  their  greed,  they  would 
have  left  nothing  to  be  deposited  in  the  public 
treasury.  The  whole  army  of  Macedonia,  angered 
at  their  general,  were  prepared  to  be  slack  in  attend- 
ing the  assembly  for  passing  the  law.  But  Servius 
Sulpicius  Galba,  who  had  been  nulitary  tribune  of  the 

3  A  similar  provision  for  Marcellus'  ovation  over  Syi'acuse 
is  recorded  in  XXVI.  xxi.  5.  For  the  voting  of  a  triuimpli 
over  the  refusal  of  the  senate,  see  III.  Ixiii.  8-1 1  and  the  note. 


LIVY 

militum  secundae  legionis  in  Macedonia  fuerat, 
privatim  imperatori  inimicus,  prensando  ipse  et  per 
suae  legionis  milites  sollicitando  stimulaverat,  ut 
9  frequentes  ad  suffragium  adessent.  Imperiosuni 
ducem  et  malignuni  antiquando  rogationem,  quae 
de  triumpho  eius  ferretur,  ulciscerentur.  Plebem 
urbanam  secuturam  esse  militum  iudicia.  Pecuniam 
ilium  dare  non  potuisse ;  militem  honorem  dare 
posse.  Xe  speraret  ibi  fructum  gratiae,  ubi  non 
meruisset. 

XXXVI.  His  incitatis  cum  in  Capitolio  rogationem 
eam  Ti.  Sempronius  tribunus  plebis  ferret  et  privatis 
de  ^  lege  dicendi  locus  esset  et  ^  ad  suadendum,  ut  in 

2  re  minime  dubia,  baud  quisquam  procederet,  Ser. 
Galba  repente  processit  et  a  tribunis  postula\it  ut, 
quoniam  hora  iam  octava  diei  esset,  nee  satis  tem- 
poris  ad  demonstrandum  haberet,  cur  L.  Aemilium 
non  iuberent  ^  triumphare,  in  posterum  diem  difFer- 
rent  et  mane  eam  rem  agerent :    integro  sibi  die  ad 

3  causam  eam  orandam  opus  esse.  Cum  tribuni 
dicere  eo  die,  si  quid  vellet,  iuberent,^  in  noctem  rem 
dicendo  extraxit  referendo  admonendoque  exacta 
acerbe  munia  militiae ;  plus  laboris,  plus  periculi, 
quam  desiderasset  res,  iniunctum  ;  contra  in  praemiis, 

4  in  honoribus  omnia  artata ;  militiamque,  si  talibus 
succedat    ducibus,    horridiorem    asperioremque    bel- 

1  de  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  om.  T'. 

2  et  add.  Madvig  :   om.  V. 


iuberent  Hertz  :  iuberet  T' 


370 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXV.  8-xxxvi.  4 

second  legion  in  Macedonia,  and  was  personally  b.c.  167 
hostile  to  the  general,  had  egged  on  the  men  to 
appear  for  voting  in  full  numbers,  by  buttonholing 
the  men  himself  and  urging  them  through  the  soldiers 
of  his  legion.  Let  them,  said  Sulpicius,  avenge 
themselves  on  their  domineering  and  stingy  leader 
by  voting  down  the  proposal  concerning  his  triumph ; 
the  city  commons  would  follow  the  opinion  of  the 
soldiers.  Paulus  had  been  unable  to  give  them 
money ;  but  the  rank  and  file  were  able  to  award 
honours.  Let  him  not  look  for  a  harvest  of  gratitude 
where  he  had  not  earned  it. 

XXXVL  Such  was  the  urging  of  Sulpicius.  When 
Titus  Sempronius,  tribune  of  the  commons,  pro- 
posed this  resolution  on  the  Capitol,  and  opportunity 
was  given  to  citizens  to  speak  concerning  the  law, 
hardly  anyone  came  forward  to  urge  passage,  since 
the  case  seemed  quite  clear.  Suddenly  Servius 
Galba  came  forward  and  asked  of  the  tribunes,  inas- 
much as  it  was  now  the  eighth  hour  of  the  day,  and 
time  would  not  serve  for  him  to  show  cause  why 
they  should  not  allow  Lucius  Aemilius  to  celebrate  a 
triumph,  that  they  should  adjourn  to  the  following 
day,  and  bring  the  matter  up  early,  because  he  need- 
ed a  full  day  to  present  his  arguments.  When  the 
tribunes  ordered  him  to  say  what  he  wished  on  that 
day,  he  prolonged  the  meeting  till  nightfall  with  his 
speaking,  recalling  and  reminding  them  of  the  harsh 
enforcement  of  military  duties ;  more  toil  and  more 
danger  had  been  imposed,  he  said,  than  the  situation 
demanded ;  on  the  other  hand,  rewards  and  honours 
had  been  without  exception  restricted ;  and  military 
service,  if  success  attended  this  sort  of  leadership, 
would  be  more  dreadful  and  full  of  hardships  in  war- 

371 


LIVY 

lantibus,^    eandeni    victoribus    inopeni    atque    inho- 
noratam   futuram.     Macedonas   in   nieliore   fortuna 

5  quam  milites  Romanos  esse.  Si  frequentes  postero 
die  ad  legem  antiquandam  adessent,  intellecturos 
potentis  \'iros  non  omnia  in  ducis,  aliquid  et  in 
militum  manu  esse. 

6  His  vocibus  incitati  postero  die  milites  tanta  fre- 
quentia    Capitolium    compleverunt,    ut    aditus    nulli 

7  praeterea  ad  suffragium  ferendum  esset.  Intro 
vocatae  primae  tribus  cum  antiquarent,  concursus  in 
Capitolium  principum  ci\'itatis  factus  est,  indignum 
facinus    esse    clamitantium    L.    Paulum    tanti    belli 

8  victorem  despoliari  ^  triumpho  ;  obnoxios  imperatores 
tradi  licentiae  atque  avaritiae  militari.  lam  nunc 
nimis  saepe  per  ^  ambitionem  peccari ;  quid,  si 
domini  milites  imperatoribus  imponantur  ?  in  Galbam 
pro  se  quisque  probra  ingerere. 

9  Tandem  hoc  tumultu  sedato  M.  Servilius,  qui 
consul  et  magister  equitum  fuerat,  ut  de  integro  eam 
rem  ^    agerent   ab   tribunis   petere,   dicendique   sibi 

10  ad  populum  potestatem  facerent.  Tribuni  cum  ad 
deliberandum  secessissent,  victi  auctoritatibus  princi- 
pum de  integro  agere  coeperunt  revocaturosque  se 
easdem  tribus  pronuntiarunt,  si  M.  Ser^-ilius  aliique 
privati,  qui  dicere  vellent,  dixissent. 

^  asperioremque  bellantibus  Fr  :   asperiorein  vellentibus  V. 
2  despoliari  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   dispoliari  V. 
^  militari.     lam  nunc  nimis  saepe  per  Jacobs  :    militari- 
inmionimisseper  T'. 

*  rem  add.  Fr  :   om.  T\ 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXVI.  4-10 

time,  and  after  victory  would  moreover  be  left  with-  b.c.  167 
out  funds  or  honours.  The  fate  of  the  Macedonians 
was  preferable,  said  Galba,  to  that  of  the  Roman 
soldiers.  If  they  turned  out  in  large  numbers  on  the 
next  day  to  reject  the  law,  men  with  authority  would 
be  made  aware  that  not  everything  was  under  the 
control  of  the  leader,  but  something  also  under  that 
of  the  soldiers. 

Roused  by  these  utterances,  the  soldiers  next  day 
filled  the  Capitol  with  such  a  crowd  that  no  one  else 
could  approach  to  cast  his  vote.  When  the  first 
tribes  ^  called  A\dthin  the  enclosure  voted  against  the 
law,  the  leaders  of  the  state  hastened  to  gather  on 
the  Capitol,  crying  out  that  it  was  an  unworthy 
action  to  rob  Lucius  Paulus  of  his  triumph  when  he 
had  won  so  great  a  war ;  the  generals  were  being 
helplessly  subjected  to  the  insubordination  and 
greed  of  their  men.  Even  now  ^\Tong  action  was  all 
too  often  taken  for  the  sake  of  currying  favour; 
what  would  happen  if  soldiers  were  made  the  masters 
of  their  generals  ?  Each  man  hurled  reproaches  on 
his  o^\^l  score  against  Galba. 

When  this  uproar  had  at  last  been  calmed,  Marcus 
Servilius,  who  had  been  consul  and  master  of  the 
horse,  requested  of  the  tribunes  that  they  should  con- 
duct this  balloting  anew,  and  give  him  an  opportunity 
to  speak  to  the  people.  After  the  tribunes  had 
retired  to  consider  the  proposal,  overborne  by  the 
influence  of  the  leading  men,  they  began  to  repeat 
the  proceedings,  and  announced  that  they  would  call 
the  same  tribes  again,  once  Marcus  Servilius  and 
other  citizens  who  wished  to  speak,  had  had  their  say. 

^  Plutarch  Aemilius  xxxi.  1  says  that  the  vote  of  the  first 
tribe  gave  the  signal  for  the  protest  of  the  senators. 

373 


A.u.c.  XXXVII.  Turn   Servilius  :  ^     "  quantus   imperator 

L.  Aemilius  fuerit.  Quirites,  si  ex  alia  re  nulla 
aestimari  posset,-  vel  hoc  satis  erat  quod,  cum  tarn 
seditiosos  et  leves  milites,  tarn  nobilern,  tam  temera- 
rium,  tam  eloquentem  ad  instigandam  multitudinem 
inimicum  in  castris  haberet,  nullam  in  exercitu  sedi- 

2  tionem  habuit.  Eadem  severitas  imperii,  quam 
nunc  oderunt,  turn  ^  eos  continuit.  Itaque  antiqua 
discipHna  habiti  neque  dixerunt  seditiose  quicquam 
neque  *  fecerunt. 

3  "  Servius  quidem  Galba,  si  in  L.  Paulo  accusando 
tirocinium  ponere  et  documentum  eloquentiae  dare 
voluit,   non   triumphum  inipedire   debuit,   quem,  si 

4  nihil  aliud,  senatus  iustum  esse  iudicaverat,  sed 
postero  die  quam  triumphatum  esset,^  privatum  eum 
cum  ^  \-isurus  esset,  nomen  deferret  et  legibus  inter- 
rogaret ;  aut  serius  paulo,  cum  primum  magistratum  "^ 
ipse    cepisset,    diem    diceret    inimico    et    eum    ad  ^ 

5  populum  accusaret.  Ita  et  pretium  recte  facti 
triumphum  haberet  L.  Paulus  pro  egregie  belle 
gesto  et  poenam,  si  quid  et  vetere  gloria  sua  et  nova 
indignum  fecisset. 

^  Turn  Servilius  add.  Fr  :    o??k  V. 
2  posset  JIadvig  :   possit  T'. 
^  turn  Weissenborn  :    ut  I'. 

*  habiti  neque  dixerunt  seditiose  quicquam  neque  Vahlen ; 
habita  neque  V. 

^  esset  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  est  V. 
^  cum  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius,  Wesenherg  :   om.  V. 
'  magistratum  Kreyssig  :   magistratus  V. 
^  et  eum  ad  Madvig  :  cum  ad  F. 

374 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXVII.  1-5 

XXXVII.  Then  Servilius  said:  "  If  it  were  im- b.c.  167 
possible,  fellow-citizens,- to  determine  from  anything 
else  how  great  a  general  Lucius  Aemilius  has  shown 
himself  to  be  this  one  criterion  would  have  sufficed 
— that  although  he  had  in  camp  such  mutinous  and 
unreliable  soldiers,  as  well  as  a  personal  enemy  of 
such  high  rank,  so  rash,  and  so  eloquent  a  rabble- 
rouser,  yet  Paulus  had  no  breach  of  discipline  in  his 
army.  The  same  strictness  of  command  which 
now  they  hate  at  that  time  restrained  them.  Con- 
sequently, being  kept  under  old-fashioned  discipline, 
they  neither  said  nor  did  anything  mutinous. 

"  As  for  Servius  Galba,  if  he  wished  by  accusing 
Lucius  Paulus  to  put  his  apprenticeship  behind  him 
and  offer  proof  of  his  skill  as  an  orator,^  he  should 
not  have  interfered  with  the  triumph,  which  the 
senate  had  adjudged  to  be  proper,  to  say  nothing  of 
other  considerations.  Rather  on  the  day  after  the 
triumph  was  celebrated,  when  he  would  see  Paulus 
a  private  citizen,  he  should  bring  accusation  and 
question  him  according  to  law ,2  or  a  little  later, 
when  Galba  entered  upon  his  first  public  office,  he 
should  summon  his  enemy  to  trial  and  accuse  him 
before  the  people.  Thus  there  would  accrue  to 
Lucius  Paulus  not  only  the  triumph  which  is  the 
due  reward  for  his  success  in  gloriously  conducting 
the  war,  but  also  punishment,  if  he  had  done 
anything  unworthy  of  his  laurels,  both  new  and 
old. 

1  Galba  became  a  noted  orator,  cf.  Cicero,  Brutus  xxi.  82 
and  xxii.  86. 

2  This  latter  refers  to  an  arraignment  of  the  accused,  at 
which  the  "  question  "  was  whether  he  pleaded  guilty  or  not 
guilty. 

375 


6  "  Sed  videlicet,  cui  nullum^  crimen,  nullum  pro- 
brum  dicere  poterat,  eius  obtrectare  laudes  voluit. 
Diem  integrum  hesterno  die  ad  -  accusandum  L. 
Paulum  petit ;    quattuor  horas,  quantum  supererat 

7  diei,  dicendo  absumpsit.  Quis  umquam  tain  nocens 
reus  fuit;  cuius  \'itia  vitae  tot  horis  expromi  non 
possent :   quid  interim  obiecit,   quod  L.   Paulus,  si 

8  causam  dicat,  negatum  velit :  Duas  mihi  aliquis 
contiones  parumper  faciat,  unam  militum  Mace- 
donicorum,  puram  alteram  et  ^  integrioris  iudicii  a 
favore  et  odio,  universi  populi  Romani.* 

Apud  contionem  togatam  et  urbanam  prius  reus 

9  agatur.  Quid  apud  Quirites  Romanos,  Ser.  Galba, 
diceres  ?  Ilia  enim  tibi  tota  abscisa  oratio  esset  '  in 
statione  severius  et  intentius  stetisti ;  ^  \-igiliae 
acerbius  et  diligentius  circumitae  sunt ;  operis  plus 
quam  antea  fecisti,  cum  ipse  imperator  ut  ^  exactor 
circumiret :    eodem  die  et  iter  fecisti  et  in  aciem  ex 

10  itinere  existi ;  ne  "^  \-ictorem  quidem  te  adquiescere 
passus  est :  statim  ad  persequendos  hostes  duxit. 
Cum  te  praeda  partienda  locupletem  facere  posset, 
pecuniam  regiam  translaturus  in  triumpho  est  et  in 

11  aerarium  laturus.'  Haec  sicut  ad  militum  animos 
stimulandos  aliquem  aculeum  habent,  qui  parum 
licentiae,  parum  avaritiae  suae  inser\-itum  censent, 

^  nullum  add.  Xovak  :   om.  V. 

-  ad  add.  Vascosanus  :   om.  V. 

^  et  hie  jjosait  H.  J.  Mueller  :   post  iudicii  V.  

*  universi  populi  Romani  Madvig  :   uniuersisiiid.  c.  pr.  V. 

'"  stetisti  Madvig  :   institisti  T'. 

^  ut  Weissenhorn  :  et  V. 

'  existi :  ne  add.  Heraeus  :  om.  V. 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXVII.  6-11 

"  But,  if  you  please,  Galba  wished  to  tarnish  the  b.c.  167 
praises  of  the  man  to  whom  he  could  ascribe  no  crime» 
no  guilt.  Yesterday  he  asked  for  a  full  day  in  which 
to  accuse  Lucius  Paulus ;  actually  he  squandered  in 
speaking  four  hours,  all  that  was  left  of  the  day. 
What  defendant  was  ever  so  guilty  that  the  faults  in 
his  life  could  not  be  expounded  in  all  those  hours? 
What  did  Galba  say  in  this  time  which  Lucius  Paulus 
would  want  to  deny,  if  he  were  on  trial  ?  Let  some- 
one, pray,  call  two  meetings  for  a  moment,  one  of  the 
army  of  Macedonia,  the  other  unprejudiced  and  of 
judgment  less  impaired  by  partisanship  or  hate,  a 
meeting  of  the  whole  Roman  people. 

"  Let  the  defendant  be  brought  first  before  the 
meeting  in  mufti — the  civihans.  What  would  you 
say  before  the  citizen-body  of  Rome,  Servius  Galba  ? 
For  all  your  speech  of  yesterday  would  be  cut  short : 
'  You  were  posted  on  guard  too  strictly  and  watch- 
fully ;  the  sentries  were  inspected  too  severely  and 
too  frequently ;  you  got  more  work  done  than  for- 
merly, because  the  general  himself  was  going  the 
rounds  to  see  that  it  was  done ;  on  the  same  day 
you  made  a  march  and  went  from  the  march  out  to 
battle ;  ^  even  when  you  had  won  the  battle  he  did 
not  let  you  rest — ^he  led  you  at  once  in  pursuit  of  the 
enemy.  Although  he  might  have  made  you  rich  by 
dividing  the  spoil,  he  is  planning  to  carry  the  royal 
treasure  in  his  triumph  and  deposit  it  in  the  treasury.' 
These  statements,  though  they  have  a  certain  sting 
to  provoke  the  temper  of  the  soldiers,  who  think  that 
Paulus  has  catered  too  little  to  their  lack  of  discipHne 
and  their  greed,  would  just  as  surely  have  had  no 

1  Actually  the  soldiers  had  called  for  battle,  and  Paulus 
had  refused  it,  XLIV.  xxxvi.  3. 

377 


A.U.C. 


12  ita  apud  populuni  Ronianum  nihil  valuissent,  qui,  ut 
Vetera  atque  audita  a  parentibus  suis  non  repetat, 
quae  ambitione  imperatorum  clades  acceptae  sint, 
quae  severitate  imperii  victoriae  partae,  proximo 
certe  Punico  bello,  quid  inter  M.  Minucium  magi- 
strum  equitum  et  Q.  Fabium  Maximum  dictatorem 

13  interfuerit,  meminit.  Itaque  apparuisset  neque  ^ 
accusatorem  hiscere  potuisse  et  supervacaneam 
defensionem  ^  Pauli  fuisse. 

14  "  Transeatur  ad  alteram  contionem ;  nee  Quirites 
vos,  sed  milites  videor  appellaturus,  si  nomen  hoc 
saltem  ruborem  incutere  et  verecundiam  aliquam 
imperatoris  violandi  adferre  possit. 

XXXVIII.  "  Equidem  ipse  aliter  adfectus  animo 
sum,  qui  apud  exercitum  mihi  loqui  videar,  quam 
paulo  ante  eram,  cum  ad  plebem  urbanam  spectabat 

2  oratio.  Quid  enim  ^  dicitis,  milites  ?  aliquis  est 
Romae,  praeter  Persea,  qui  triumphari  de  Mace- 
donibus  nolit,  et  eum  non  isdem  manibus  discerpitis, 
quibus  Macedonas  vicistis  ?  Vincere  vos  pro- 
hibuisset,  si  potuisset,  qui  triumphantis  urbem  inire 

3  prohibet.  Erratis,  milites,  si  triumphum  imperatoris 
tantum  et  non  militum  quoque   et  universi  populi 

4  Romani  esse  decus  censetis.  Non  unius  in  hoc 
Pauli  honos  agitur.* 

1  apparuisset  neque  add.  Vahlen  :   om.  V. 

2  hiscere  .  .  .  defensionem  Vahlen :  iscire  .  .  .  defensione 
V. 

^  enim  JIuretus  :   etiam  V. 


BOOK   XLV.  XXXVII.  ii-xxxviii.  4 

power  to  move  the  Roman  people ;  for  even  though  b.c.  16? 
the  people  should  not  recall  the  old  stories  which  they 
heard  from  their  fathers  of  disasters  suffered  because 
generals  courted  popularity,  and  of  victories  won  by 
strictness  of  command,  yet  the  people  surely  remem- 
ber the  late  Punic  War,  and  what  a  difference  there 
was  between  Marcus  Minucius  the  master  of  horse, 
and  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  the  dictator.  And  so 
it  would  have  been  clear  that  the  accuser  could  not 
open  his  mouth,  and  that  a  defence  of  Paulus  was 
superfluous. 

"  Let  us  pass  over  to  the  other  meeting;  and  I 
think  I  will  not  address  you  as  'Citizens,'  but  as 
'  Soldiers,'  in  case  this  title  may  at  least  bring  a 
blush  to  your  cheeks,  and  instill  some  scruple  against 
maltreating  your  general. 

XXXVIII.  "  Indeed  the  state  of  my  own  feelings 
is  different,  when  I  picture  myself  speaking  before 
the  army,  than  it  was  previously,  when  my  speech 
was  directed  toward  the  people  of  the  city.  For 
what  do  you  mean,  soldiers  ?  Is  there  anyone  in 
Rome  except  Perseus  who  does  not  w^ant  the 
triumph  over  Macedonia  to  be  celebrated  ?  And  are 
you  not  ready  to  tear  such  an  objector  to  pieces 
with  the  same  hands  with  which  you  conquered  the 
Macedonians  ?  He  who  prevents  you  from  entering 
the  city  in  triumph  would  have  prevented  you  from 
winning  the  victory,  had  he  been  able.  You  are 
wrong,  soldiers,  if  you  suppose  that  a  triumph  is  an 
honour  only  to  the  general,  and  not  also  to  the  soldiers 
and  to  the  Roman  People  as  a  whole.  It  is  not  the 
glory  of  Paulus  alone  which  is  at  stake  in  this  matter. 

*  honos  agitur  add  Madvig  :  om.  V, 

379 


LI\T 

"  Multi  etiam,  qui  ab  senatu  non  impetrarunt 
triumphum,  in  monte  Albano  triumpharunt ;  nemo 
L.  Paulo  niagis  eripere  decus  perfecti  belli  Mace- 
donici  potest  quam  C.  Lutatio  primi  Punici  belli, 
quam  P.  Cornelio  secundi,  quam  illis,  qui  post  eos  ^ 

5  triumphaverant ;  nee  L.  Paulum  minorem  aut 
maiorem  imperatorem  triumphus  faciet ;  militum 
magls  in  hoc  universique  populi  Romani  fama  agitur, 

6  primum  ne  invidiae  et  ingrati  animi  adversus  clarissi- 
mum  quemque  civem  opinionem  habeat  et  imitari 
in    hoc    populum    Atheniensem    lacerantem    in\-idia 

7  principes  suos  \ideatur.  Satis  peccatum  in  Camillo  a 
maioribus  vestris  est.  quern  tamen  ante  receptam  per 
eum  a  Gallis  urbem  \'iolarunt ;  satis  nuper  a  ^  vobis 
in  P.  Africano,  Literni  domicilium  et  sedem  fuisse 
domitoris    Africae,    Literni   sepulcrum   ostendi   eru- 

8  bescamus.  Gloria  sit  ^  par  illis  viris  L.  Paulus,  iniuria 
vestra  ne  exaequetur.* 

"  Haec  igitur  primum  infamia  deleatur,  foeda  apud 

9  alias  gentes,  damnosa  apud  nostros.  Quis  enim  aut 
Africani  aut  Pauli  similis   esse  in  tam  ■'  ingrata  et 

10  inimica  bonis  ciWtate  velit  ?  si  infamia, nulla  esset  et 
de  gloria  tantum  ageretur,  qui  tandem  triumphus  non 

11  communem   nominis    Romani    gloriam   habet?     Tot 
de  Gallis  triumphi,  tot  de  Hispanis,  tot  de  Poenis 

1  illis,  qui  post  eos  Sigonius  :  illi  qui  V. 
-  nuper  a  JIadvig  :   insuper  V. 

2  sit  Madvig  :  sic  T'. 

*  ne  exaequetur  Madvig  :   exsequetur  V. 
'"  in  tam  add.  Bas  :   om.  V. 


1  Cf.  XXXVni.  liii.  8  and  Ivi.  3,  where  Livy  says  he  is 
following  Valerius  Antias. 

380 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXVIII.  4-11 

"  Furthermore,  many  who  did  not  secure  a  triumph  b.c.  167 
from  the  senate  celebrated  their  triumph  on  the 
Alban  Mount.  No  one  can  deprive  Lucius  Paulus 
of  the  glory  of  bringing  the  Macedonian  war  to  an 
end  any  more  than  he  can  deprive  Gains  Lutatius 
of  credit  for  the  First  Punic  War,  or  Publius  Cornelius 
of  that  for  the  Second,  or  the  others  who  have  more 
recently  celebrated  triumphs.  A  triumph  will  make 
Lucius  Paulus  neither  greater  nor  less  as  a  general ; 
rather  it  is  the  reputation  of  the  soldiers  and  that  of 
the  Roman  People  as  a  whole  which  is  at  stake  in  this 
matter,  in  the  first  place  that  Rome  may  not  gain  a 
reputation  for  a  jealous  and  ungrateful  spirit  toward 
her  most  distinguished  citizens,  and  seem  in  this 
respect  to  be  imitating  the  people  of  Athens  who  in 
their  envy  buffet  their  leading  men.  Enough  of  a 
crime  was  committed  by  your  ancestors  against 
Camillus — though  they  wronged  him  before  his  re- 
covery of  the  city  from  the  Gauls  ;  enough  was  done 
by  yourselves  against  Publius  Africanus.  Let  us 
blush  that  the  home  and  abode  of  the  conqueror  of 
Africa  was  at  Liternum,  and  that  it  is  at  Liternum 
that  his  tomb  is  displayed.^  Let  Lucius  Paulus  rival 
these  men  in  glory,  but  let  him  not  be  their  equal  in 
suffering  injustice  at  your  hands. 

"Let  therefore  this  disgrace  be  in  the  first  place 
blotted  out — a  disgrace  odious  before  other  peoples, 
and  harmful  to  ourselves.  For  who  would  want  to 
emulate  either  Africanus  or  Paulus  in  a  city  so  un- 
grateful and  so  hostile  to  excellence  ?  If  there  were 
no  question  of  disgrace,  and  only  glory  were  at  stake, 
what  possible  triumph  does  not  embody  the  glory  of 
the  Roman  name  which  we  all  share  ?  Are  the  many 
triumphs  which  have  been  celebrated  over  the  Gauls, 

381 


LRT 

A.r.c.  ipsorum    tantum    imperatorum    an    populi    Romani 

^*'  dicuntur?     Quemadmodum    non    de    Pyrrho    modo 

nee  de  Hannibale,  sed  de  Epirotis  Carthaginiensi- 

busque  ^    triumphi    acti    sunt,    sic    non    M'.    Curius 

tantum  nee  P.  Cornelius,  sed  Romani  triumpharunt. 

12  Militum  quidem  propria  est  causa,  qui  et  ipsi  laureati 
et  quisque  donis,  quibus  donati  sunt,  insignes  Trium- 
phum     nomine     cientes  ^     suasque     et    imperatoris 

13  laudes  canentes  per  urbem  incedunt.  Si  quando 
non  deportati  ex  pro\incia  milites  ad  triumphum 
sunt,^  fremunt ;  et  tamen  turn  *  quoque  se  absentis, 
quod    suis    manibus    parta    victoria    sit,    triumphare 

14  credunt.  Si  quis  vos  interroget,  milites,  ad  quam 
rem  in  Italiam  deportati  et  non  statim  confecta  pro- 
\incia  dimissi  sitis,  quid  Romam  frequentes  sub  signis 
veneritis,  quid  moremini  hie  et  non  diversi  domos 
quisque  abeatis  vestras,  quid  aliud.  respondeatis, 
quam  vos  triumphantis  videri  velle  ?  Vos  certe 
victores  conspici  velle  debebatis. 

XXXIX.  "  Triumphatum      nuper      de      Philippo, 

patre  huius,  et  de  Antiocho  est;    ambo  regnabant, 

cum  de  iis  ^  triumphatum  est.     De  Perseo  capto,  in 

urbem    cum   liberis    adducto  ^   non   triumphabitur  ? 

2  Quodsi    in    curru    scandentis     Capitolium,     auratos 

^  Carthagiuiensibusque  Fr  :    Carthaginiensibus    et    Mace- 
donibus  V. 

-  cientes  Madvig  :   cient  T\ 

^  sunt  Madvig  :  sint  V. 

•*  turn  Gruter  :   suum  V. 

^  iis  Kreyssig  :   his  V. 

^  adducto  Perizonius  :   abducto  V. 


^  There  is  a  reference  to  the  victory  of  Curius  in  Summary 
XIV;   Scipio's  triumph  is  mentioned  in  XXX.  xlv. 

382 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXVIII.  ii-xxxix.  2 

over  the  Spaniards,  over  the  Carthaginians  spoken  of  b.c.  167 
as  pertaining  merely  to  the  generals  themselves,  or 
to  the  Roman  People  ?  Just  as  triumphs  are  cele- 
brated, not  merely  over  Pyrrhus  or  Hannibal,  but 
over  the  people  of  Epirus  or  Carthage,  so  not  Manius 
Curius  or  Publius  Cornelius  alone, ^  but  the  Romans 
celebrated  the  triumph.  Soldiers  indeed  are  directly 
interested  in  the  matter,  for  they  too  are  crowned 
with  laurel,  while  each  man  is  adorned  with  the 
decorations  he  has  been  given ;  they  parade  through 
the  city  invoking  the  spirit  of  Triumph  by  name  and 
singing  their  own  praises  and  those  of  their  general. 
If  on  some  occasion  the  soldiers  are  not  brought  back 
from  the  field  for  the  triumph,  they  grumble  ;  and  yet 
even  on  such  an  occasion  they  believe  that  they  are 
included  in  the  triumph,  though  absent,  because  the 
victory  has  been  won  by  their  hands.  If  someone 
should  ask  you,  soldiers,  for  what  purpose  you  were 
transported  to  Italy,  and  were  not  dismissed  at  once 
when  your  mission  had  been  completed,  if  he  should 
ask  why  you  had  come  to  Rome  in  complete  military 
units,  why  you  were  lingering  here  and  were  not 
dispersing,  each  to  his  own  home,  what  would  you 
answer  but  that  you  wished  to  be  seen  celebrating 
your  triumph?  Certainly  you  yourselves  ought  to 
have  wanted  to  make  a  public  appearance  as 
conquerors. 

XXXIX.  "  Triumphs  have  been  celebrated  in 
recent  years  over  Philip,  the  father  of  this  king,  and 
over  Antiochus ;  both  were  still  on  the  throne  when 
the  triumph  was  celebrated.  Shall  no  triumph  be 
celebrated  over  Perseus,  who  was  taken  prisoner  and 
brought  with  his  children  to  Rome  ?  Nay,  if  while 
the  other  commanders  were  mounting  the  Capitol  in 

383 


LIVY 

purpuratosque,  ex  inferiore  loco  L.  Paulus  in  turba 
togatoruni  unus  privatus  interroget  '  L.  Anici,  Cn. 
Octavi,  utrum  vos  digniores  triumpho  esse  an  me 
censetis  ?  '  curru  ei  cessuri  et  ^  prae  pudore  videntur 

3  insignia  ipsi  sua  tradituri.  Et  vos  Gentium  quam 
Persea  duci  in  triumpho  mavoltis,  Quirites,  et  de 
accessione  potius  belli  quam  de  bello  triumphari? 

4  Et  legiones  ex  Illyrico  laureatae  urbem  inibunt  et 
navales  socii ;  Macedonicae  legiones  suo  abrogate 
triumphos  alienos  spectabunt  ?  Quid  deinde  tam 
opima  praeda,2  tam  opulentae  victoriae  spoliis  fiet  ? 

5  quonam  abdentur  ilia  tot  milia  armorum  detracta 
corporibus  hostium  ?  an  in  Macedoniam  remittentur  ? 
quo  signa  aurea,  marmorea,  eburnea,  tabulae  pictae, 
textilia,  tantum  argenti  caelati,  tantum  auri,  tanta 

G  pecunia  regia  ?  an  noctu  tamquam  furtiva  in  aerarium 
deportabuntur ?  quid?  illud  spectaeulum  maximum, 
nobilissimus     opulentissimusque     rex     captus,     ubi 

7  victori  populo  ostendetur :  ^  Quos  Syphax  rex 
captus,  accessio  Punici  belli,  concursus  fecerit, 
plerique  meminimus.  Perseus  rex  captus,  Philippus 
et  Alexander,  filii  regis,  tanta  nomina,  subtrahentur 

8  civitatis  oculis  ?  Ipsum  L.  Paulum,  bis  consulem,  do- 
mitorem  Graeciae,  omnium  oculi  conspicere  urbem 
curru  insredientem  avent ;   ad  hoc  fecimus  consulem. 


^  curru  ei  cessuri  et  Wachendorf :   currumice  suriest  V. 
2  opima  praeda  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   opimae  praedae  V. 
^  ostendetui'  Gruter  :   ostenditur  V, 


384 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIX.  2-8 

the  chariot,  arrayed  in  their  gold  and  purple,  from  b.c.  167 
below  them  Lucius  Paulus,  a  lone  citizen  in  the  crowd 
of  civilians,  should  ask  them,  '  Lucius  Anicius, 
Gnaeus  Octavius,  do  you  consider  yourselves  more 
worthy  of  a  triumph,  or  me  ?  '  they  would,  I  believe, 
yield  him  their  place  in  the  chariot  and  for  very  shame 
hand  their  regalia  over  to  him.  Do  you  prefer, 
fellow-citizens,  to  have  Gentius  rather  than  Perseus 
led  in  a  triumph,  and  the  celebration  to  be  made  for 
an  appendage  to  the  war  rather  than  for  the  war 
itself?  The  legions  from  Illyricum  will  also  enter  the 
city  crowned  with  laurel,  and  so  will  the  sailors  ;  shall 
the  legions  of  Macedonia  witness  the  triumphs  of 
others  after  their  own  has  been  cancelled?  What 
then  shall  become  of  so  kingly  a  booty,  of  the  spoils  of 
so  rich  a  victory  ?  What,  pray,  shall  be  the  hiding- 
place  for  all  those  thousand  sets  of  arms  stripped  from 
the  bodies  of  the  enemy  ?  Shall  they  be  sent  back 
to  Macedonia?  What  of  the  golden  statues,  the 
marbles,  the  ivories,  the  paintings,  the  rare  stuffs,  all 
the  embossed  silver,  all  the  gold,  all  the  royal  money  ? 
Shall  they  be  carried  to  the  treasury  by  night  as  if 
stolen  ?  And  what  is  more — that  greatest  of  shows,  a 
royal  prisoner  of  highest  birth  and  greatest  riches — 
where  shall  he  be  displayed  to  the  people  who  have 
gained  the  victory  ?  Many  of  us  can  recall  what  crowds 
were  drawn  by  the  sight  of  King  Syphax  as  prisoner, 
an  appendage  to  the  war  with  Carthage.  Shall  our 
prisoner  King  Perseus,  shall  the  king's  sons,  Philip 
and  Alexander,  names  of  such  potency, — shall  they 
be  removed  from  the  sight  of  the  commonwealth  ? 
Lucius  Paulus  himself,  twice  consul,  conqueror  of 
Greece — all  eyes  are  eager  to  behold  him  entering  the 
city  in  his  chariot;   to  this  end  we  made  him  consul, 

385 

VOL.  XIII.  O 


LI\T 

ut  bellum  per  quadriennium  ingenti  etiani  pudore 
9  nostro -'■  tractum  perficeret.  Cui  sortito  provinciam,cui 
proliciscenti  praesagientibus  animis  \-ictoriam  trium- 
phumque  destinavimus,  ei  victori  triumphum  negaturi 
sumus  :   et  quideni  -  non  tantuni  eum,^  sed  deos  etiam 

10  suo  honore  fraudaturi  ?  Dis  quoque  enim,  non 
solum  hominibus,  debetur  triumphus.*  Maiores 
vestri  omnium  magnarum  rerum  et  principia  exorsi 

11  a  dis  sunt  ^  et  finem  statuerunt.  Consul  proficiscens 
praetorve  paludatis  lictoribus  in  provinciam  et  ad 
bellum  vota  in  Capitolio  nuncupat ;  \ictor  pei'petrato 
bello  ^  eodem  in  Capitolium  "  triumphans  ad  eosdem 
deos,  quibus  vota  nuncupavit,  merita  dona  portans  ^ 

12  redit.  Pars  non  minima  triumphi  est  \'ictimae 
praecedentes.  ut  appareat  dis  grates  agentem  im- 
peratorem   ob   rem   publicam   bene   gestam   redire. 

13  Omnis  illas  victimas,  quas  traducendas  in  triumphum 
dica^it,^  alias  alio  abducentes  mactate  I  ^^  Quid 
enim  r  ^^  illae  epulae  senatus,  quae  nee  private  loco 
nee  publico  profano,  sed  in  Capitolio  eduntur,  utrum 
hominum  voluptatis  causa  an  deorum  honoris  ^' 
fiunt  ? 

^  nostro  Bas  :   nostrum  I'. 

-  sumus?  et  quidem  Madvig  :    equidem  V. 

-  eum  add.  Weissenborn  :   om.  V. 

^  triumphus  J.  F.  Gronovias  :   utru  V. 

'"  exorsi  a  dis  simt  Fr  :  etobsiad  discut  V. 

^  bello  add.  Madvig  :   on.  V. 

"  Capitolium  Kreyssig  :   Capitolio  V. 

^  dona  portans  Madvig  :  bonaque  pr.  trans  V  :  dona 
bona  que  populi  Romani  portans  Bosshach. 

8  traducendas  in  triumphum  dicavit  Turnehus  :  traducendo 
in  triumpho  indicavit  V. 

^^  alio  abducentes  mactate  H.  J.  MiiUer :  aliosde  temactati 
V. 

^^  enim?  illae  Weis-senhorn  :   emillae  T. 

386 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIX.  8-13 

that  he  might  bring  to  an  end  the  war  which  to  b.c.  167 
nothing  less  than  our  great  shame  had  dragged  on 
through  four  years.  When  he  was  allotted  this  field 
of  operations,  when  he  left  home,  we  marked  him  for 
victory  and  triumph  with  minds  that  read  the  future  ; 
and  shall  we  deny  him  a  triumph  when  he  has  won  his 
victory  ?  Nay  more — shall  we  rob  not  only  Paulus, 
but  even  the  gods,  of  the  honour  that  belongs  to 
them  ?  For  it  is  to  the  gods  too,  not  only  to  men, 
that  we  owe  a  triumph.^  Your  ancestors  made  the 
gods  their  starting-point  in  every  important  enter- 
prise, and  likewise  resorted  to  them  at  the  conclusion. 
When  consul  or  praetor,  his  lictors  in  their  military 
dress,  sets  out  for  his  field  of  action  and  to  war,  he 
proclaims  his  vows  upon  the  Capitol ;  when  war  has 
ended  in  victory,  he  returns  in  triumph  to  the  same 
gods  on  the  same  Capitol,  and  brings  them  the  well- 
earned  gifts,  as  he  promised  them  in  his  vows.  No 
small  part  of  a  triumphal  procession  is  formed  by  the 
sacrificial  animals  going  ahead,  which  make  it  clear 
that  the  general  is  returning  with  thanksgiving  to  the 
gods  for  success  on  behalf  of  the  commonwealth. 
Away  with  all  those  sacrificial  victims  which  he  has 
assigned  to  be  led  in  the  triumphal  procession,  and 
offer  them  up,  some  here,  some  there !  I  ask 
you  !  What  of  the  banquet  of  the  senate,  which  is 
not  held  on  private  property,  nor  on  the  uncon- 
secrated  land  of  the  state,  but  on  the  Capitol — is  this 
ceremony  held  for  the  pleasure  of  men,  or  in  honour 
of  the  gods  ? 

^  Elsewhere  (XXVI.  xxi.  3;  XXXI.  xlviii.  12)  Livy  makes 
use  of  the  argument  that  thanksgivings  must  be  followed  by  a 
triumph. 

^^  honoris  Crevier  :  hominumque  V. 

387 


LRT 

"  Quae    omnia  ^    auctore    Servio    Galba   turbaturi 

14  estis  ?  L.  Pauli  triumpho  portae  claudentur  ?  Rex 
Macedonum  Perseus  cum  liberis  et  turba  alia  cap- 
tivorumi,  spolia  Macedonum,  in  circo  Flaminio  ^ 
relinquentur  ?     L.    Paulus    privatus    tamquam    rure 

15  rediens  a  porta  domum  ibit  ?  Et  tu,  centurio,  miles, 
quid  de  imperatore  Paulo  senatus  decrevit  potius 
quam  quid  Ser^ius  Galba  fabuletur,  audi ;    et  hoc  ^ 

16  dicere  me  potius  quam  ilium  audi.  Ille  nihil  praeter- 
quam  loqui,  et  id  ipsum  *  maledice  ac  maligne,  didicit ; 
ego  ter  et  viciens  cum  hoste  provocato  pugnavi ;  ^ 
ex  omnibus,  cum  quibus  manum  conserui,  spolia 
rettuli ;  insigne  corpus  honestis  cicatricibus,  omnibus 
adverso  corpore  exceptis,  habeo." 

17  Nudasse  deinde  se  dicitur  et,  quo  quaeque  bello 
volnera  accepta  essent,  rettulisse.  Quae  dum 
ostentat,  adapertis  forte,  quae  velanda  erant,  tumor 
inguinum  proximis  risum  mo^it. 

18  Turn  "  hoc  quoque,  quod  ridetis  ",  inquit,  "  in 
equo  dies  noctesque  persedendo  habeo,  nee  magis 
mie  eius  quam  cicatricum  harum  pudet  paenitet- 
que,  quando  numquam  mihi  impedimento  ad  rem 

19  publicam  bene  gerendam  domi  mihtiaeque  fuit.  Ego 
hoc  ferro  saepe  vexatum  corpus  vetus  miles  adule- 
scentibus  militibus  ostendi :  Galba  nitens  et  integrum 

^  fiunt  ?  Quae  omnia  add.  Zingerle  :  om.  V  :  parantur;  et 
vos  eas  WeisseJihoryi. 

2  in  Circo  Flaminio  Koch  :   circa  fluminio  T, 

^  quid  de  imperatore  Paulo  senatus  decrevit  potius  quam 
quid  Ser.  Galba  fabuletur,  audi ;  et  hoc  Fr  :  quibus  ab  imper- 
atore Paulo  donatus  decrevit  potius  quam  Ser.  Galba  fabu- 
lentur  audis  et  hoc  V  :  et  turn,  centurio  milesque,  quibus  ab 
imperatore  Paulo  donatus  es,  decreta  potius  quam  quid  Ser. 
Galba  fabuletur,  audisti  et  hodie  Madvig. 

*  et  id  ipsum  ed.  Aldina,  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   etipsud  V. 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIX.  13-19 

"  Will  you  play  havoc  with  all  these  rites  at  the  b.c.  167 
instigation  of  Servius  Galba?  Will  the  gates  be 
closed  to  the  triumph  of  Lucius  Paulus  ?  Will  King 
Perseus  of  Macedonia,  together  with  his  sons,  the 
throng  of  other  prisoners,  and  the  spoils  of  Mace- 
donia, be  left  behind  in  the  Flaminian  Circus  ?  Will 
Lucius  Paulus  go  home  from  the  gate  as  a  private 
citizen,  as  if  he  were  returning  from  his  country 
house  ?  You,  centurion,  and  you,  private,  harken  to 
what  the  senate  decrees  about  General  Paulus  rather 
than  what  Servius  Galba  babbles,  and  harken  too  to 
my  speech  rather  than  his.  He  has  learned  nothing 
except  talk,  and  that  of  a  slanderous  and  mahcious 
sort;  I  have  on  twenty-three  occasions  challenged 
and  fought  an  enemy ;  I  brought  back  the  spoils  of 
every  man  with  whom  I  duelled ;  I  possess  a  body 
adorned  with  honourable  scars,  every  one  of  them 
received  in  front." 

He  then  stripped,  it  is  said,  and  told  in  which  war 
he  had  received  each  wound.  While  displaying 
these,  he  by  chance  uncovered  what  should  have 
remained  concealed,  and  the  swelling  of  his  groin 
raised  a  laugh  among  those  nearby. 

"  This  too,"  he  then  said,  "  at  which  you  are  laugh- 
ing I  got  by  sitting  iny  horse  through  whole  days  and 
nights ;  and  I  feel  no  more  shame  or  regret  for  this 
than  for  these  wounds  of  mine,  since  it  never  hindered 
me  from  successfully  conducting  affairs  of  state  at 
home  or  in  the  field.  As  a  veteran  soldier  before 
young  soldiers,  I  have  displayed  this  body  of  mine 
which  has  often  been  marred  by  the  sword;  let 
Galba    uncover    his    sleek    and    untouched    person. 

^  provocatojpugnavi  Hertz  :   per  provocatio  pugnauit  V. 


LIVY 

20  denudet.     Revocate,  si  videtur.  tribuni,  ad  suffragium 
tribus  :    ego  ad  vos,  milites,  .   .   . 

XL.  Sumniam  ^  omnis  captivi  auri  argentique 
translati  sestertium  ^  milliens  ducenties  fuisse 
Valerius  Antias  tradit ;  qua  haud  dubie  ^  maior  ali- 
quanto  summa  ex  numero  plaustrorum  ponderibusque 
auri,  argenti  generatim  ab  ipso  scriptis  absumptum 

2  efficitur.  Alterum  tantum  aut  in  bellum  proximum 
aut  in  fuga,  cum  Samothracen  peteret,  dissipatum 
tradunt ;  eoque  id  mirabilius  erat,  quod  tantum 
pecuniae  intra  triginta  annos  post  bellum  Philippi 
cum  Romanis  partim  ex  fructu  metallorum,  partim 

3  ex  vectigalibus  aliis  coacervatum  fuerat.  Itaque 
admodum  inops  pecuniae  Philippus,  Perseus  contra 
praedives  bellare  cum  Romanis  coepit. 

4  Ipse  postremo  Paulus  in  curru,  magnam  cum  digni- 
tate  alia  corporis,  tum  senecta  ipsa  maiestatem  prae 
se  ferens ;  post  *  currum  inter  alios  illustres  viros 
filii  duo,  Q.  Maximus  ^  et  P.  Scipio ;  deinde  equites 
turmatim  et  cohortes  peditum  suis  quaeque  ordinibus. 
Pediti  in  singulos  dati  centeni  denarii,^  duplex 
centurioni,  triplex  '  equiti.      Alterum  ^  tantum  pediti 

^  folium  unum  amissum;  summam  Fr  :   mam  T. 

2  sestertium  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

^  qua  haud  dubie  J.  F.  Gronovius  :    queautdubie  V. 

•*  post  oAd.  Fr  :    om.  V. 

^  Q.  Maximus  Sigonius  :    maximum  V. 

^  denarii  add.  J.  F.  Gronovius,  H.  J.  Midler  :   om.  T. 

"  centurioni,  triplex  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

*  alterum  nrhi.  Mvrefus  :   om.  ]\ 


1  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxxi.  6,  supplies  the  conclusion,  the 
bracketed  words  being  suggested  by  this  :  "I  shall  come  down 
and  accompany  (you)  all  and  shall  discover  the  base  and  un- 

390 


o 


BOOK  XLV.  XXXIX.  19-xL.  5 

Tribunes,  call  back  the  tribes,  if  you  please,  to  the  b.c.  367 
voting;    I  [will  join]  you,  soldiers  .  .  ."  ^ 

XL.  The  total  of  all  the  captured  gold  and  silver 
Avhich  was  carried  in  the  procession  was  one  hundred 
and  twenty  million  sesterces,  according  to  the  account 
of  \^alerius  Antias  ;  no  doubt  a  somewhat  larger  total 
than  this  is  made  up  from  the  number  of  wagons  and 
the  weights  of  gold  and  silver  in  various  forms  which 
are  mentioned  by  this  same  author. ^  As  much  again 
was  either  expended  in  the  late  war,  or  scattered 
during  the  flight,  when  Perseus  was  making  for 
Samothrace,  according  to  the  historians ;  and  this 
fact  is  the  more  marvellous,  because  this  huge  sum  of 
money  was  accumulated  within  thirty  years  after 
Philip's  war  with  the  Romans,  partly  from  the  output 
of  the  mines,  and  partly  from  other  revenues.  Philip 
therefore  began  his  war  against  Rome  when  he  was 
rather  ill-supplied  with  funds,  but  Perseus,  when  he 
was  very  rich. 

Paulus  himself  came  last  in  his  chariot,  showing  a 
magnificent  presence  not  only  because  of  the  general 
dignity  of  his  bearing,  but  because  of  his  advanced 
age  as  well.  After  the  chariot  came  his  two  sons, 
Quintus  Maximus  and  Publius  Scipio,  among  other 
distinguished  men ;  then  came  the  cavalry  by  troops, 
and  the  units  of  infantry,  rank  by  rank.  Each 
infantryman  received  one  hundred  denarii,  each 
centurion,  twice  the  amount,  and  each  cavalryman, 

grateful  who  prefer  to  be  led  in  war  by  demagogues  rather 
than  generals." 

Also  missing  is  the  date  of  the  triumph,  Nov.  27-29,  C.I.L.^ 
I.  i.  p.  48,  xxvii,  and  the  description  of  most  of  the  triumphal 
procession,  cf.  Diodorus  XXXI.  xiii. 

2  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxxii,  mentions  750  vessels,  each 
containing  three  talents  of  coined  silver. 


LIVY 

daturum  fuisse  credunt  et  pro  rata  aliis,  si  aut  in 
sufFragio  honori  eius  favissent,^  aut  benigne  hac  ipsa 
sunima  pronuntiata  ^  acclamassent.^ 

6  Sed  non  Perseus  tantum  per  illos  dies  documentum 
humanorum  casuum  fuit,  in  catenis  ante  currum  vic- 
toris  ducis  per  urbem  hostium  ductus,  sed  etiam  \*ictor 

7  Paulus,  auro  purpuraque  fulgens.  Nam  duobus  e 
filiis.  quos  duobus  datis  in  adoptionem  solos  nominis, 
sacrorum  familiaeque  heredes  retinuerat  domi, 
minor,  duodecim  ^  ferme  annos  natus,  quinque  diebus 
ante    triumphum,    maior,    quattuordecim    annorum, 

8  triduo  post  triumphum  decessit ;  quos  praetextatos 
curru  vehi  cum  patre,  sibi  ipsos  similis  destinantis  ^ 

9  triumphos,  oportuerat.  Paucis  post  diebus  data  a 
M.  Antonio  tribuno  plebis  contione,  cum  de  suis 
rebus  gestis  more  ceterorum  imperatorum  edissereret, 
memorabilis  ^  eius  oratio  et  digna  Ptomano  principe 
fuit. 

XLI.  "  Quamquam,  et  qua  "^  felicitate  rem  publi- 
cam  administraverim,  et  quae  duo  ^  fulmina  domum 
meam  per  hos  dies  perculerint,  non  ignorare  vos, 
Quirites,  arbitror,  cum  spectaculo  vobis  nunc  trium- 
phus  meus,  nunc  funera  liberorum  meorum  fuerint, 
2  tamen    paucis,     quaeso,    sinatis    me    cum    publica 

^  in  suSragio  .  .  .  favissent  Harani  :  non  suffragi  .  .  . 
fuissent  F. 

2  pronuntiata  Muretus  :   nuntiata  V. 

^  acclamassent  Fr  ;    classe  l\ 

■*  duodecim  add.  Fr,  Heraevs  :   om.  V. 

'"  destinantis  Xovdk  :   praedestuiantis  V. 

^  edissereret,  memorabilis  H.  J,  Muller  :  dedissetre  mora- 
bilis  V.  _ 

'  et  qua  Madvig  :   ob  qua  1.  pauloratioadpr.  V. 

8  administraverim,  et  quae  duo  J.  F.  Gronovius  :  admini- 
straverit  et  duo  V. 

392 


BOOK  XLV.  XL.  5-xLi.  2 

three  times  as  much.  It  is  thought  that  double  the  b.c.  167 
amount  would  have  been  given  to  the  infantry,  and 
proportionately  to  the  rest,  if  they  had  supported 
Paulus'  triumph  in  the  voting,  or  had  cheerfully 
applauded  the  announcement  of  the  gift  as  actually 
given. 

But  Perseus  was  not  the  only  testimony  at  this 
time  to  the  state  of  human  fortunes,  as  he  was  led  in 
chains  before  the  chariot  of  his  conqueror  through  the 
city  of  his  enemies ;  the  conqueror  Paulus,  in  the 
splendour  of  his  gold  and  purple,  was  no  less  a  witness. 
For  of  the  two  sons  whom  he  kept  at  home  as  the  only 
heirs  of  his  name,  his  family  rites,  and  his  household, 
after  he  had  given  two  other  sons  to  be  adopted,^  the 
younger  boy,  aged  about  twelve,  died  five  days  before 
the  triumph,  and  the  elder,  fourteen  years  old,  died 
three  days  after  the  festivity.  These  were  the  minor 
boys  who  should  have  ridden  with  their  father  in  the 
chariot,  secretly  planning  like  triumphs  for  them- 
selves. When  a  few  days  later  an  assembly  of 
the  commons  was  called  by  Marcus  Antonius 
the  tribune,  and  Paulus  discoursed,  as  was  cus- 
tomary for  commanders,  on  his  exploits,  his  speech 
was  noteworthy  and  well-suited  to  a  leading 
Roman : 

XLI.  "  Although  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  are  not 
unaware,  I  believe,  of  the  good  fortune  with  which  I 
have  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  state,  and  of  the  two 
thunderbolts  which  have  recently  struck  my  house — 
for  you  were  eyewitnesses  first  of  my  triumph,  and 
then  of  the  funerals  of  my  sons — yet  I  beg  you  to 
permit  me  in  a  few  words  to  compare,  in  the  proper 

1  See  above,  XLIV.  xxxv,  14  and  the  note;  Plutarch, 
Aemilius  xxxv. 

0  2        393 


LIVY 

felicitate  comparare  eo,  quo  debeo,  animo  privatam 
meam  fortunam. 

3  "  Profectus  ex  Italia  classem  a  Brundisio  sole  orto 
solvi ;  nona  diei  hora  cum  omnibus  meis  navibus 
Corcyram  tenui.  Inde  quinto  die  Delphis  Apollini 
pro  me  exercitibusque  et  classibus  vestris  ^  sacrifica\-i. 

4  A  Delphis  quinto  die  in  castra  perveni :  ubi  exercitu 
accepto,  mutatis  quibusdam  quae  magna  impedi- 
menta victoriae  erant.  progressus,  quia  inexpugna- 
bilia  castra  ^  hostium  erant  neque  cogi  pugnare 
poterat  rex,  inter  praesidia  eius  saltum  ad  Petram 

5  evasi  et  ad  Pydnam  regem  ^  acie  vici ;  Macedonian! 
in  potestatem  populi  Romani  redegi  et,  quod  bellum 
per  quadriennium  tres  ^  ante  me  consules  ita  ges- 
serunt,  ut  semper  successori  traderent  gra\'ius,  id  ego 

6  quindecim  diebus  perfeci.  Aliarum  deinde  secun- 
darum  rerum  velut  proventus  secutus ;  civitates 
omnes  Macedoniae  se  dediderunt,  gaza  regia  in 
potestatem  venit,  rex  ipse  tradentibus  prope  ipsis  dis 
in  templo  Samothracum  cum  liberis  est  captus. 
Mihi  quoque  ipsi  nimia  iam  fortuna  ^  videri  eoque 

7  suspecta  esse.  Maris  pericula  timere  coepi  in  tanta 
pecunia  regia  in  Italiam  traicienda  et  \'ictore  exercitu 

8  transportando,  Postquam  omnia  secundo  na\dum 
cursu  in  Italiam  pervenerunt  neque  erat  quod  ultra 
precarer,  illud  optavi  ut,  cum  ex  summo  retro  volvi 
fortuna    consuesset,    mutationem    eius    domus    mea 

1  vestris  Sigonius  :   lustri  T\ 

2  castra  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

3  Pydnam  regem  Madvig  :   pugnam  rege  V. 
*  quadriennium  tres  Leutsch  :  iiii  V. 

^  fortuna  Heriz  :  fortunam  V. 

394 


BOOK  XLV.  xLi.  2-8 

spirit,  my  personal  fortune  with  the  good  fortune  of  b.c.  167 
the  state. 

"  When  I  left  Italy,  I  set  sail  from  Brundisium  at 
sunrise;  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the  day  I  reached 
Corcyra  with  all  my  ships.  Five  days  later  at  Delphi 
I  offered  sacrifice  to  Apollo  on  my  own  behalf,  and 
on  that  of  your  armies  and  fleets.  From  Delphi  I 
arrived  five  days  later  in  camp.  I  took  command  of 
the  army,  removed  certain  great  obstacles  to  victory, 
and  advanced.  Because  the  camp  of  the  enemy  was 
impregnable,  and  the  king  could  not  be  compelled  to 
fight,  I  slipped  between  his  garrisons  through  the  pass 
at  Petra.^  and  at  Pydna  I  conquered  the  king  in 
battle.  I  brought  Macedonia  under  the  control  of 
the  Roman  People,  and  in  fifteen  days  I  finished  a  war 
which  three  consuls  before  me  had  waged  over  a 
period  of  four  years,  each  in  such  a  way  as  alw^ays  to 
leave  a  worse  situation  for  his  successor.  A  harvest, 
as  it  were,  of  further  successes  followed ;  all  the  cities 
of  Macedonia  surrendered,  the  royal  treasures  were 
secured,  the  king  was  taken  prisoner  along  with  his 
children  in  the  temple  of  Samothrace,  almost  as  if  the 
gods  themselves  delivered  him  into  our  hands.  Even 
to  me  this  good  fortune  seemed  excessive,  and  there- 
fore I  viewed  it  askance.  I  began  to  fear  the  dangers 
of  the  sea  during  the  carrying  of  the  great  royal 
treasure  to  Italy,  and  the  transfer  of  the  victorious 
army.  After  everything  had  been  brought  to  Italy 
in  a  successful  voyage,  and  I  had  nothing  left  to  pray 
for,  my  hope  was  that,  since  fortune  is  wont  to  plunge 
dow^nward  from  its   high  point,   the   brunt  of  this 

1  For  this  pass,  cf.  XLIV.  xxxii.  9;  xxxv,  end,  and  the 
note.  Diodorus  XXXI.  xviii  practically  reproduces  Livy's 
sentence  above. 

395 


LIVY 

9  potius  quam  res  publica  sentiret.  Itaque  defunctam 
esse  fortunam  publicam  mea  tain  insigni  calamitate 
spero,  quod  triumphus  meus,  velut  ad  ludibrium 
casuum    humanorum,    duobus    funeribus    liberorum 

10  meorum  est  interpositus.  Et  cum  ego  et  Perseus 
nunc  nobilia  maxime  sortis  mortalium  exempla 
spectemur,  ille,  qui  ante  se  captivos  captivus  ^  ipse 

11  duci  liberos  \-idit.  incolumes  tamen  eos  habet ;  ego, 
qui  de  illo  triumpha\"i,  ab  alterius  funere  filii  currum 
conscendi.  rediens  alterum  -  ex  Capitolio  prope  iam 
expirantem  inveni ;  ^   neque  ex  tanta  stirpe  liberum 

12  superest,  qui  L.  Aemili  Pauli  nomen  ferat.  Duos 
enim  tamquani  ex  magna  progenie  liberorum  in 
adoptionem  datos  Cornelia  et  Fabia  gens  habent ; 
Paulus  in  domo  praeter  senem  *  nemo  superest.  Sed 
banc  cladem  domus  meae  vestra  felicitas  et  secunda 
fortuna  publica  consolatur." 

XLII.  Haec  tanto  dicta  animo  magis  confudere 
audientium  animos  quam  si  miserabiliter  orbitatem 
suam  deflendo  locutus  esset. 

2  Cn.  Octa\"ius  kalendis  Decembribus  de  rege  Perseo 
navalem  triumphum  egit.    Is  triumphus  sine  captivis 

3  fuit,  sine  spoliis.  Dedit  sociis  navalibus  in  singulos 
denarios  septuagenos  quinos,  gubernatoribus,  qui  in 
navibus  fuerant.duplex.magistris  navium  quadruplex. 

4  Senatus  deinde  habitus  est.  Patres  censuerunt  ut 
Q.  Cassius  Persea  regem  cum  Alexandro  filio  Albam 
in  custodiam  duceret ;  comites,  pecuniam,  argentum, 

^  capti%'ns  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

-  conscendi,  rediens  alterum  add.  Valilen  :  om.  V. 
^  expirantem  inveni  Vahlen  :  expirantes  veni  V. 
■*  senem  Zingerle  :  sed  T'. 

1  Alba  Fucens,  mentioned  as  a  place  of  custody  in  XXX. 
xvii.  2  and  Summary  LXI. 


BOOK  XLV.  xLi.  8  xLii.  4 

change  should  fall  not  upon  the  state,  but  upon  my  b.c.  167 
household.  And  so  I  hope  that  the  fortune  of  Rome 
has  completed  its  course  in  so  extraordinary  a  disaster 
as  mine,  since  my  triumph,  as  if  in  mockery  of  human 
vicissitudes,  was  interposed  between  the  two  funerals 
of  my  sons.  Both  Perseus  and  I  are  now  on  view  as 
especially  conspicuous  samples  of  man's  lot.  Yet  he, 
who  as  a  prisoner  saw  his  children  led  as  prisoners 
before  him,  yet  has  those  children  unharmed  ;  where- 
as I  who  celebrated  the  triumph  over  him  mounted 
my  chariot  after  the  funeral  of  one  son,  and  when  I 
returned  from  the  Capitol  found  the  other  almost  on 
the  point  of  death,  nor  is  there  one  left  of  so  splendid  a 
generation  of  sons  to  carry  on  the  name  of  Lucius 
Aemilius  Paulus.  For  two  sons  were  given  in  adop- 
tion, as  if  from  a  great  stock  of  children,  and  they 
belong  to  the  Cornelian  and  Fabian  clans.  Not  a 
Paulus  is  left  in  my  house,  save  one  old  man.  But  I 
am  consoled  in  this  disaster  to  my  house  by  your 
happiness  and  the  good  fortune  of  the  state." 

XLI  I.  These  words,  spoken  with  such  magnificent 
spirit,  caused  more  turmoil  of  soul  to  the  hearers 
than  if  his  speech  had  been  a  pitiable  lamentation  for 
his  bereavement. 

On  the  first  of  December,  Gnaeus  Octavius  held  a 
naval  triumph  over  King  Perseus.  This  triumph  was 
unadorned  with  prisoners  or  spoils.  Octavius  pre- 
sented to  each  of  the  sailors  seventy-five  denarii,  to 
the  pilots  of  the  ships  twice  as  much,  and  to  the 
captains,  four  times  the  amount. 

The  senate  then  met.  The  Fathers  voted  that 
Quintus  Cassius  should  conduct  King  Perseus  with  his 
son  Alexander  to  Alba^  for  safe-keeping;  he  was  to 
permit  the  king  to  keep  intact  the  staff,  money,  silver, 

397 


instrumentum,  quod  haberet,  nihil  detrahens  habere 

5  sineret ;  Bithvs,  fihus  Cotyis.^  regis  Thracum,  cum  ^ 
obsidibus  in  custodiam  Carseolos  est  missus.  Ceteros 
captives,  qui  in  triumpho  ducti  erant,  in  carcerem 
condi  placuit. 

6  Paucos  post  dies,  quam  haec  acta  erant.^  legati 
ab  Cotye,  rege  Thracum,  venerunt  pecuniam  ad  redi- 

7  mendum  filium  ahosque  obsides  adportantes.  Eis  in 
senatum  introductis  et  id  ipsum  argumenti  praeten- 
dentibus  orationi,^  non  sua  voluntate  Cotyn  bello 
iuvisse  Persea,  quod  obsides  dare  coactus  esset, 
orantibusque  ut  eos  pretio,  quantum  ipsi  statuissent 

8  patres,  redimi  paterentur,  responsum  ex  auctoritate 
senatus  est.  populum  Ptomanum  meminisse  amicitiae, 
quae  cum  Cotye  maioribusque  eius  et  gente  Thracum 

9  fuisset.  Obsides  datos  crimen,  non  criminis  defen- 
sionem  esse,  cum  Thracum  genti  ne  quietus  quidem 
Perseus,  nedum  bello  Romano  occupatus  timendus 

10  fuerit.  Ceterum,  etsi  Cotys  Persei  gratiam  praetu- 
lisset  amicitiae  populi  Romani,  magis  quid  se  dignum 
esset,  quam  quid  merito  eius  fieri  posset,  aestima- 

11  turum,  filium  atque  obsides  ei  remissurum.  Bene- 
ficia  gratuita  esse  populi  Romani;  pretium  eorum 
malle  rehnquere  in  accipientium  animis  quam 
praesens  exigere. 

1  detrahens    habere    sineret;     Bithys,    filius    Cot  vis    add. 
21  ad  rig  :   om.  T'. 

-  Thracum,  cum  Madvig  :  tracu  I'. 

^  quam  haec  acta  erant  Madvig  :    qua  haec  tanta  T'. 

■*  orationi  J.  F.  Gronovius  :   orationis  V. 


^  Plutarch,  Aemilius  xxxvii  relates  that  Perseus  died  no 
long  whOe  after  by  self-starvation;  though  a  story  was  told 
that  his  guards  caused  his  death  from  sleeplessness  by  over- 


BOOK  XLV.  xLii.  4-1 1 

and  furnishings  which  he  had.     Bithys,  the  son  ofB.c.  167 
Cotys,  King  of  Thrace,  was  sent  with  the  hostages  to 
CarseoU  for  safe-keeping.     It  was  voted  to  place  in 
the  prison  the  other  prisoners  who  were  led  in  the 
triumph.^ 

A  few  days  after  these  transactions,  envoys  came 
from  Cotys,  King  of  Thrace,  bringing  money  to  ransom 
his  son  and  the  other  hostages.  When  these  envoys 
were  brought  before  the  senate,  they  used  the  fact  it- 
self as  the  theme  of  their  apology,  saying  that  Cotys 
had  not  voluntarily  aided  Perseus  in  the  war,  because 
he  had  been  compelled  to  give  hostages ;  the  envoys 
pleaded  that  they  should  be  permitted  to  ransom 
them  for  whatever  amount  the  Fathers  themselves 
might  determine.  The  answer  authorized  by  the 
senate  was  that  the  Roman  People  were  mindful  of 
the  friendship  which  had  existed  between  them  and 
Cotys,  his  ancestors,  and  the  people  of  Thrace ;  but 
the  giving  of  hostages  constituted  an  accusation,  not  a 
defence  against  accusation,  since  the  Thracian  people 
had  no  reason  to  fear  Perseus  even  when  he  was  at 
peace,  to  say  nothing  of  his  being  involved  in  a  war 
against  Rome.  However,  although  Cotys  had  pre- 
ferred the  favour  of  Perseus  to  the  friendship  of  the 
Roman  People,  the  latter  would  reckon  rather  what 
was  worthy  of  themselves  than  what  action  would 
answer  to  his  deserts,  and  would  send  him  back  his 
son  and  his  hostages.  Benefits  conferred  by  the 
Roman  People,  said  the  senate,  are  without  charge; 
the  Romans  prefer  to  leave  the  price  on  deposit  in  the 
hearts  of  the  recipients  rather  than  to  demand  cash 
down. 

officious  attentions.     His  son  Alexander  learned  a  trade,  and 
presumably  lived  out  a  normal  life. 

399 


LIVY 

Legati  tres  nominati,  T.  Quinctius  Flaniininus,^ 
C.  Licinius  Nerva,  M.  Caninius  Rebilus,  qui  obsides 
in  Thraciam  reducerent ;  et  Thracibus  munera  data 
12  in  singulos  binum  milium  aeris.  Bithvs  cum  ceteris 
obsidibus  a  Carseolis  accersitus  ad  patrem  cum 
legatis  missus. 

Naves  regiae  captae  de  Macedonibus  invisitatae 
ante  magnitudinis  in  campo  Martio  subductae  sunt. 

XLIII.  Haerente  adhuc  non  in  animis  modo,  sed 
paene  in  oculis  memoria  Macedonici  triumphi  L. 
Anicius    Quirinalibus    triumphavit    de    rege    Gentio 

2  Illyriisque.  Similia  omnia  magis  visa  hominibus 
quam  paria ;  minor  ipse  imperator,  et  nobilitate 
Anicius  cum  Aemilio  et  iure  imperii  praetor  cum 
consule  conlatus ;  non  Gentius  Perseo,  non  Illyrii 
Macedonibus,  non  spolia  spoliis,  non  pecunia 
pecuniae,^     non    dona    donis    comparari    poterant. 

3  Itaque  sicut  praefulgebat  huic  triumphus  recens,  ita 
apparebat  ipsum  per  se  intuentibus  nequaquam  esse 

4  contemnendum.  Perdomuerat  intra  paucos  dies 
terra  marique  ferocem,  locis  munimentisque  ^  fretam 
gentem  Illyriorum ;  regem  regiaeque  omnes  stirpis 
ceperat. 

Transtulit     in     triumpho     multa    militaria     signa 

5  spoliaque  alia  et  supellectilem  regiam,  auri  pondo 
viginti  et  septem,  argenti  decem  et  novem  pondo, 

1  tres  nominati,  T.  Quinctius  Flamiiiinus  Madvig  :  trans 
nominatius  quintius  idaminimus  V. 

'  spoliis,  non  pecunia  pecuniae  Sigonins  :  sponsiliis  non 
pecuniae  V. 

^  munimentisque  Kreyssig  :    monumentisque  V. 


^  February  1' 
400 


Three  envoys,  Titus  Quinctius  Flamininus,  Gaius  b.c.  167 
Licinius  Nerva,  and  Marcus  Caninius  Rebilus,  were 
appointed  to  escort  the  hostages  back  to  Thrace. 
Gifts  of  two  thousand  asses  apiece  were  given  to  the 
Thracians.  Bithys  was  summoned,  along  with  the 
other  hostages,  from  CarseoU,  and  was  sent  off  to  his 
father  with  the  envoys. 

The  king's  ships  captured  from  the  Macedonians, 
of  a  size  never  previously  seen,  were  beached  by  the 
Campus  Martius. 

XLIII.  While  recollections  of  the  Macedonian 
triumph  remained  not  only  in  people's  minds,  but 
almost  before  their  eyes,  Lucius  Anicius  celebrated 
his  triumph  over  King  Gentius  and  the  Illyrians  on  the 
festival  of  Quirinus.^  Men  saw  in  each  detail  a 
resemblance,  but  no  equality.  The  commander 
himself  was  the  lesser,. both  in  public  esteem,  as  an 
Anicius  compared  with  an  Aemilius,  and  in  rank  of 
office,  a  praetor  rather  than  a  consul.  Gentius  could 
not  be  compared  to  Perseus,  the  Illyrians  to  the 
Macedonians,  nor  the  spoils  of  the  one  to  those  of  the 
other,  nor  the  moneys,  nor  the  gifts  to  the  soldiers. 
But  though  accordingly  the  previous  triumph  out- 
shone this  one,  yet  it  was  also  clear  to  those  who 
contemplated  this  one  on  its  merits  that  it  was  by 
no  means  to  be  scorned.  Within  a  few  days  Anicius 
had  overcome  the  lUyrian  people,  bold  on  both  land 
and  sea,  and  confident  in  their  terrain  and  their 
fortifications ;  he  had  captured  the  king  and  all  the 
royal  family. 

In  his  triumph  he  bore  through  the  city  many 
military  standards  and  other  booty,  as  well  as  the 
royal  furniture,  twenty-seven  pounds  of  gold,  nine- 
teen pounds  of  silver,  thirteen  thousand  denarii,  and 

401 


denarium  decern  tria  milia  et  centum  viginti  milia 

6  Illyrici  argenti.  Ante  curruni  ducti  Gentius  rex 
cum  coniuge  et  liberis  et  Caravantius,  frater  regis,  et 

7  aliquot  nobiles  Ill}Tii.  De  praeda  railitibus  in 
singulos  quadragenos  quinos  denarios,  duplex  cen- 
turioni,  triplex  equiti,  sociis  nominis  Latini  quantum 
civibus,  et  sociis  navalibus  dedit  quantum  militibus. 

8  Laetior  hunc  triumphum  est  secutus  miles,  multisque 
dux  ipse  carminibus  celebratus.  Sestertium  du- 
centiens  ex  ea  praeda  redactum  esse  auctor  est 
Antias,  praeter  aurum  argentumque,  Cjuod  in 
aerarium  sit  latum :  quod  quia  unde  redigi  potuerit 
non  apparebat,  auctorem  pro  re  posui. 

9  Rex  Gentius  cum  liberis  et  coniuge  et  fratre 
Spoletium  in  custodiam  ex  senatus  consulto  ductus, 
ceteri  capti\'i  Romae  in  carcerem  coniecti ;  recusanti- 
busque    custodiam    Spoletinis    Iguvium  ^   reges    tra- 

10  ducti.  Reliquum  ex  Illyrico  praedae  ducenti  viginti 
lembi  erant ;  de  Gentio  rege  captos  eos  Corcyraeis 
et  Apolloniatibus  et  Dyrrhachinis  Q.  Cassius  ex 
senatus  consulto  tribuit. 

XLIV.  Consules  eo  anno  agro  tantum  Ligurum 
populate,  cum  hostes  exercitus  numquam  eduxissent, 
nulla  re  memorabili  gesta  Romam  ad  magistratus 
subrogandos  redierunt  et  primo  comitiali  die  consules 
2  crearunt  M.  Claudium  Marcellum,  C.  Sulpicium 
Galium,  deinde  praetores  postero  die  L.  lulium,  L. 
^  Iguvium  Turnehus  :   igituruium  V. 

1  Probably  the  victoriati,  of  53  grains,  which  the  Romans 
later  imitated  for  use  about  the  Adriatic,  cf.  XLI.  xiii.  7. 

402 


BOOK  XLV.  xLiii.  5-xLiv.  2 

one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Illyrian  silver-  b.o.  167 
pieces.^  Before  the  chariot  were  led  King  Gentius  _,.^^__^_^ 
with  his  A\'ife  and  children,  Caravantius  the  king's 
brother,  and  several  prominent  Illyrians.  Anicius  gave 
from  the  booty  to  each  soldier  forty-five  denarii,  double 
the  amount  to  each  centurion,  and  three  times  as  much 
to  the  cavalry  ;  the  allies  of  the  Latin  Name  received 
as  much  as  the  Romans,  and  the  sailors  as  much  as 
the  soldiers.  The  soldiery  followed  this  triumph  in 
better  spirits,  and  the  leader  was  the  subject  of  many 
songs.  Twenty  million  sesterces  was  realized  from 
this  booty,  according  to  Antias,  besides  the  gold  and 
silver  delivered  to  the  treasury  ;  since  it  was  not  clear 
to  me  from  what  source  this  amount  could  be  derived, 
I  have  quoted  an  historian  instead  of  stating  a  fact. 

King  Gentius  with  his  wife,  his  children,  and  his 
brother,  was  taken  to  Spoletium  for  safe-keeping,  in 
accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  senate.  The  other 
prisoners  were  thrown  into  the  prison  at  Rome. 
When  the  people  of  Spoletium  refused  to  take 
custody,  the  royal  family  was  transferred  to  Iguvium. 
There  remained  from  the  Illyrian  booty  two  hundred 
and  twenty  scout-ships ;  as  prizes  taken  from  King 
Gentius  they  were  presented  to  the  people  of 
Corey ra,  Apollonia,  and  Dyrrhachium  by  Quintus 
Cassius,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  senate. 

XLIV.  In  that  year  the  consuls  merely  ravaged 
the  fields  of  the  Ligurians,  since  the  enemy  never  led 
out  their  forces.  Without  accomplishing  anything 
worthy  of  note,  the  consuls  returned  to  Rome  to 
attend  to  the  election  of  their  successors,  and  on  the 
first  day  of  the  elections,  declared  Marcus  Claudius 
Marcellus  and  Gaius  Sulpicius  Gallus  elected  as 
consuls.     On  the  next  day  there  were   elected  as 

403 


Apuleium  Saturninum.  A.  Licinium  Xervam,  P. 
Rutilium  Calvum.  P.  Quinctilium  Varum,  M.  Fon- 
teium.  His  praetoribus  duae  urbanae  provinciae 
sunt  decretae,  duae  Hispaniae,  Sicilia  ac  Sardinia. 

Intercalatum  eo  anno ;  postridie  Terminalia  kal.^ 
intercalariae  fuerunt.  Augur  eo  anno  mortuus  est 
C.  Claudius ;  in  eius  locum  augures  legerunt  T. 
Quinctium  Flamininum.  Et  flamen  Quirinalis  mor- 
tuus Q.-  Fabius  Pictor. 

Eo  anno  rex  Prusia  venit  Romam  cum  filio  Nico- 
mede.  Is  magno  comitatu  urbem  ingressus  ad  forum 
a  porta  tribunalque  Q.^  Cassi  praetoris  peiTCxit 
concursuque  undique  facto  deos,  qui  urbem  Romam 
incolerent,  senatumque  et  populum  Romanum  saluta- 
tum  se  dixit  venisse  et  gratulatum,  quod  Persea 
Gentiumque  reges  vicissent,  Macedonibusque  et 
Illvriis  in  dicionem  redactis  auxissent  imperium. 
Cum  praetor  senatum  ei,  si  vellet,*  eo  die  daturum 
dixisset,  biduum  petit,  quo  templa  deum  urbemque 
et  hospites  amicosque  viseret.  Datus  qui  circumdu- 
ceret    eum,    L.^  Cornelius    Scipio    quaestor,   qui    et 

^  kal.  add.  Crevier,  Weissenhorn  :   om.  V. 

2  Q.  Si^onius  :  M.  V. 

^  Q.  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 

*  vellet  Wesenberg  :   velit  V. 

5  L.  add.  Fr  :   om.  V. 


^  A  return  to  peace-time  practice;  the  Spains  were  com- 
bined diu-ing  the  war,  so  that  a  praetor  could  be  assigned  as 
naval  commander,  or  for  other  special  purposes. 

2  See  XLIII.  xi.  13  and  the  note  on  the  need  at  this  time  for 
frequent  intercalation.  This  intercalary  month  began  on 
what  would  ordinarily  have  been  the  twenty-fourth  of 
February. 

3  A  cfash  between  his  priesthood  and  his  desire  for  a  public 
career  is  related  in  XXXVII.  li.  1-6 ;    his  grandson  or  great- 


BOOK  XLV.  xLiv.  2-7 

praetors  Lucius  Julius,  Lucius  Apuleius  Saturninus,  b.c.  le; 
Aulus  Licinius  Nerva,  Publius  Rutilius  Calvus,  Pub- 
lius  Quinctilius  Varus,  and  Marcus  Fonteius.  The 
provinces  appointed  for  these  praetors  were  the  two 
city  magistracies,  the  two  Spains,^  Sicily,  and 
Sardinia. 

There  was  an  intercalation  in  this  year;  the  day 
after  the  Terminalia  was  the  first  day  of  the  inter- 
calary month. 2  An  augur  died  this  year.  Gains 
Claudius ;  in  his  place,  the  augurs  chose  Titus 
Quinctius  Flamininus.  The  jiamen  of  Quirinus, 
Quintus  Fabius  Pictor,^  also  died. 

In  this  year  King  Prusias  came  to  Rome  with  his 
son  Nicomedes.  Entering  the  city  with  a  large 
train,  he  proceeded  from  the  gate  to  the  Forum  and 
the  judgment-seat  of  Quintus  Cassius  the  praetor. 
A  crowd  gathered  from  all  sides ;  Prusias  announced 
that  he  had  come  to  bring  greetings  to  the  gods  who 
inhabited  the  city  of  Rome,  and  to  the  senate  and  the 
Roman  People,  and  to  congratulate  them  on  their 
victory  over  King  Perseus  and  King  Gentius,  and  on 
the  extension  of  their  empire  by  placing  the  Mace- 
donians and  Illyrians  under  their  sway.  When  the 
praetor  offered  to  call  a  session  of  the  senate  for  him 
on  that  very  day,  if  he  pleased,  Prusias  asked  for  a 
two-day  interval,  during  which  he  might  visit  the 
temples  of  the  gods,  the  city,  and  his  friends  and 
guest-friends.  There  was  assigned  to  him  as  escort 
Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio  the  quaestor,  who  had  also 

grandson,  Numerius  Fabius  Pictor,  issued  coins  in  honour  of 
his  ancestor,  showing  an  armed  figure  with  the  priest's  head- 
dress in  his  hand,  perhaps  to  indicate  that  Quintus  was  both 
soldier  and  priest — unless  the  figure  represents  Quirinus,  who 
had  military  functions  even  before  his  identification  with  the 
deified  Romulus  during  the  late  Republic. 

405 


Capuam  ei  ob\-iam  missus  fuerat :    et   aedes,  quae 
ipsum  comitesque  eius  benigne  reciperent,  conductae. 

8  Tertio  post  die  senatum  adiit :  ^  gratulatus  vic- 
toriam  est ;  merita  sua  in  eo  bello  comm emora\'it ; 
petiit.  ut  votum  sibi  solvere,  Romae  in  Capitolio 
decern  maiores  hostias  et  Praeneste  unam  Fortunae, 
liceret — ea  vota  pro  victoria  populi  Romani  esse — •, 

9  et  ut  societas  secum  renovaretur  agerque  sibi  de 
rege  Antiocho  captus,  quem  nulli  datum  a  -  populo 
Romano  Galli  possiderent,  daretur.  Filium  postremo 
Nicomedem  senatui  commendavit. 

Omnium,  qui  in  Macedonia  imperatores  fuerant, 

10  favore  est  adiutus.  Itaque  cetera,  quae  petebat, 
concessa ;  de  agro  responsum  est  legates  ad  rem 
inspiciendam  missuros ;  si  ^  is  ager  populi  Romani 
fuisset    nee   cuiquam    datus    esset,    dignissimum    eo 

11  dono  Prusiam  habituros  esse ;  si  autem  Antiochi  non 
fuisse  et  *  eo  ne  populi  quidem  Romani  factum 
appareret  ■*  aut  datum  Gallis  esse,  ignoscere  Prusiam 
debere,^  si  ex  nullius  iniuria  quidquam  ei  datumi  vellet 

12  populus  Romanus.  Ne  cui  detur^  quidem,  gratum 
esse   donum  posse,   quod   eum   qui   det,  ubi  velit,^ 

13  ablaturum  esse  sciat.  Filii  ^  Nicomedis  commenda- 
tionem    accipere.     Quanta    cura    regum    amicorum 

1  senatum  adiit  Fr,  Drakenhorch  :   senatuagit  V. 

2  a  add.  Fr  :  07n.  V. 

3  si  add.  Kreyssig  :   om.  V. 

*  fuisse  et  .  .  .  appareret  .  .  .  esse,  ignoscere  Prusiam 
debere  Hertz  :  peruissent  .  .  .  apparat  .  .  .  essetignosceret 
Prusiam  deberet  T'. 

•'  cui  detur  Crivier  :   quo  detur  qui  detur  T'. 

^  relit  Madvig  :   vellet  V. 

'  filii  Madvig  :  felici  V. 
406 


BOOK  XLV.  xLiv.  7-13 

been  sent  to  Capua  to  meet  him ;   and  a  house  was  b.c.  167 
rented  for  him,  where  he  and  his  suite  might  be  well 
entertained. 

On  the  third  day  following,  he  approached  the 
senate  :  he  offered  congratulations  on  the  victory  ;  he 
recited  his  services  in  the  war ;  and  he  requested 
permission  to  fulfill  a  vow  of  ten  full-grown  victims  at 
Rome  in  the  Capitol  and  one  at  Praeneste  to  Fortune. 
This  vow,  he  said,  was  for  the  victory  of  Rome ;  and 
he  asked  that  the  alliance  with  him  should  be 
renewed,  and  that  the  land  taken  from  King 
Antiochus,  which  had  been  assigned  to  no  one  by 
the  Roman  People  and  was  being  held  by  Galatians, 
should  be  given  to  him.  Last  of  all,  he  placed 
his  son  Nicomedes  under  the  protection  of  the 
senate. 

He  was  aided  by  the  good-will  of  all  those  who  had 
been  commanders  in  Macedonia.  Consequently  all 
but  one  of  his  requests  were  granted ;  as  to  the  land, 
the  answer  Avas  that  envoys  would  be  sent  to  look  the 
matter  over ;  if  this  land  belonged  to  the  Roman 
People  and  had  been  assigned  to  no  one,  they  would 
consider  Prusias  most  worthy  of  receiving  it  as  a 
gift ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  shown  not  to  have 
belonged  to  Antiochus,  and  therefore  not  to  have 
come  into  the  possession  of  the  Roman  People,  or 
that  it  had  been  presented  to  the  Galatians,  then 
Prusias  must  pardon  the  Roman  People,  if  they  were 
unwilling  to  wrong  anyone  in  the  process  of  making 
him  a  present.  A  gift,  said  the  senate,  could  not  be 
pleasing  even  to  the  recipient,  if  he  knew  that  the 
giver  would  take  it  away  again  whenever  he  pleased. 
The  senate  accepted  the  commission  to  protect  his 
son  Nicomedes.     How  great  was  the  care  with  which 

407 


liberos  tueatur  populus  Romanus.  documento  Ptole- 
maeum,  Aegypti  regem,  esse. 

14  Cum  hoc  response  Prusias  est  dimissus.  Munera 
ei  ex  .   .   .^  sestertiis  iussa  dari  et  vasorum  argente- 

15  orum  pondo  quinquaginta.  Et  filio  regis  Nicomedi 
ex  ea  summa  munera  dari  censuerunt,  ex  qua 
Masgabae,  filio  regis  Masinissae,  data  essent ;  et  ut 
victimae  aliaque,  quae  ad  sacrificium  pertinerent.  seu 
Romae  seu  Praeneste  immolare  vellet,  regi  ex  publico 

16  sicut  magistratibus  Romanis  praeberentur ;  et  ut 
ex  classe,  quae  Brundisi  esset.  naves  longae  viginti 

IT  adsignarentur.  quibus  uteretur;  donee  ad  classem 
dono  datam  ei  rex  pervenisset,  L.  Cornelius  Scipio 
ne  ab  eo  abscederet  sumptumque  ipsi  et  comitibus 
praeberet,  donee  navem  conscendisset. 

18  Mire  laetum  ea  benignitate  ^  in  se  populi  Romani 
regem  fuisse  ferunt ;   munera  sibi  ipsi  emi  non  sisse,^ 

19  filium  iussisse  donum  populi  Romani  accipere.  Haec 
de  Prusia  nostri  scriptores.  Polybius  eum  regem 
indignum  maiestate  nominis  tanti  tradit ;  pilleatum, 
capite  raso.  ob\-iam  ire  *  legatis  solitum  libertumque 
se  populi  Romani  ferre ;  ^    ideo  insignia  ordinis  eius 

20  gerere;  Romae  quoque,  cum  veniret  in  curiam, 
summisisse  se  et  osculo  limen  curiae  contigisse  et 
deos   servatores   suos   senatum   appellasse   aliamque 

1  lacunam  indicat  Fr. 

2  mire  laetum  ea  benignitate  Crevier  :   amireletumeteabenig 
nitatem  V. 

2  sisse  Kreyssig  :   siesse  V. 

*  ire  add.  Fr  :   om.    V.  

5  se  populi  Romani  ferre  Madvig  :  si  pr.  ferret  V, 

408 


BOOK  XLV.  xLiv.  13-20 

the  Roman  People  guarded  the  sons  of  kings  was  b.c.  167 
shown,  said  the  senate,  by  the  case  of  Ptolemy,  King 
of  Egypt. 

With  this  answer,  Prusias  was  dismissed.  Gifts 
were  ordered  given  him  of  a  value  of  .  .  .^  sesterces, 
and  silver  vessels  of  fifty  pounds'  weight.  It  was 
also  voted  to  give  to  Prince  Nicomedes  gifts  to  the 
same  amount  as  had  been  given  to  Masgaba,  the  son 
of  King  Masinissa.  It  was  further  voted  that  the 
victims  and  other  requisites  for  sacrifice  should  be 
furnished  at  public  expense  to  the  king,  just  as  to 
Roman  magistrates,  whether  he  wished  to  sacrifice  at 
Rome  or  Praeneste.  Also  twenty  war-vessels  from 
the  fleet  at  Brundisium  were  to  be  assigned  to  his 
use ;  until  the  king  should  reach  the  fleet  presented 
to  him,  Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio  was  to  escort  him  un- 
interruptedly, and  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the 
king  and  his  suite,  until  he  boarded  ship. 

They  say  that  the  king  was  wonderfully  pleased 
with  this  expression  of  good-will  toward  himself  on 
the  part  of  the  Roman  People.  He  refused  to  have 
gifts  bought  for  himself,  but  instructed  his  son  to 
accept  the  gift  of  the  Roman  People.  Such  is  the 
account  of  Prusias  given  by  Roman  Avriters.  Poly- 
bius  reports  ^  that  this  king  was  unworthy  of  the 
dignity  of  so  high  a  title  ;  that  he  was  accustomed  to 
meet  envoys  with  his  head  shaved,  while  he  wore  a 
freedman's  cap  and  called  himself  the  freedman  of  the 
Roman  People,  giving  this  as  his  reason  for  wearing 
the  emblem  of  this  class.  Polybius  further  says  that 
when  Prusias  entered  the  senate-house  at  Rome,  he 
fell  down  and  kissed  the  threshold  of  the  senate- 

1  The  amount  has  been  lost  from  the  MS. 

2  XXX.  18  (19.  16). 

409 


A.v.c.         orationem  non  tarn  honorificam   audientibus   quam 
^*^  sibi  deformem  habuisse. 

21  Moratus  circa  urbem  triginta  baud  amplius  dies  in 
regnum  est  profectus,  actumque  in  Asia  bellum  inter 
Eumenen  et  Gallos  in  .   .  .  it.^ 

^  inde  coepit  Momm-sen  :  increvit  Gitlhauer :  innotuit 
Wesely.  Verba  ultima  in  lineis  duabus  obscurissimis  ;  inde 
lineae  sex  ad  colophony. 


410 


BOOK  XLV.  xLiv.  20-21 

house,  hailed  the  senate  as  his  saviour-gods,^  and  b.c.  167 
indulged   in   further   speech   which   conveyed   more 
disgrace  to  himself  than  honour  to  his  hearers. 

After  remaining  in  the  vicinity  of  Rome  no  more 
than  thirty  days,  he  set  out  for  his  kingdom,  and 
.  .  .2  the  war  under  way  between  Eumenes  and  the 
Galatians. 

1  This  title  (Soter)  was  adopted  by  several  Hellenistic 
rulers,  notably  Ptolemy  the  First. 

2  A  few  lines  are  missing  in  the  MS.  at  the  end  of  this  book. 
The  lost  verb  of  this  sentence  is  presumably  "  egged  on,"  or 
the  like. 


411 


LIBER    XLV   PERIOCHA 

Perseus  ab  Aemilio  Paulo  in  Samotkrace  captus  est. 
Cum  Antiochus,  Syriae  rex,  Ptolemaeum  et  Cleopatram, 
Aegypti  reges,  obsideret  et  missis  ad  eum  a  senatu  legatis 
qui  iuberent  ab  solo  ^  regis  absisteret,  editisque  mandatis 
consideraturum  se  quid  faciendum  esset  respondisset,  unus 
ex  legatis  Popilius  virga  regem  circumscripsit  iussitque, 
ante  quam  circulo  excederet,  responsum  daret.  Qua 
asperitate  effecit  ut  Antiochus  bellum  omitteret.  Lega- 
tiones  gratulantium  populorum  atque  regum  in  senatu 
admissae,  Rhodiorum,  qui  eo  bello  contra  populum  R. 
faverant,  exclusa.  Postera  die  cum  de  eo  quaereretur, 
ut  his  bellam  indiceretur,  causam  in  senatu  patriae  suae 
legati  egerunt;  nee  tamquam  socii  nee  tamquam  hostes 
dimissi.  Macedonia  in  provinciae  formam  redacta  Aemi- 
lius  Paulus  repugnantibus  militibus  ipsius  propter  minorem 
praedam  et  contradicente  Ser.  Sulpicio  Galba  triumphavit 
et  Persen  cum  tribus  filiis  duxit  ante  currum.  Cuius 
triumphi  laetitia  ne  solida  ei  contigeret,  duorum  filiorum 
funeribus  insignita  est ;  quorum  alterius  mors  triumphum 
patris  praecessit,  alterius  secuta  est. 

Lustrum  a  censoribus  conditum  est  :  censa  sunt  civium 
capita  cccxn  dcccv.  Prusias  BithjTiiae  rex  Romam,  ut 
senatui  gratias  ageret  ob  rictoriam  ex  Macedonia  partam, 
Tenit  et  Xicomeden  filium  senatui  commendavit.  Rex 
plenus  adulationis  libertum  se  populi  Romani  dicebat. 

^  ab  solo  Rosshach,  de  ab  duhitans  :  ab  obsidione  solo 
mss.,  ab  obsidione  socii  Leidensis,  ed.  pr. 


412 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XLV 

Perseus  was  captured  by  Aemilius  Paulus  in  Samo- 
thrace.  When  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  was  besieging 
Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  the  rulers  of  Egypt,  envoys  were 
sent  to  him  by  the  senate  to  bid  him  withdraw  from  the 
king's  land.  When  the  message  was  delivered,  he 
answered  that  he  would  consider  what  he  would  do, 
whereupon  Popilius,  one  of  the  envoys,  drew  a  circle 
around  the  king  with  his  rod,  and  ordered  him  to  give 
an  answer  before  he  left  the  circle.  By  this  harshness, 
Popilius  induced  Antiochus  to  give  up  the  war.  Em- 
bassies of  peoples  and  kings  offering  congratulations  were 
received  by  the  senate;  that  of  the  Rhodians,  whose 
sympathies  had  been  against  the  Roman  People  in  that 
war,  was  shut  out.  On  the  following  day,  when  the 
question  of  declaring  war  against  them  was  under  dis- 
cussion, the  envoys  pleaded  the  cause  of  their  country  in 
the  senate.  They  were  sent  away  neither  as  allies  nor  as 
enemies.  After  Macedonia  had  been  organized  as  a  pro- 
vince, Aemilius  Paulus  celebrated  his  triumph,  although 
his  own  soldiers  strove  against  it  because  of  too  little  booty, 
and  Servius  Sulpicius  Galba  spoke  against  it.  Perseus 
and  his  three  children  were  led  before  the  chariot.  Paulus' 
enjoyment  of  this  triumph  was  not  unalloyed,  but  was 
marked  by  the  funerals  of  his  two  sons.  The  death  of  the 
first  preceded  his  father's  triumph,  that  of  the  other 
followed  it. 

The  end  of  the  lustrum  was  marked  by  the  censors; 
312,805  citizens  were  counted.^  King  Prusias  of  Bithynia 
came  to  Rome  to  ojBFer  his  thanks  to  the  senate  for  the 
victory  secured  over  the  Macedonians,  and  entrusted  his 
son  Nicomedes  to  the  care  of  the  senate.  The  king,  full 
of  flattery,  used  to  call  himself  the  freedman  of  the 
Roman  People. 

^  The  account  of  this  is  lost  between  chs.  xiv.  and  xv. 

413 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


{Figures  in  Parentheses  refer  to  Footnotes ;  Roman  numerals  after  place-names 
designate  the  map  on  which  the  place  appears ;  for  places  not  shoim,  and  indicated 
by  P,  see  Preface.) 


ABDERA,  I,  16  (2),  17,  3-17 

Acanthus,  III,  351 

Acarnania,  III,  63,  76  (3),  91,  355 

Acarnaniaii  League,  357 

Acarnanians,  63,  365 

Achaean  League,  349  (3) 

Achaeans,  357 

Achaia,  IV,  357 

Acheloos  River,  III,  77  (3) 

AciUus  Glabrio,  88 

Acropolis  (Athens),  341 

Actium,  III,  91 

Adaeus,  71 

Adriatic  Sea,  I,  191,  253  (1),  255,  293, 
402  (1) 

Aebutia,  Lex,  56  (1) 

Aebutius  Helva,  Marcus,  145-7 

Aegean  Sea,  I,  185 

Aeginium,  III,  241,  338  (1),  339 

Aegium,  IV,  63 

Aelius,  Publius,  51,  299 

Aelius  (Paetus),  Quintus,  295,  301 

Aelius  Tubero,  Quintus,  267,  271 

Aemilia,  Lex,  50  (1) 

Aemilius  Lepidus,  Marcus,  20  (1),  21, 
53,  85 

Aemilius  Paulus,  Lucius,  9,  145-51, 
155-9,  162  (1),  187,  195,  197  (2), 
213,  225  (2),  227  (1),  228  (2),  235-9, 
243-5,  251-3,  257-9,  267,  291, 297-9, 
338  (1),  339-53,  355  (2),  359-65, 
369-81,  385-93,  397,  401, 413 

Aemilius  Regillus,  Lucius,  319 

Aenea,  III,  123,  195,  339,  351 

Aenus,  IV,  29,  309,  347 

Aesculapius,  16  (1),  17,  343 

Aesernia,  V,  225 

Aetolia,  III,  63,  77,  355 


Aetolian  League,  79 

Aetolians,   63,   76  (2,   3),   79,   81  (2), 

317,  345,  353,  357 
Airanius,  Gaius,  67 
Africa,   11  (2),   13,   25,   291,   292   (1), 

381 
Agamemnon,  341 
Agassae,  III,  113,  339 
Agepolis,  255 
Agravonitae,  P,  337 
Agrianes,  I,  127 
Ahenobarbus,  see  Domitius 
Alabanda,  IV,  23,  25,  332  (1),  333 
Alba  Fucens,  V,  396  (1),  397 
Albania,  191  (2) 

Alban  Mount,  V,  163,  294  (2),  295,  381 
Albinus,  see  Postumius 
Alexander  (a)  the  Great,  73  (1),  267, 

273 ;  (b)    son  of  Perseus,  385,  397, 

399  (1) 
Alexandria,   I,    151-3,    185   (1),    245, 

273,  277-81,  363 
Alexandrines,  153 
Algalsus,  189 
Algeciras  (Bay),  12  (1) 
Almana,  II,  175 
Alps,  21,  133 
Ambracia,    III,    63,    69   (2),    79,    91, 

363  (1) 
Ambracian  Gulf,  III,  77 
Ammianus  Marcellinus,  119  (1) 
Amphiaralis,  341  (4) 
Amphipolls,  III,  29,  169,  233-43,  267, 

271,  345-51,  359,  363 
Amyntas,  273 
Anagnia,  V,  45,  47  (3),  297 
Ancyra,  P,  73 
Androcles,  195 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Andronicus     (a)     Macedonian,     121 ; 

(6)  Aetolian,  357 
Axiicius,  Gnaeus,  241 
Anicius   Gallus,   Lucius,    145-7,    157, 

187-9,  190  (1),  195,  245,  255.  284  (1), 

297-9.  333-9.  363-5,  369,  385,  401-3 
Aiinalis,'Lex  Tillia,  39  (3) 
ATiTiius  Luscus,  Titus,  61 
Antenor,  179-85,  273,  357 
Antias,  see  Valerius 
Autisonea   (a)    Macedonia,   HI.    123, 

195  ;  (6)  Epirus,  n,  83 
Antigonus,  175-7 
Antimachus,  131,  168  (2),  169 
Autinoiis.  335-7 
Antiochus  (a)  ///,  the  Great,  23  (3), 

38  (1),  70  d),  93,  132  (2),  135,  167, 

299,    315-19,    327,     333    (1),    383, 

407;   (&)  IV,  151-3,  167,  245,  273, 

277-87,  323,  367,  413 
Antissa,  lY,  357 
Antium,  Y,  15,  29 
A-Htonius,  Aulus,  259 
Antonius,  Marcus,  313,  314  (1),  393 
Aperantia,  IH,  81 
Aperantians,  81 
Apollo,  47,  88,  341,  395 
Apollonia   (a)    Macedonia,    m,    345; 

(6)  niirria,  H,  75,  189,  191,  403 
Appian,  190  (1) 
Apuleius     SatTiminus,     Gaius,     287; 

Lucius,  405 
Aquileia,  I,  5,  6,  61 
Arabian  Desert,  281 
Arabians,  273 
Aratthus  River,  m,  77 
Archidamus,  78  (1),  79,  81,  233 
Argos,  lY,  343 
Aristonicus,  307  (2) 
Aristotle,  23  (1) 
Arrian,  70  (1),  112  (1) 
Artatus  River,  H,  71 
Asclepiodotus,  96  (2),  97,  107,  113 
Asconius,  8  (1) 
Ascordus  River,  JH,  113 
Ascuris.  Lake,  HI,  95-9 
Asia,  271-3,  279,  311,  323,  333,  359, 

361;    Asia  Minor,  21,  77  (5),  133, 

167,  319,  357,  367 
Asinius  Pollio,  59  (3) 
Astymedes,  314  (1),  331 
Athena  Polias,  Poliouchos,  342  (1) 
Athenaeus,  287,  339 
Athenagoras,  195 
Athenians,  21 


Athens,  IV,  317,  322  (2),  323,  341-3, 

381 
Athos,  Mount,  m,  125,  181,  351 
AtiUus,  Lucius,  261 
Atilius  Serranus,  Aulus,  13  (7),  39 
Atintania,  11,  353 
Atreus,  Lucius,  47 
Atrium  Libertatis.  59,  295 
Attains  (o)  /,  167 ;    (6)  //,  103,  133, 

155,  181-3,  213,  273,  287,  303-11, 

367;  (c)///,  306(2) 
Attica,  IV,  341 
Aufldius,  Gnaeus,  31 
Augustus,  45  (1),  248  (1) 
Aulis,  lY.  341 

Axius  River,  m,  175,  233,  349 
Azorus,  in,  95 

Bakbius,   Aulus,    345,   353;    Lucius, 

149 
Baebius  TamphUus,   Gnaeus,    145-7, 

299 
Balanos,  133 

Balbus.  see  Fonteius,  Naevius 
Baphvrus  River,  HI,  111 
Barbanna  River,  H,  191-3 
Basilica  Sempronia,  143:    Julia,  143 

Bassania,  H,  189 

Bastamae,  I,  4  (2),  5  (3),  73  (1),  172-3 

(1),  259 
BeUus,  193 

Beroea,  IH,  71,  237,  349,  353 
Bisaltae,  HI,  237,  347-51 
Bithvnia,  I,  413 
Bithys,  399,  401 
Blaesus,  see  Sempronius 
Blasio,  see  Ck)meiius 
Board  of  Ten,  47,  49,  149,  207 
Boeotia,  IV,  16  (3),  91,  343  (2),  355 
Bora  Mount,  H,  348  (1),  349 
Bronze  Shields,  227 
Brundisium,  I,  5  (2),  33,  91,  149,  253 

(1),  255,  293,  395,  409 
Brutus,  see  Junius 
Bullini,  n,  1S9 
Buteo,  see  Fabius 
Bjlazora,  II,  175 

Caecilius    Metellus,    Quintus,    237, 

249 
Caepio,  see  Servilius 
Caesar,  see  Julius 
Calatia,  V,  297 
Callicrates,  357 


416 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Callipeuce,  III,  107 

CaUippus,  179 

Calvus,  see  Rutilius 

Cambunian   Mountains,    III,    94   (1), 

95-7 
Camillas,  see  Purius 
Campi  Macri,  I,  283 
Campus  Martins,  VI,  401 
Canastraeum,  Cape,  III,  124  (1),  125 
Caninius  Rebilus,  Marcus,  39,  401 
Canuleius,  Lucius,  7,  11 
Cape,      see      Canastraeum,      Leucas, 

Pbanae,  Posideum 
Gapito,  see  Fonteius 
Capitol,  VI,  23,  46  (1),  57,  135,  289. 

315,  343,  371-3,  383,  387,  397,  407 
Capua,  V,  407 
Caranus,  271 
Caravandis,  P,  189 
Cararantius,  187-9,  193-5,  337,  403 
Carbo,  see  Papirius 
Caria,  I,  137  (1),  315,  331-3 
Carians,  137 
Carnians,  I,  5,  19 
Camuns,  P,  3 
Carseoli,  V,  399,  401 
Carteia,  I,  12  (1),  13 
Carthage,  I,  13  (7),  235,  267,  315-17, 

383-5 
Carthaginians,  12  (6),  13,  25-7,  291, 

317,  383 
Carvilius,  Gaius,  67-9 
Cassander,  125 
Cassandrea,   III,    83,    123,   127,    181, 

273,  351 
Cassius,  Gains,  3-5,  19,  193  ;   Quintus, 

297-9,  369,  397,  403-5 
Cassius  Dio,  22  (1),  77  (5),  137  (1), 

294  (2) 
Castor,  249  (1) 
Cato,  see  Porcius 
Caunians,  333 
Caunus,  IV,  368  (1) 
Cavalry  Companions,  112  (1) 
Cavii,  II,  189 
Cephalus,  65,  335  (3),  337 
Ceremia,  P,  3 
Ceres,  58  (1) 
Cethegus,  see  Cornelius 
Chalcideans,  29 
Chalcidice,  III,  234  (2) 
Chalcis,  III,  27-31,  91,  95,  185,  317, 

341,  363  (1) 
Chaonia,  11,  334  (2) 
Chaonians,  75,  83 


VOL.  XIII. 


Charax  (Palisade),  III,  109 

Charisius,  8  (1) 

Charops,  335  (3) 

Chians,  183 

Chimarus,  169 

Chios,  IV,  181-3 

Cibyra,  I,  333,  368  (1) 

Cicereius,  Gaius,  295,  299 

Cicero,  341  (4);    Brutus,  140  (1),  375 

(1) ;    Divinatio,  8  (1) ;    de  Domo,  58 

(1);  de  Legibns,2,Q{^);  pro  Milone, 

59  (3) ;   de  Natiira  Deorum,  249  (1) ; 

Orator,  323  (3);   Philippics,  39  (3); 

de  Senectute,  de  Republica,  214  (1); 

171  Verrem,  143  (4) 
Cincibilus,  19 
Circus  Flaminius,  VT,  389 
Citium,  Mount,  P,  77 
City  Praetorship,  297 
Claudius,  Marcus,  97 
Claudius  (Centho),  Appius,  35-7,  41, 

69   (4),    74  (1),    75,   81-3,    154  (1), 

155-7,  189,  293-5 
Claudius    Marcellus,    Marcus    (a)    of 

Second  Punic  War,  369  (3);   (b)  his 

grandson?,    39,    49,    53,    257,    403; 

(c)  149 
Claudius  Nero,  Tiberius,  297 
Claudius  (Pulcher),  Appius,  299 
Claudius  Pulcher,  Gaius,  2  (1),  49,  51, 

55-61,  299,  357,  405 
Claudius  (Quadrigarius),  137 
Clausal  River,  II,  191 
Cleopatra,  151-3,  245,  285-7,  413 
Cleuas,  77,  81 
Clitae,  126 

Clondicus,  172  (1),  175-7 
Cluvius,  Gaius,  225 
Code  Syria,  I,  281 
Coelius,  Lucius,  35  (4),  74  (1),  75 
Coenus,  207 

Comitia  centuriata,  tributa,  59  (1) 
Companions,  Cavalry,  112  (1) 
Concilium  plebis,  57  (3),  59  (1) 
Condylus  (Condylon),  III,  109 
Conquerors  (JNicatores),  71 
Corcyra,  I,  91,  255,  395,  403 
Corinth,  IV,  343 ;   Gulf  of,  91 
Cornelius  Blasio,  Publius,  21,  287 
Cornelius  Cethegus,  Marcus,  7,  61 
Cornelius  Lentulus,  Lucius,  237,  249 ; 

Publius,  149,  259 ;   Servius,  39,  53 
Cornelius  Scipio,  Lucius,  405,  409 
Cornelius   Scipio   Africanus,    Publius, 

(a)  Major,  235,  381-3;    (6)  Minor, 

417 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


20  (1),  142  (4),  143,  206  (2),  235,  339, 

391 
Cornelius  Scipio  (Xasica),  Publius,  (a) 

9 ;   (6)  Nasica  (Gorculum),  149,  206 

(1),    207,    210    (1),    213,    219,    241, 

363-5 
ComeUus  Sulla,  Publius  Felix,  343  (2) ; 

Serrius,  299 
Coronea,  IT,  13  (7),  17 
Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  7  (4), 

146  (1),  152  (2),  391  (1) 
Cotys,  65,  231,  265,  399 
Crassus,  see  Licinius 
Cremona,  I,  225 
Creon    (a)    of    Antigonea,    195;     (b) 

Sophocles',  324  (2) 
Cretans,  233,  239 
Crete,  I,  27, 171,265 
Creusa  (Creusis),  IV,  91 
Cumae.  V,  47 
Curia.  VI,  59  (3) 
Curias,  ilanius,  382  (1),  383 
Curtius  Eufus,  70  (1),  265  (3) 
Cvclades,  IV,  181,  185 
Crdas.  131,  169 
Cyprus,  I,  279-83 

DAMIUS,  181 

Danube  Hiver,  I,  177 

Daorsi  (Daversi).  II,  337 

Dardani.  II,  14  (7),  64  (2),  65,  73,  85, 

187,  259,  349 
Dardania,  191 
Dassarenses.  P.  337 
Dassareti,  II,  35,  69  (2),  337 
December,  39  (3),  397 
Decemvirs,  see  Board  of  Ten 
Decimius,  Gaius,  39,  53,  143, 153, 185, 

275-7 
Decius  Subulo,  Publius,  61,  255 
Delos,  IV,  185,  273 
Delphi,  IV,  253.  261-3,  339,  395 
Demeter,  264  (1) 
Demetrias,  HI,  128  (1),  129-31,  168 

(2),  169,  317,  345,  358  (3) 
Demetrium,  IV,  265 
Desudaba,  n,  175 
Diana,  341;   D.  Tauropolos,  235 
Dierus,  P,  99 
Digitius,  Sextus,  39 
Dinarchus,  79 
Dinon,  165,  185,  317 
Dio  Cassius,  see  Cassius  Dio 
Diodorus,  235 
Diodoras  Siculus,  70  (1),  97  (3),  107 

4X8 


(2),  121  (1),  208  (1),  267  (1),  358  (3), 

391  (1),  395  (1) 
Dionvsius,  87 

Dium.in,  97-9,  103,  107-17,  121,  165 
DoUche,  ni,  95 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Gnaeus,  149, 

299,  357 
Draudacum,  II,  69 
Drilon  Ptirer  (Oriundes),  II,  191  (2) 
Drin  River  (Drilon),  191  (2) 
Dumium,  P,  189 
Dyrrachium,  n,  75,  149,  189-91,  403 

EdeSSA,  in,  349,  353 

Egypt,  I,  151  (3),  152  (1),  167,  273, 

277-83,  409,  413 
Egyptians,  152  (1),  281 
Elaea,  IV,  123,  181 
Eleusis.  I,  281 
Elimea,  II,  77 
Elimiotis,  II,  353 
Elpeus  River  (Enipeus),  III,  115-17, 

153,  165,  173,  177, 196  (1),  197,  205, 

223 
Emathia,  III,  29,  235 
Encyclopedia  Britannica,  191  (2) 
Ennius,  140  (1) 
Eordaei,  HI,  353 
Epicadus    (a)   Illyriaiu,    187;     (6)   of 

Parthini,  189 
Epidamnus,  75,  a/id  see  Dyrrachium 
Epidaurus,  IV,  343 
Epirotes,  14  (7),  70  (2),  77,  83,  141, 

365 
Epirus,    II,    64  (2),   65,   75,   334  (2), 

335-9,  349,  355,  363,  367,  383 
Erythrae,  IV,  181-3 
EsquUine  tribe,  295 
Etleva,  195 
Ettritus,  187 
Etuta,  187,  195  (1) 
Euboea,  IV,  133,  341,  353 
Euctus,  233 
Eudamus,  181 
Eulaeus,  233 
Eumenes  (a)  of  Pergamum,  93,  123-7, 

131-3,  155,  167-73,  179-85,  186  (1), 

245,   261-3,   287,   303-9,    339,    367, 

411 ;  (b)  Macedonian,  195 
Euphranor,  131 
Euripus,  IV,  341 
Euromenses,  333 
Euromus,  IV,  332  (1),  333 
Europe,  271-3,  361 
Eurydice,  187 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Eusebius,  270  (1) 
Evander,  233,  239,  261-3 

FABros  BUTEO,  Quintus,  287 
Fabius  Labeo,  Quintus,  299,  357 
Fabius  Maximus,  Quintus  (a)  Cuncta- 

tor,  161,  379;    (6)  son  of  Paullus, 

207,  237,  249,  339,  363-5,  391 
Fabius    Pictor,    Numerius,    405    (3); 

Quintus,  405 
Fair  Pines  106  (1) 
Farther  Spain,  see  Spain,  Farther 
Fasti  Capitolini,  295  (4) 
Festus,  59  (3) 
Figulus,  see  Marcius 
Firmum,  V,  225 
Flaccus,  see  Fulvius 
Flaminian  Circus,  389 
Flamininus,  see  Quinctius 
Plaminius  (Gains),  157  (1) 
Ponteius,  Marcus,  405 
Fonteius  Balbus,  Publius,  145-7 
Ponteius    Capito,    Publius,    39,    53, 

285  (1) 
Fortune,   22   (1),   47,   225,   317,   407; 

the  First-Born  (Primigenia),  47 
Forum,  VI,  143  (4),  310  (1),  405 
Freedom,  59  (3) 
Fregellae,  V,  47,  75 
Frontinus,  214  (1),  228  (2) 
Fulvius,  Gnaeus,  297;   Marcus,  7,  and 

cf.  39;   Quintus,  55,  271 
Fulvius  Flaccus,  Marcus,  39 
Furius,  Gains,  33 
Furius  CamiUus,  Marcus,  381 
Furius  Philus,  Lucius,  41-3 ;  Publius, 

8  (1).  9 

GABINIUS,  333 

Galatians,  I,  183,  305,  309,  367,  407, 
411 

Galba,  see  Sulpicius 

Galepsus,  III,  239 

GaUus,  see  Ajiicius,  Lucretius,  Sulpi- 
cius 

Games,  Roman,  248  (1),  251 

Gaul,  Cisalpine,  I,  3,  33,  53,  156  (1), 
157,  283,  286  (1),  297-301 ;  Trans- 
alpine, 134  (3) 

Gauls,  Cisalpine,  19;  Transalpine,  5 
(3),  133,  381 ;  Balkan,  172  (1),  173-  7, 
185,  186  (1),  and  see  Galatians 

Gellius,  Aulus,  56  (1),  330  (1) 

Gentius,  32  (3),  33,  65,  69,  71-3,  75  (2), 
83-5,  163-5,  173,  179,  185-95,  203 


(2),   241,   245,   255,   267,   299,   333, 

337,  367,  385,  401-5 
Genusus  Eiver,  II,  189 
Germans,  173  (1) 
Gibraltar,  12  (1) 
Glabrio,  see  Acilius 
Glaucias,  73 

Gonnus,  III,  64  (1),  97  (4),  109 
Gracchus,  see  Sempronius 
Graecostasis,  VI,  310  (1) 
Granicus  River,  IV,  112  (1) 
Greece,  5  (2),  15,  21,  31,  39-/(2),  61, 

85,  257,  261,  273,  279,  31^316  (1), 

317,  330  (1),  339,  343,  5153-5,  358 

(3),  361,  367,  385 
Greeks,  22  (1),  75,  360  (1) 
Guard,   Home,    156   (1);    (^Antigone), 

324  (2) 
Gulf  of  Macedonia,  125;    of  Corinth, 

91;    of  Torone,   125;    Ambracian, 

77 
Gulussa,  13 

HADRIAN,  22  (1) 

Hall  of  Liberty,  VI,  59,  295 

Hamilcar,  291 

Hamiibal,  104  (1),  317-19,  383 

Hauno,  291 

Hasdrubal,  87 

Hellespont,  IV,  353 

Helva,  see  Aebutius 

Heraclea  (a)  Lyncestis,   II,   348  (2); 

(b)  Sintica,  II,  347-9 
Heracles,  216  (1) 

Heracleum,  III,  97,  107,  117,  121,  207 
Hercyuna,  340  (2),  341 
Herodotus,  97  (4),  270  (1) 
Herophon,  169,  179 
Hesychius,  70  (1) 
Hippias,  96  (2),  97-9,  107,  113,  163, 

237 
Histiaeus,  197 
Histrians,  I,  5,  19 
Hither  Spain,  see  Spain,  Nearer 
Hollow  Syria,.  281 
Homer,  340  (3) 
Horteusius,   Lucius,    13    (7),    17,    29, 

31-3 
Hostilius,  Gaius,  153,  185 
Hostilius  Mancinus,  Aulus,  13-14  (7); 

17-19,  25-7,  35,  63,     91,  95 
Household  Gods,  297 


lAPYDES,  I,  19 
Iguvium,  V,  403 


p2 


4T9 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Hlvria  (UlTricum),  n,  3,  5,  35,  65,  69 
(2).  7a-5,  83-5,  163,  173,  185-91, 
245,  255,  273,  284  (1),  297-9,  303, 
333-9,  349,  385 

Illvrians.  5.  14  (7),  33,  65-9,  127  (2), 
165-7.  179.  187.  191.  195,  255,  259, 
301,  315,  337,  363,  401-5 

Inachus  River,  III,  77-9 

India.  Indian  Ocean,  273 

lolcus.  in,  129,  131 

Ion.  267 

Issa,  I.  33,  337 

Isthmus  (of  Corinth),  IV,  343 

ItalT,  3  (1).  5,  11,  13  (7).  19  (1),  21, 
33  (4\  35.  39-45,  51-3,  87,  91. 145-7, 
156  (1).  163.  251  (1),  286  (1),  291, 
359,  365,  383,  395 

lurentius  Thakia.  Manius,  31,  297-9, 
312  (1),  313,  314  (1) 

JUGrRTHTN-E  "VTAB,  157  (1) 

Julia,  Basilica,  143  (4) 

Julius,  Lucius,  405 

Julius  Caesar,  (Gaius),  59  (3) ;  Sextos, 
17 

Junius.  Lucius.  299 ;  Marcus  (Pennus), 
295,  301,  311 

Junius  Brutus,  Marcus,  9.  49,  271 

Juno  Moneta,  294  (2),  295 ;  the  Queen 
(Eegina),  88 

Jupiter,  58  (1),  111,  341-3 ;  Greatest 
and  Best  (Optimus  Maximus),  23, 
135,  289;  Trophonius,  341;  Vic- 
torious Cslcaeus),  77 

Justinus,  270  (1),  358  (2) 

Jnventius,  see  lurentius 

XAMABIonsSA,  264  (1) 

LABEATE  Lake,  IL  191-3 

Labeates  (Labeatae),  69,  191.  195,  337 

Labeatis,  II,  165 

Labeo,  see  Fabius 

Lacedaemon,  IV,  343 

Laehus,  Gaius,  20  (1),  21 

Laenas,  see  Popilius 

Laevinus,  see  Valerius 

Lake    Ascuris,    95;     Labeatis,    191; 

Lvchnidus 
Lampsacenes,  17  (4).  25 
Lampsacus,  IV,  23 
Lanuviuni,  V,  297 
Lapathus,  m,  97,  109 
Larinum,  V,  255 
Larisa,  in,  63,  111 

420 


Latin  Festival,  53,  145,  151.  157,  163 

Latin  Name,  229,  285,  403 

Latins,  43 

Laws,  see  Lex 

Lebadia,  IV,  341 

Lentulus,  see  Cornelius 

Lepidus.  see  Aemilius 

Lesbos,  IV,  122  (2),  357 

Leucas,  357;  Cape.  Ill,  91 

Lex  Aebutia.  56  (1);  Aemilia.  50  (1); 
ViUia  Annalis,  39  (3) 

Liber  and  Libera,  58  (1) 

Libertv,  Hall  of,  59,  295 

Libethmm,  III,  107 

Licinius.  Gaius,  335 ;  cf.  G.  Licinius 
:Nerva  (a);   Publius,  367 

Licinius  Crassus,  Gaius,  145-51, 157-9, 
251,  255,  299,  301;  PubHus,  13  (7), 
15.  16  (3),  21,  27,  85 

Licinius  Nerva,  Aulus,  149,  405; 
Gaius  (a),  255,  401;  cf.  335;  (6), 
297 

Ligurians,  I,  33, 103  (1),  403 

Ligus,  see  Aelius 

Lissus,  n,  73,  187-9 

Litemum,  V,  381 

Livius  Salinator,  Gaius.  41-3,  317 

Liw,  16  (3),  23  (3),  35  (4),  58  (1), 
61  (5),  64  (2),  65  (4),  70  (1),  73  (2), 
75  (2,  3),  77  (3),  87-8,  92  (1).  94  (1), 
97  (3),  102  (1),  105  (1),  109  (1), 
116  (1).  123  (2),  124  (1),  132  (1), 
136-7  (i),  152  (1),  154  (1),  155  (2), 
163  (2),  166  (1),  168  (3),  169  (4), 
173  (1),  181  (1),  186  (1),  191  (2), 
205  (1),  212  (1),  228  (1),  229  (2), 
245  (2),  248  (1),  249  (1),  255  (2), 
278  (2),  303  (2),  313  (3),  315  (1), 
316  (1),  319  (1),  322  (2),  329  (1), 
330  (1),  331  (-3),  332  (1),  338  (1), 
342  (1\  348  (1),  354  (1),  358  (3). 
380  (1),  387  (1),  395(1) 

Loracina  River,  V,  15 

Lorvma,  IV,  273 

Lua.  Mother.  361 

Lucan.  Pharsalia,  22  (1) 

Lucretius,  Spurius,  110  (2),  111,  115 ; 
(GaUus,  Gaius),  14  (7),  15-17,  21, 
29—33 

Luna,  I,  33.  286  (1),  287 

Luna  {moon),  361  (2) 

Luscus,  see  Annius,  Postumius 

Lutatius,  Gaius,  381 

Lvchnidus,  II,  35-7,  75,  155-7 

Ljcia,  I,  137  (1),  £15,  331-3,  368  (1) 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Lvcians,  137 
Lyciscus,  78  (1),  345 
Lyncestae,  II,  353 
Lysippus,  112  (1) 


MACEDONIA,  3,  5,  13  (7),  19,  25-7,  33 
39-45,  49,  53-5,  63-5,  73-5,  81, 
91-5,  101,  109-13,  125,  129-33, 
137-49,  153,  157-63,  167,  177,  181, 
185-7,  191,  207,  213,  223,  237,  245, 
249-53,  257-9,  267,  273,  287-9, 
297-9,  303,  319,  329,  333,  347, 
351-3,  359,  363-71,  377-9,  385,  389, 
395,407,  413;  Gulf  of,  125 

IMacedonian  War,  297 

Macedonians,  13,  63,  67,  73,  81-3,  97, 
113,  123,  135,  165,  179,  183-5,  197, 
203-5,  210  (1),  214  (1),  217,  225-7, 
228  (2),  231,  265-7,  273,  301-3, 
315,  347,  351,  352  (1),  357,  363,  367, 
373,  379,  401,  405,  413 

Macrobius,  87-8 

Maedica,  II,  175 

Maenius,  Quintus,  17,  25,  31,  35  (4) 

Magnesia,  III,  115,  125 

Mancinus,  see  Hostilius 

Manilius,  Publius,  301 

Manlius,  Aulus,  9,  271 ;  Lucius  (a), 
271;  (6),  287 

Manlius  Torquatus,  Aulus,  297 ;  Titus, 
43 

Marcellinus,  Ammianus,  119  (1) 

Marcellus,  see  Claudius 

March,  149,  150  (1),  152  (2),  163 

Marcius  Figulus,  Gaius,  29  (1),  39,  53, 
91,  95,  121,  131;  Titus,  47 

Marcius  Philippus,  Quintus,  (a),  39, 
43,  53,  91,  102  (1),  136  (1),  139, 
154  (1),  212  (1),  245,  299,  339; 
(6 — son  of  a),  97 

Marcius  Rex,  Publius,  7 

Maronea,  I,  29,  309,  347 

Mamicini,  V,  225 

Mars,  149,  153  (2),  295,  361 

Masgaba,  287-91,  409 

Masinissa,  13,  25,  287-91,  409 

Matienus,  Marcus  (Gaius  ?),  9 

Maximus,  see  Fabius,  Valerius 

Megalopolis,  IV,  343 

Meleon,  P,  81 

Meliboea,  III,  128  (1),  129-31,  241 

Memmius,  Titus,  21 

Memphis,  I,  277,  281 

Menecrates,  169 

Menon,  195 


Menophilus,  207 

•cury,  237 
Messana,  I,  313  (2),  317 
Metellus,  see  Caecilius 
Meteon,  II,  165,  195 
Methymna,  IV,  357 
Metrodorus,  165-7 
Micion,  27  (2) 
Micythion,  27-9,  33 
Midon,  197,  237 
Milesians,  IV,  23 
Minerva,  153  (2),  361 ;  Guardian  of  the 

Citadel,  343 
Miuervium,  P,  297 
]\Iiuturnae,  V,  47 
Minucius,  Marcus,  379 
Misagenes,  103,  291,  292  (1) 
Mitys  River,  III,  113 
Molossis,  III,  335 
Mommsen,  234  (1) 
Moneta,  Juno.  295 
Monunius,  187       ' 
Morcus,  165 
Mother  Lua,  361 
Mount,  see  Alban,  Athos,  Bora,  Citium, 

Olympus,   Ossa,  Papinus,   Scordus, 

Sicimina;    Mountains,   Alps,    Cam- 

bunian 
Mucius,  Quintus,  2  (1),  9 
Mucins  Scaevola,  Publius,  49 
Musca,  see  Sempronius 
Mylassa,  IV,  332  (1),  333 

Naevius  BALBUS,  Lucius,  287 

Is^aples,  10  (1) 

Nasica,  see  Cornelius 

Nearer  Spain,  see  Spain,  Nearer 

Neon,  233,  357 

Nero,  see  Claudius     i 

Nerva,  see  Licinius 

Nessus  River,  II,  347,  351 

Nezeros,  95  (1) 

Nicaeus,  Jupiter,  77 

Nicatores  (Conquerors),  71 

Nicias,  121 

Nicomedes,  405-9,  413 

Nile  River,  I,  151,  281 

Numa,  87 

Numisius  Tarquiniensis,  Titus,  299 

OAENEUM,  II,  69 

Ocean,  13 

Octavius,  Gnaeus,  61-3,  145-51,  157, 
163,  187,  195,  205-7,  241,  259,  265- 
7,  345-7,  363,  369,  385,  397 

421 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Odomanti.  II.  257 

Odrvsae,  II.  231 

Olcinium,  II.  335-9 

Old  Shops,  TI,  142  (i),  143 

Olonicus,  15  (2),  85 

Olympia,  IV,  343 

OlTmpio,  165 

Olrmpus,  iloxmt,  IH,  95  (1),  111,  115, 

196  (1) 
OlTnthus,  m,  133  (3) 
Onesimus.  141 
Oreus  ni  14  (7),  131,  187 
Oricum,  II,  363-5 
Origines,  331 
Oriundes  Eirer,  II,  191 
Oroandes.  263-5 
Oropus.  IV,  341 
Orosius,  14  (1) 
Orthosia.  IV.  333 
Ossa.  Mount.  ITT.  129 
Ottolobus.  m,  97 
Ovid.  Fasti,  59  (3),  152  (2);    Tristia, 

59(3) 

PAELIGM.  V.  225-31 

Paeonia,  II.  175,  349-51 

Paeonians,  349 

Paetus.  see  AeUus 

Pases.  Royal,  233,  265 

Palaepharsalus,  m.  91 

Palisade  (Cliarax),  109 

Pallene.  IH.  123-5,  351 

Pamphylia,  I,  319 

Pamphvlians,  133 

Pantauchus.  165,  179,  189,  203,  237 

Papinus,  Mount,  P,  283 

Papirius  Carbo,  Gaius,  145-7,  285-7 

Parmemo^65 

Parthini,  f^  75.  83.  189 

Passaron,  m,  335,  339,  363 

Paulus.  see  Aemilius 

Pausanias.  340  (2),  341  (4),  343  (2) 

Pelagonia,  II.  349 

Pelaffonians.  353 

PeUa".   Ill,    107,    121,    165,   173,    179, 

231-3.  237,  241-3,  349,  353,  363 
Pellaeum.  363 
Peloponnese,  IV,  61,  355 
Pelusium,  I,  151,  279-81 
Penates.  297 

Pencils  River,  HI,  109,  348  (2),  349 
Penestae.  H,  69,  75,  83,  127 
Perdiccas,  270  (1) 
Pergamum.  IV,  122  (2),  131,  183,  245, 

307,  367 

422 


Perpenna.  Marcus.  179.  195,  255  (1) 

Perrhaebia,  III,  95,  97  (4),  177,  207 

Perrhaebians,  207 

Perseus,  23-35,  39  (2),  41.  63-85,  92 
fl).  93-97,  113,  121.  125.  127  (2), 
iol,  135-9,  155  (2),  163-79,  185-9, 
195-7.  203.  206  (1).  210  (1),  211, 
232  (1),  233,  237-9.  243-5,  251, 
255-71,  277,  287,  309-11,  317-27, 
335,  338  (1),  339^7,  351,  355-7, 
363,  367,  379,  383-5,  389-93,  397- 
401,  405,  413 

Persians,  273 

Petilius,  Lucius,  179,  195 

Petitaurus  River,  HI,  81 

Petra.  ni.  197.  395 

Phacus,  107,  121.  241 

Phanae,  Cape.  IV,  181-5,  273 

Phanote.  II.  75,  81,  334  (2),  335 

Pharsalus,  Old.  HI,  91 

Phaselis.  I.  368  (1) 

Phila,  in, '97-9,  115-17,  203,  253  (1) 

Philip  (a—//),  73  (1),  122  (1),  133  (3), 
267,  273;  (6— TO,  4  (2).  5  (3),  23, 
31,  70  (1).  75  (2),  8i  (2),  92  (1), 
93.  141.  167,  315-19,  327,  368  (2), 
383,  391 ;  (c—son  of  Perseus),  239, 
267,  345,  385;  (d),  127 

Philippi,  n,  133  (3) 

PhiHppus.  see  Marcius 

Philocrates,  331 

Philophron,  314  (1) 

Philostratus,  81-3 

Philus,  see  Furius 

Phylace,  III,  335-7 

Pictor.  see  Fabius 

Pieria,  III,  113-15,  121,  153 

Pierian  forest,  233 

Piraeus,  IV,  341 

Pirustae,  11,  337 

Pisa.  I,  33.  286  (1),  287,  297,  301 

Pisans.  287 

Pista,  P,  337 

Placentia,  I,  225 

Plator.  187 

Plautus,  134  (3) 

Pleuratus  (a — father  of  Genlius),  75  (2), 
187;  {b — son  of  Gentius),l^o;  (c — 
envoy  of  Perseus),  71,  127 

PUnv,  yatnral  History,  173  (1),  214 
(1),  249  (1) 

Plutarch,  Aemilius  Paullus,  14  (1), 
65  (2),  73  (1),  76  (1),  146  (1),  162 
d),  197  (3),  198  (2),  202  (2),  206 
(1,  2),  207  (3),  210  (1),  214  (1),  216 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


(1),  225  (2),  226  (1),  227  (2),  232 
(1),  249  (1),  264  (2),  267  (2),  346  (2), 
364-5  (1),  373  (1),  390  (1),  391  (2), 
393  (1),  398  (1) 

Polias,  Poliouchos,  Athena,  342  (1) 

Pollio,  see  Asinius 

PoUux,  249  (1) 

Polraratus,     165,      185,      317,      368 

(i) 

Polybius,  10  (1),  14  (1),  23  (2),  24  (1), 
35  (4),  42  (2),  61  (5),  62  (1),  63  (2,  3), 
65  (4),  70  (2),  73  (1,  2),  75  (2),  77 
(3),  78  (1),  90  (2),  91  (5),  107  (2), 
110  (1,  2),  119  (1),  123  (2),  131  (1), 
132  (1),  136  (1),  137  (2),  151  (3), 
152  (1),  154  (1),  155  (2),  162  (1), 
163  (2),  168  (1,  3),  171  (1),  172  (1), 
181  (1),  182  (1),  186  (1),  187  (3), 
206  (1),  207  (3),  208  (1),  214  (IV 
228  (1),  255  (2),  273  (1),  27^^), 
282  (1),  285  (2),  303  (2),  305  (1), 
308  (1),  309  (2),  312  (1),  313  (2), 
314-15 (1),  316 (1),  320(1),  331  (2,  3), 
333  (1),  335  (3),  340  (1),  354  (1), 
355(2),  367(1),  368(1),  409 

Pomponius,  Marcus,  313 

Popilius,  Marcus,  9,  91,  103-5,  111, 
117,  129 

Popilius  Laenas,  Gaius,  51,  61,  63, 
79,  153,  185,  273-7,  281,  285,  323, 
368  (1),  413 

Porcius  Cato,  Marcus,  8  (1),  9,  303, 
329,  330  (1) 

Posideum,  Cape,  III,  124  (1),  125 

Postumius,  Gaius,  265 ;   Spurius,  9 

Postuinius  Albinus,  Aulus,  259,  345; 
Lucius  (a),  9,  49,  227,  339;  (6)  149 
(1),  295 

Postumius  Luscus,  Aulus,  55,  299 

Potidaea,  III,  122  (1)  (Gassandrea) 

Praeneste,  V,  9,  407-9 

Praetorship,  City,  297 

Primigenia,  see  Fortune 

Propertius,  143  (4) 

Prusias,  123,  135,  167,  405-9,  413 

Ptolemy  (a—/),  411  (1);  (b—VI, 
Philometor),  151,  277-81,  285,  323, 
367,  368  (1);  {c—Euergetes  II), 
151-3,  245,  285-7,  323,  367,  368  (1), 
409,  413 

Ptolemy,  House  of,  283 

Pulcher,  see  Claudius 

Punic  War  (a—/),  313  (2),  381 ;  (6— 
//),  12(6),  157(1),  291,  379,  381 

Puteoli,  V,  287,  291 


Pydna,   III,  107,   111,   123,   210   (1), 

231,  237,  241,  339  (1),  395 
Pyrrhus,  383 

Pytlio(a),  127;   (6),  141  ' 

Pythous   (Prthium),   III,  94  (I),  95, 

197,  206  (1),  209  / 

QUADRiGARrus,  Claudius,  137 
Quinctilius  Varus,   Publius  (a 

(b),  405 
Quinctius    Flamininus,    Lucius, 

Titus,  401,  405 
Quinquattus,  153 
Quiriual,  VI,  46  (1) 
Quirinus,  401,  405 

Raecius,  Marcus,  17  (4),  35,  39 

Heate,  V,  47 

Rebeilus,  see  Caninius 

Regillus,  see  Aemilius 

Rex,  see  Marcius 

Rhinocolura,  I,  281 

Rhizon,  II,  335-7 

Rhodes,  IV,  23  (2),  24  (1),  136-7  (1), 
165,  185,  205,  273-7,  313,  322  (1), 
327-33,  368  (1) 

Rhodians,  132  (3),  135-9,  165-7,  186 
(1),  187,  245,  255-7,  275-7,  310  (1), 
311-25,  329-31,  413 

River,  see  Acheloos,  Aratthus,  Artatus, 
Ascordus,  Axius,  Baphyrus,  Bar- 
banna.  Clausal,  Danube,  Drilou, 
Elpeiis,  Inachus,  Loracina,  Mitys, 
Nessus,  Nile,  Oriundes,  Penelis, 
Petitaurus,  Strymon,  Tiber 

Roma  (goddess),  23  (2) 

Roman  Games,  248  (1),  251 

Roman  People,  13,  25-31,  41,  49,  93, 
135-9,  143,  147  (1),  151-3,  159, 
167,  245,  257-9,  267-71,  289-91, 
299-303,  315,  321,  347,  357,  379-83, 
395,  399,  405-9,  413,  and  see 
Romans 

Romans,  4  (2),  7  (4),  10  (1),  11  (2),  13, 
23  (2),  27-9,  37,  43,  63-9,  73,  75  (2), 
79,  97  (2),  99,  105,  109, 113-17, 125- 
31,  135-9,  141,  147,  153,  163-73, 
177-9,  183,  187-9,  193,  202  (1), 
203,  206  (1),  209,  214  (1),  225,  229- 
35,  255-7,  261-5,  271,  277,  283-5, 
291,  305,  311,  317,  325,  329-37, 
341  (4),  353,  356  (1),  361,  362  (1), 
367,  383,  391,  399,  402  (1),  403,  and 
see  Roman  People 

Rome  (city),  15  (3),  16  (1),  17,  19  (1), 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


21-3.  S5,  39,  47,  51,  59  (3).  77  (5), 
83.  91,  132  (1),  133,  141,  143  (4). 
151-3,  195.  201,  205,  237,  245.  249, 
251  (1),  275,  285,  301,  305.  315. 
329-33,  337,  355,  363.  367,  368  (1). 
379,  383,  403-13:  (state),  12  (3), 
13  (6),  16  (2,  3),  23  (3),  24  (1),  25  (1), 
75  (2).  132  (2),  133  (3),  136  (1),  137, 
157  (1),  167,  183  (1).  245,  307  (2). 
308  (1),  317  (1),  322  (1),  335  (3), 
339,  355,  377,  381,  391,  397-9,  407 

Romulus,  405  (3) 

Eostra,  TI,  238  (1),  314  (1) 

Royal  Pages,  233,  265 

Rufus.  see  Curtius 

Rutilius,  PubUus,  55,  57  (2),  58  (1), 
142  (3),  143 

Rutilius  Calvus,  Publius,  405 

Sacp^d  SQUADROXS,  231 

Sacred  Way,  VI,  55 

Salinator,  see  Livius 

Saloniki,  4  (2).  and  see  Thessalonica 

Samnites,  T,  225 

Samos,  IV,  319 

Samothrace.  IV.  171.  239,  243,  253, 

259-65,  309,  345,  391,  395,  413 
Samothracians,  261-3 
Sardinia,  I,  41,   145-7,  284  (1),  285, 

297,  405 
Sardis,  IV,  367 
Saturn,  361  (2) 
Satuminus,  see  Apuleius 
Scaevola,  see  Mucins 
Scerdilaedus,  195 
Schone,  270  (1) 
Sciathus,  IV,  131 
Scipio.  see  Cornelius 
Scodra,  It  73,  191-5,  335-7 
Scordus,  Mount  (Skardos),  II,  73,  191 
Sea,  see  Adriatic,  Aegean 
Selepitani,  P,  337 
Sempronia,  Basilica,  143 
Sempronius,  Marcus,  299:  Titus,  371 
Sempronius  Blaesus,  Gains,  17 
Sempronius  Gracchus,  Tiberius,  49,  51, 

55-61,  143,  295 
Sempronius  Musca,  Titus,  287 
September,  59,  211  (2),  217,  248  (1), 

251 
Sergius  Silus,  Marcus,  225 
Serranus,  see  Atilius 
Servilius,  Marcus,  43,  373-5 
Servilius  Caepio.  Gnaeus,  39,  43,  53, 

143.  149.  157 


Serrius.  250  (1).  361  (2) 
Seven  against  Thebes,  341  (4) 
Shields,  Silver,  70  (1) ;  Bronze,  "WTiite, 

227 
Shops,  Old,  VI,  142  (4),  143 
Sicilians,  155 
Sicily,  I,  11,  41,  45,  145-7,  297,  317, 

405 
Sicimina,  Mount,  P,  283 
Sicinius  G^ius,  21;   Gnaeus,  21  (1) 
Sicyon,  IV,  343 
Sigeum,  IV,  ISl 
Silus.  see  Sergius 
Silver-shields,  70  (1) 
Sintica.  H,  241,  347-9 
Sirae  (Sirrhae).  n,  257,  259  (1) 
Smyrna,  IV,  22  (1) 
Solon,  237 
Solovettius,  367 
Spain,  7,  11,  14  (7).  41,  45,  85,  145-7, 

257,    295;      (Farther),    I,    9,    297; 

(Nearer),  I,  8  (1),  9,  297;  Spains,  7, 

404  (1),  405 
Spaniards,  7,  10  (1),  11,  383 
Sparta,  IV,  322  (2),  323 
Spartianus,  303  (1) 
Spoletium,  V,  67-9,  403 
Squadrons,  Sacred,  231 
Stertinius,  Lucius,  293 
Stobi,  II.  351 
Strabo,  173  (1).  183  (1),  274  (1),  340 

(2) 
Stratius,  305-9 
Stratus,  ni,  76  (3),  77-81 
Strvmon   River,   II,    174   (1),   237-9, 

347,  351.  363 
Stuberra,  II,  65,  69-73 
Subota,  IV,  181,  183  (1) 
Subulo,  see  Decius 
Suetonius,  Augustus,   59  (3);    Gaius, 

45(1) 
SuUa,  see  Cornelius 
Sulpicius,  Gaius,  5,  and  cf.  Sulpicius 

GaUus 
Sulpicius  Galba,  Servius,  369-77,  389, 

413 
Sulpicius  Gallus,  Gaius,  9,  39,  49,  53, 

59,  140  (1),  141,  145,  214  (1),  215, 

245,339,  345,403 
Svnnada,  I,  367 
Syphax,  267,  385 
Svracuse,  I,  362  (1),  369  (3) 
sVria,    I,    151,    153,    167,    245,    277, 
"285,     319,    413;     Hollow    (Coele), 

281 


424 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


TACITUS,  Annals,  22  (1),  45  (1);    Ger- 

mania,  173  (1) 
Tamphilus,  see  Baebius 
Tarentum,  I,  143 
Taulantia,  II,  337 
Tauropolos,  Diana,  235 
Tecmon,  III,  335-7 
Tempe,  III,  64  (1),  109-11,  115-17 
Temple  of  Moneta,  VI,  295;    of  the 

Penates,  YI,  297 
Tenedos,  IV,  181 
Terence,  140  (1) 

Terentius  Tuscivicanus,  Publius,  301 
Terentius  Varro,  157  (1);  Aulus,  299 
Terminalia,  41,  405 
Teuticus,  193 
Thalna,  see  lurentius 
Thasos,  IV,  133  (3) 
Theaedetus,  331  (2) 
Thebes,  IV,  61,  341  (4),  357 
Theodotus     (a),     331;      (b)     335-7; 

(c),  335 
Theogenes,  197 
Theondas,  261-3 
Thermopylae,  III,  317 
Thesprotians,  III,  75,  83 
Thessalonica,    III,    107,    121-3,    129, 

165,  183,  195,  205,  237,  267,  349- 

51 ;  see  also  4  (2) 
ThessalT,  III,  3,  65,  91,  94  (1),  95, 109, 

113,   121,   129,   133,   177,  243,  257, 

338  (1),  339,  348  (1),  351 
Thrace,  I,  65,  85,  177,  263,  273,  399, 

401 
Thracians,  225-7,  235-9,  401 
Thvrreum,  III,  63 
Tiber,  V,  253,  369 
Tibur,  V,  11 
Tisippus,  345 
Titinius,  Marcus,  9 
Torone,  III,  129,  351 ;  Gulf  of,  125 


Torquatus,  see  Manlius 
Trebellius,  Marcus,  75 
Tremellius,  Gnaeus,  295 
Trogus,  358  (2) 
Trophonius,  340  (2),  341 
Troy,  IV,  341 
Tubero,  see  Aelius 
Tuscivicanus,  see  Terentius 
Tusculum,  V,  329  (1) 
Twelve  Tables,  346  (1) 
Tymphaeis,  III,  353 

USC.'^U,  II,  35,  65-9,  73  (2),  74  (1), 
75 

Valerius,  Marcus,  297 

Valerius  Antias,  132  (1),  133,  380  (1), 

391,  403 
Valerius  Laevinus,  Gaius,  49 
Valerius   Maximus,    16    (1),    214    (1), 

249  (1),  292  (1) 
Varro,  see  Terentius 
Varus,  see  Quinctilius 
Vegetius,  202  (1) 
Veil,  V,  149 
Velia,  VI,  297 
Verona,  I,  88 
Vestini,  V,  225 
Vettii,  II,  353 
Vicus  Tuscus,  VI,  143  (4) 
Yillia  Annalis,  Lex,  39  (3) 
Volsinii,  V,  143 
Volustana,  III,  95  (1),  97 
Vortumnus,  VI,  143 

White  Shields,  227 

XERXES,  97  (4) 

Zama,  I,  316  (1) 

Zeus,  77  (5),  340  (2),  aJid  see  Jupiter 


425 


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VOLUMES   ALREADY   PUBLISHED 
Latin  Authors 

Ammianus  Marcellinus.     Translated  by  J.  C.  Rolfe.     3  Vols. 

{2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Apuleius  :   The  Golden  Ass  (Metamorphoses).     W.  Adling- 

ton(1566).     Revised  by  S.  Gaselee.     (1th  Imp.) 
St.  Augustine,  Confessions  of.     W.  Watts  (1631).     2  Vols. 

(Vol.  I.  1th  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  &th  Imp.) 
St.  Augustine,  Select  Letters.     J.  H.  Baxter. 
AusoNius.     H.  G.  Evelyn  White.     2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Bede.     J.  E.  King.     2  Vols. 
BoETHius  :     Tracts    and    De    Consolatione    Philosophiae. 

Rev.  H.  F.  Stewart  and  E.  K.  Rand.     (Uh  Imp.) 
Caesar  :   Civil  Wars.     A.  G.  Peskett.     {5th  Imp.) 
Caesar  :    Gallic  War.     H.  J.  Edwards.     (9//i  Imp.) 
Cato  :  De  Re  Rustica  ;  and  Varro  :  De  Re  Rustica.     H.  B. 

Ash  and  W.  D.  Hooper.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Catullus.     F.  W.  Cornish;    Tibullus.     J.  B.  Postgate ;    and 

Pervigilium  Veneris.     J.  W\  Mackail.     {\2th  Imp.) 
Celsus  :     De   Medicina.     W.   G.    Spencer.     3   Vols.     (Vol.   I. 

3rd  hnp.  revised.) 
Cicero  :    Brutus,  and  Orator.     G.  L.  Hendrickson  and  H.  M. 

Hubbell.     {Zrd  Imp.) 
CiCERO:  De  Fato  ;  Paradoxa  Stoicorum  ;  De  Partitione  Orat- 

ORIA.     H.  Rackham.     (With  DeOratore,  Vol.  II.)     {2nd Imp.) 
Cicero  :   De  Finibus.     H.  Rackham.     {Uh  Imp.  revised.) 
Cicero  :    De  Inventione,  etc.     H.  M.  Hubbell. 
Cicero  :   De  Natura  Deorum  and  Academica.     H.  Rackham. 

{2nd  Imp.) 
Cicero  :  De  Officiis.     Walter  Miller,     {ith  Itnp.) 
Cicero  :    De  Oratore.     2  Vols.     E.  W.  Sutton  and  H.  Rack- 
ham.    {2nd  Imp.) 
Cicero  :    De  Republica  and  De  Legibus.     Clinton  W.  Keyes. 

{3rd  Imp.) 
Cicero  :     De    Senectute,    De    Amicitia,    De    Divinatione. 

W.  A.  Falconer.     {5th  Imp.) 
Cicero  :  In  Catilinam,  Pro  Flacco,  Pro  Murena,  Pro  Sulla. 

Louis  E.  Lord.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Cicero  :     Letters    to    Atticus.     E.    O.    Winstedt.     3    Vols. 

(Vol.  I.  eth  Imp.,  Vols.  II.  and  III.  3rd  Itnp.) 
Cicero  :    Letters  to  His  Friends.     W.  Glynn  Williams.     3 

Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  'Srd  Imp.,  Vol.  III.  2nd  imp.  revised.) 


Cicero  :  Philippics.     W.  C.  A.  Ker.     {3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Cicero  :    Pro  Archia,  Post  Reditttm,  De  Domo,  De  Harcs- 

piccM  PvESPOxsis,  Pro  Plaxcio.     X.  H.  Watts.     (2nc?  Imp.) 
Cicero  :    Pro   Caecen'a,   Pro   Lege  ]\Iaxilia,   Pro   Ceue>-tio, 

Pro  Rabirio.     H.  Grose  Hodge,     (ith  Imp.) 
Cicero  :   Pro  Miloxe,  In  Pisoxem,  Pro  Scatjro,  Pro  Foxteio, 

Pro   Pvabirio  Postumo,  Pro  Marcello,  Pro  Ligario,  Pro 

Rege  Deiotaro.     X.  H.  AVatts.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Cicero  :    Pro  Quinctio,  Pro  Roscio  Amerixo,  Pro  Roscio 

CoMOEDO,  Contra  RTTLLrii.     J.  H.  Freese.     (2?id  Ijyip.) 
Cicero  :    Tuscuean  Disputations.     J.  E.  King.     (3rd  Imp.) 
Cicero  :    Verrene  Orations.     L.  H.  G.  Greenwood.     2  Vols, 

(Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Clacdian.     M.  Platnauer.      2  Vols. 
Columella  :    De  Re  Rustica.     H.  B.  Ash.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  I. 

2nd  Imp.) 
Curtius,  Q.  :    History  of  Alexander.     J.  C.  Rolfe.     2  Vols. 
Florus.     E.  S.  Forster,  and  Cornelius  X'epos.     J.  C.  Rolfe. 

{2nd  Imp.) 
Frontinus  :   Stratagems  and  Aqueducts.     C.  E.  Bennett  and 

M.  B.  McElwain.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Fronto  :    Correspondence.     C.  R.  Haines.     2  Vols. 
Gellius.     J.  C.  Rolfe.      3  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Horace  :  Odes  and  Epodes.  C.  E.  Bennett.  {I3th  Imp.  revised.) 
Horace  :   Satires,  Epistles,  Aus  Poetica.     H.  R.  Fairclough. 

{dth  Imp.  revised.) 
Jerome  :    Selected  Letters.     F.  A.  Wright. 
Juvenal  and  Persius.     G.  G.  Ramsav.     {~th  Imp.) 
Livv.     B.  O.  Foster,  F.  G.  Moore,  Evan  T.  Sage,  and  A.  C. 

Sclilesinger.     14    Vols.     Vols.    I.-XII.    (Vol.    I.     3rd    Imp., 

Vols.  II.-VI.,  \T:I.,  IX.-XIL,  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Luc  AN.     J.  D.  Duff.     (3rd  Imp.) 
Lucretius.     W.  H.  D.  Rouse.     (6^^  Imp.  reined.) 
Martial,  W.  G.  A.  Ker.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  oth  Imp.,  Vol.  II. 

ith  Imp.  revised.) 
Minor   Latin    Poets  :     from    Publilius    Syrus    to    Rutilius 

Xamatianus,    including     Grattius,    Calpurnius     Siculus, 

X^EMESIANUS,  AvLiNUS,  and  others  with   "  Aetna  "  and  the 

"Phoenix.^'     J.  Wight  Duff  and  Arnold  M.  Duff.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Ovid  :    The  Art  of  Love  and  Other  Poems.     J.  H.  Mozley. 

(3rd  Imp.) 
Ovid  :    Fasti.     Sir  James  G.  Frazer.     {2nd  Imp.) 
OvTD  :   Heroides  and  Amores.     Grant  Showerman.     {ith  Imp.) 
Ovid  :    Metamorphoses.     F.  J.  ^Mill-jr.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  9th 

Imp.,  Vol.  II.  Ith  Imp.) 
Ovid  :    Tristia  and  Ex  Ponto.     A.  L.  Wheeler.     (2/id  Iinp.) 
Persius.     Cf.  Juvenal. 
Petronius.         M.     Heseltine ;      Seneca  :      Apocolocyntosis. 

W.  H.  D.  Rouse.     {8th  Imp.  revised.) 
Plautus.     Paul  Xixon.     5  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  5th  Imp.,  Vol. 

ni.  ith  Imp.,  Vols.  IV.  and  V.  2/(d  Imp.) 


Pliny  :    Letters.      Melmoth's  Translation  revised  by  W.  M.  L. 

Hutchinson.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  6th  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  4th  Imp.) 
Pliny  :   Natural  History.     H.  Rackham  and  W.  H.  S.  Jones. 

10   Vols.     Vols.    I.-V.     H.    Rackham.     Vol.   VI.     W.   H.   S. 

Jones.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  II.  and  III.  2nd  Imp.) 
Propertius.     H.  E.  Butler.     I^bth  Imp.) 
Prudentius.     H.  J.  Thomson.     2  Vols.     Vol.  I. 
QuiNTiLiAN.     H.  E.  Butler.      4  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Remains  of  Old  Latin.     E.  H.  Warmington.     4  Vols.     VoL  I. 

(Ennius     and     Caecilius.)     Vol.     II.     (Livius,     Naevius, 

Pacuvius,    Accius.)     Vol.    III.     (Lucilius    and    Laws    of 

XII    Tables.)     Vol.    IV.    {2nd    Imp.)     (Archaic    Inscrip- 
tions.) 
Sallust.     J.  C.  Rolfe.     {Zrd  Imp.  revised.) 
ScRiPTORES  Historiae  Augustae.     D.  Magie.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  I. 

2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Seneca  :  Apocolocyntosis.     Cf.  Petronius. 
Seneca  :     Episttjlae    Morales.     R.    M.    Gummere.     3    Vols. 

(Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  II.  and  III.  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Seneca  :    Moral  Essays.     J.  W.  Basore.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  II. 

3rd  Imp.,  Vol.  III.  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Seneca  :  Tragedies.     F.  J.  Miller.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
SiDONius  :  Poems  and  Letters.    \V.  B.  Anderson.    2  Vols.  Vol.  I. 
SiLius   Italicus.     J.   D.   Duff.     2   Vols.     (Vol.   I.     2nd  hnp.. 

Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
Statius.     J.  H.  5lozley.     2  Vols. 
Suetonius.     J.  C.  Rolfe.     2  Vols.     (Vol,  I.  1th  Imp.,  Vol.  II. 

Qth  Imp.  revised.) 
Tacitus  :     Dialogus.       Sir    Wm.    Peterson.       Agricola    and 

Germania.     Mavirice  Hutton.     {Qth  lynp.) 
Tacitus  :    Histories  and  Annals.     C.  H.  Moore  and  J.  Jack- 
son.    4  Vols.     (Vols.  I  and  II.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  2nd 

Imp.) 
Terence.     John  Sargeaunt.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  ^th  Imp.,  Vol.  II, 

bth  Imp.) 
Tertullian  :    Apologia  and  De  Spectaculis.     T.  R.  Glover. 

MiNUCius  Felix.     G.  H.  Rendall. 
Valerius  Flaccus.     J.  H.  Mozley.     (2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Varro  :  De  Lingua  Latina.     R.  G.  Kent.     2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp. 

revised.) 
Velleius  Paterculus  and  Res  Gestae  Divi  Augusti,     F.  W, 

Shipley. 
Virgil.     H.  R,  Fairclough.     2  Vols.      (Vol.  I.  17</i /mp..  Vol.  11. 

13^^  Imp.  revised.) 
ViTRUVius  :  De  Architectura.     F.  Granger.     2  Vols,     (Vol.  I, 

2nd  Imp.) 


Greek  Authors 

Achilles  Tatlts.     S.  Gaselee.     {2/1(1  Imp.) 

Aeneas    Tactictts,    AscLEPiODOxrs    and    Onasaxder.      The 

Illinois  Greek  Club.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Aeschixes.     C.  D.  Adams.     (2nd  Im,p.) 
AESCHYLrs.     H.    Weir    Smyth.      2    Vols.     (Vol.    I.    bth    Imp., 

Vol.  II.  Uh  Imp.) 
Alclphron,  Aeliax,  PHiLOSTRATrs  LETTERS.       A.  Pv .  Benner 

and  F.  H.  Fobes. 
Andocides,  Axtiphox.     Cf.  Minor  Attic  Orators. 
Apollodorus.     Sir  James  G.  Frazer.      2  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Apolloxius  Rhodhts.     R.  C.  Seaton.     {-kth  Imp.) 
The  Apostolic  Fathers.     Kirsopp  Lake.     2  Vols.     {Ith  Imp.) 
Appian  :    Roman  History.     Horace  White.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I. 

3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  II.,  III.  and  IV.  2nd  Imp.) 
Aratcs.     Cf.  Caelimachts. 
Aristophanes.     Benjamin    Bickley    Rogers.     3    Vols.     Verse 

trans.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  bth  Imp.,  Vol.  III.  ^th  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :    Art  of  Rhetoric.     J.  H.  Freese.     (3r(i  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :      Athenian     CoNsiiTrTiON,     EuDEiiiAN     Ethics, 

Vices  and  Vxetues.     H.  Rackham.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :     Generation    of   Animaes.     A.    L.    Peck.     {2nd 

Imp.) 
Aristotle  :  Metaphysics.    H.  Tredennick.    2  Vols.    {Zrd  Imp.) 
Aristotle:     Minor   Works.     W.    S.   Hett.     On   Coloiirs,*On 

Things  Heard,  On  Physiognomies,  On  Plants,  On  Marvellous 

Things   Heard,    Mechanical   Problems,   On   Indivisible   Lines, 

On  Situations  and  Names  of  Winds,  On  Melissus,  Xenophanes, 

and  Gorgias. 
Aristotle  :   Xicomachean  Ethics.     H.  Racliliam.     {bth  Imp. 

revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Oeconomica  and  Magna  Moralia.     G.  C.  Arm- 
strong;    (with  Metaphysics,  Vol.  II.).     (3rrf  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :    On  the  Heavens.     W.  K.  C.  Guthrie.     {2nd  Imp. 

revised.) 
Aristotle  :    On  the  Soitl,  Parva  Xatcralia,  On  Breath. 

W.  S.  Hett.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Organon.     H.  P.  Cooke  and  H.  Tredennick.     3 

Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle:    Parts   of  Animals.     A.  L.   Peck;    Motion  and 

Progression     of    AN^MALs.     E.     S.     Forster.     (2nd     Imp. 

revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Physics.     Rev.  P.  Wicksteed  and  F.  M.  Comford. 

2  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle:     Poetics    and    Longinus.     W.    Hamilton    Fyfe; 

Demetrius  on  Style.     W.  Rhys  Roberts.    {Uh  Imp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :   Politics.     H.  Rackham.     {Uh  Imp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Problems.     W.  S.  Hett.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd 

Imp.  revised.) 

4 


Aristotle  :     Rhetobica   Ad    Alexandrum   (with   Problems, 

Vol.  II.).     H.  Rackham. 
Arrian  :   History  of  Alexander  and  Indica.     Rev.  E.  Iliffe 

Robson.      2  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Athenaeus  :      Deipnosophistae.       C.    B,    Gulick.       7    Vols. 

(Vols.  I.,  v.,  and  VI.  2nd  Imp.) 
St.  Basil  :    Letters.     R.  J.  Deferrari.     4  Vols.     (Vols.  I.,  II. 

and  IV.  2nd  Imp.) 
Callimachus  and  Lycophron.     A.  W.  Mair;    Aratus.     G.  R. 

Mair.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Clement  of  Alexandria,    Rev.  G.  W.  Butterworth.    {2nd  Imp.) 

COLLUTHUS.       Cf.  OpPIAN. 

Daphnis     and     Chloe.     Thornley's     Translation     revised     by 

J.  M.  Edmonds  ;    and  Parthenius.      S.  Gaselee.     (3rd  Imp.) 
Demosthenes  I:  Olynthiacs,  Philippics  and  Minor  Orations: 

I.-XVII.  and  XX.     J.  H.  Vince. 
Demosthenes   II  :    De   Corona  and   De   Falsa   Legatione. 

C.  A.  Vince  and  J.  H.  Vince.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Demosthenes  III  :  Meidias,  Androtion,  Aristocrates,  Timo- 

crates  and  Aristogeiton,  I.  and  II.     J.  H.  Vince. 
Demosthenes  IV-VI  :    Private  Orations  and  In  Neaeram. 

A.  T.  Murray.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Demonsthenes  VII :  Funeral  Speech,  Erotic  Essay,  Exordia 

and  Letters.     N.  W.  and  N.  J.  DeWitt. 
Dio  Cassius  :    Roman  History.     E.  Cary.     9  Vols.     (Vols.  I. 

and  II.  2nd  Imp.) 
Dio  Chrysostom.     J.  W.   Cohoon  and  H.   Lamar  Crosby.     5 

Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  2nd  Imp.) 
Diodorus   Siculxjs.      12  Vols.     Vols.   I.-V.     C.  H.   Oldfather. 

Vol.  IX.     R.  M.  Geer.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Diogenes  Laertius.     R.  D.  Hicks.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  4:th  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  Zrd  Imp.) 
Dionysius   of  Halicarnassus  :    Roman  Antiquities.     Spel- 

man's  translation  revised  by  E.  Cary.     7  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and 

IV.  2nd  Imp.) 
Epictetus.     W.  a.  Oldfather.     2  Vols.     (Vols.  I  and  II.  2nd 

Imp.) 
Euripides.     A.  S.  Way.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  1th  Imp.  and  II.,  IV. 

^th  Imp.,  Vol.  III.  bth  Imp.)     Verse  trans. 
EusEBius  :      Ecclesiastical    History.     Kirsopp     Lake     and 

J.  E.  L.  Oulton.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
Galen  :     On   the    Natural   Faculties.     A.    J.    Brock.     (3rd 

Imp.) 
The  Greek  Anthology.     W.  R.  Paton.     5  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and 

II.  Uh  Imp.,  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  3rd  Imp.,  Vol.  V.  2nd  Imp.) 
Greek   Elegy   and   Iambus   with   the   Anacreontea.     J.   M. 

Edmonds.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
The   Greek   Bucolic   Poets   (Theocritus,   Bion,   Moschus). 

J.  M.  Edmonds.     {1th  Imp.  revised.) 
Greek  Mathematical  Works.     Ivor  Thomas.     2  Vols.     (2nd 

Imp.) 

5 


Hebodes.     Cf.  Theophrastus  :    Characters. 

HERODOTrs.     A.  D.  Godlev.      4  Vols.     (Vols.  I.-III.  ith  Imp., 

Vol.  IV.  3rd  Imp.) 
Hesiod    and   The   Homeric    Hymns.      H.    G.    Eveh-n   White. 

(Ith  Imp.  revised  and  enlarged.) 
Hippocrates  and  the  Fragments  of  Heracleitus.     W.  H.  S. 

.Jones  and  E.  T.  Withington.      4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  &  II.  Srd  7mp., 

Vols.  III.  &  l\.:2nd  Im.p.) 
Homer  :    Iliad.     A.  T.  Murray.     2  Vols.     {Qth  Imp.) 
Homer  :    Odyssey.     A.  T.  Murray.     2  Vols.     {~th  Imp.) 
IsAEUS.     E.  W.  Forster.     I^2nd  Imp.) 

IsocRATES.      George  Xorlin  and  LaRue  Van  Hook.      3  Vols. 
St.  Johx   Damascene  :    Barlaam  and   Ioasaph.     Rev.  G.  R. 

Woodward  and  Harold  Mattingly.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
JosEPHTTS.     H.  St.  J.  Thackerav  and  Ralph  Marcus.      9  Vols. 

Vols.  I.-VII.     (Vol.  V.  3rd  Irr^p.,  Vol.  VI.  2nd  Imp.) 
JrxiAN.     Wilmer  Cave  Wright.     3   Vols.     (Vol.   I.   2nd  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  2,rd  Imp.) 
LuciAN.     A.  M.  Harmon.      8  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.     (Vols.  I-ni. 

3rd  Imp.) 
Lycophron.     Cf.  Callimachxts. 
Lyra  Graeca.     J.  M.  Edmonds.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  Uh  Imp., 

Vol.    II.   2nd   Ed.    revised    and    enlarged,    Vol.    III.    Uh    Imp. 

revised.) 
Lysias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb.     i2nd  Imp.) 
Manetho.     W.  G.  Waddell  :    Ptolemy  :    Tetrabiblos.     F.  E. 

Robbins.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Marcus  ArBELirs.     C.  R.  Haines.     (3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Menandeb.     F.  G.  Allinson.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Minor    Attic    Orators    (Antiphon,    Andocides,    Demades, 

Deinarchus,    Hypereedes).     K.    J.    Maidment    and    J.    O. 

Burrt.      2  Vols.     Vol.  I.      K.  J.  Maidment. 
XoNNOS  :    DiONYSiACA.     W.  H.  D.  Rouse.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  III. 

2nd  Imp.) 
Oppian,  CoLLrTHUs,  Tryphiodorus.     a.  W.  Mair. 
Papyri.     Xon-Literary  Selections.     A.  S.  Hunt  and  C.  C. 

Edgar.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.)     Literary  Selections. 

VoL  I.  (Poetry).     D.L.Page.     {3rd  Imp.) 
Parthenius.     Cf.  Daphnis  and  Chloe. 
Pausanias  :    Description  of   Greece.     W.   H.   S.   Jones.     5 

Vols,    and   Companion   Vol.   arranged   bv   R.    E.   Wycherley. 

(Vols.  I.  and  III.  2nd  Imp.) 
Phllo.      II  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.;    F.  H.  Colson  and  Rev.  G.  H. 

Whitaker.     Vols.  VI. -IX. ;    F.  H.  Colson.     (Vols.  I.,  II.,  V., 

VI.  and  VII.  2nd  Imp.,  Vol.  IV.  3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Philostratcs  :    The  Life  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana.     F.  C. 

Conybeare.      2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  Uh  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
Philostratus  :      Imagines  ;      Callistratits  :     Descriptions. 

A.  Fairbanks. 
Phllostrattts    and     EcNAPrrs  :      Lives    of    the    Sophists. 

Wilmer  Cave  Wright.     {2nd  Im.p.) 


PiNDAE.     Sir  J.  E.  Sandys.     {1th  Imp.  revised.) 

Plato  :    Charmides,  Alcibiades,  Hipparchus,  The  Lovers, 

Theages,  Minos  and  Epinomis.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Plato  :    Cratylus,   Parmenides,   Greater  Hippias,   Lesser 

HIPPL4.S.     H.  N.  Fowler.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Plato  :     Euthyphro,    Apology,   Crito,   Phaedo,   Phaedrus. 

H.  N.  Fowler,     {dth  Imp.) 
Plato  :  Laches,  Protagoras,  Meno,  Euthydemus.     W.  R.  M. 

Lamb.     (3rrf  Imp.  revised.) 
Plato  :   Laws.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     2  Vols.     (3rd  Imp.) 
Plato  :    Lysis,  Symposium,  Gorgias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb.     {Uh 

Imp.  revised.) 
Plato  :    Republic.     Paul  Shorey.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  Uh  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
Plato  :  Statesman,  Philebus.     H.  N.  Fowler  ;  Ion.     AV.  R.  M. 

Lamb.     (4f/(  lynp.) 
Plato  :   Theaetetus  and  Sophist.     H.  N.  Fowler.     {Uh  Imp.) 
Plato  :   Timaeus,  Critias,  Clitopho,  Menexenus,  Epistulae. 

Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     (3rd  Imp.) 
Plutarch:    Moralia.      14  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.     F.  C.  Babbitt; 

Vol.  VI.     W.  C.  Helmbold  ;  Vol.  X.     H.  N.  Fowler.     (Vols.  I., 

III.,  and  X.  2nd  Imp.) 
Plutarch  :     The    Parallel    Lives.      B.    Perrin.       II    Vols. 

(Vols.  I.,  II.,  and  VII.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  III.,  IV.,  VI.,  and  VIII.- 

XI.  2nd  Imp.) 
PoLYBius.     W.  R.  Paton.     6  Vols. 
Procopius  :    History  of  the  Wars.     H.  B.  Dewing.     7  Vols. 

(Vol.  I.  2??d  Imp.) 
Ptolemy  :    Tetrabiblos.     Cf.  Manetho. 

Quintus  Smyrnaeus.     a.  S.  Way.     Verse  trans.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Sextus  Empiricus.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  and 

III.  2nd  Imp.) 
Sophocles.     F.  Storr.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  Wi  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  Qth 

Imp.)     Verse  trans. 
Strabo  :    Geography.     Horace  L.  Jones.     8  Vols.     (Vols.  I. 

and  VIII.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  II.,  V„  and  VI.  2nd  Imp.) 
Theophrastus  :     Characters.     J.    M.    Edmonds;     Herodes, 

etc.     A.  D.  Knox.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Theophrastus  :     Enquiry    into    Plants.     Sir    Arthur    Hort, 

Bart.     2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Thucydides.     C.  F.  Smith.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols. 

II.,  III.  and  IV.  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Tryphiodorus.     Cf.  Oppian. 

Xenophon  :  Cyropaedia.     Walter  Miller.     2  Vols,     {^rdlmp.) 
Xenophon  :  Hellenica,  Anabasis,  Apology,  and  Symposium. 

C.  L.  Brownson  and  O.  J.  Todd.     3  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  III. 

3rd  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  ^th  Imp.) 
Xenophon  :  Memorabilia  and  Oeconomicus.     E.  C.  Marchant. 

(2nd  Imp.) 
Xenophon  :    Scripta  Minora,     E.  C.  Marchant.     (2nd  Imp.) 


IN   PREPARATION 


Greek  Authors 

Abtstott.f.  :    De  MrxDO,  etc.     D.  Furley  and  E.  M.  Forster. 
Aristotle  :  History  of  Animals.     A.  L.  Peck. 
Aristotle  :  Meteorologica.     H.  D.  P.  Lee. 
PLOTLS'rs  :  A.  H.  Armstrong. 


Latin  Authors 

St.  Augustine  :  City  of  God. 
[Cicero]  :  Ad  Herexnium.     H.  Caplan. 

Cicero  :  Pro  Sestio,  In  Vatinium,  Pro  Caelio,  De  Provinchs 
CoNSULARiBUS,  Pro  Balbo.     J.  H.  Freese  and  R.  Gardner. 
Phaedrus.     Ben  E.  Perry. 


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